83

and civilised, it nevertheless reinforces the West more than it does South

Africa. South Africa’s worth Is being measured against Western norms61,

South Africa is therefore added to the West in a way which reinforces the

West and marginalises those forms of South African culture which are not

Western. As Socialist Review (1994: p6) points out:

conceptual changes attempting to add the margin to the centre

continue to valorise that centre and often end up ‘adding’ or

‘including’ in ways that reinscribe rather than dismantle existing

power relations,

Although guests at the other lunch are to be served “traditional South

African fare”, Including umnggusho (a Xhosa speciality) they are

nevertheless at the second luncheon, not the state luncheon; they are the

'less Important guests’ who will not dine with President Mandela (rather

they will be addressed by him on the Smuts lawn at 4.10pm) . It Is also

Interesting to note that no mention of wine Is made In connection with the

second luncheon which is significant, considering that it signifies

elegance, sophistication and civility. Also, there Is no string quartet there

to entertain them while they are lunching (or at least no mention is made

61 It should be noted that the West has been constructed as sophisticated and civilised and therefore It is Its cultural forms which have been represented as the objective Indicators of these values. Although 'good food and wine’ and 'string quartets' are localised/specific forms of what It means to be civilised, they have nevertheless been unlversallsed due to Western hegemony. That Is, Western cultural forms have become the ‘universal’ norm, even though there Is no objective way of determining whether they are ‘better’.

of one). On top of this, the general public (‘the people1, so to speak) are to

be entertained, not by string quartets, but by local artists who play music

of African/ Afro-American origin. Thus, although African cultural forms are

mentioned they are only really done so In relation to 'the people’ and, to a

lesser extent, to the ‘less important dignitaries'. Consequently, The Star

constructs a hierarchy of civility within the New South Africa: at the top,

Western cultural forms, and, as you go down, less Western. The Star

therefore appears to privilege Western culture and Identity over African

culture and identity.

10 MAY 1994

The international Community as National Symbol

We Ye on top o f the world. This was The Star’s front page headline on

the day of Mandela's inauguration (see Appendix D). It Is an Interesting

headline in that it Incorporates a number of consensual strategies62 which

encourage the reader to identify positively with the New South Africa, or,

to be more specific, with The Star's particular construction of the New

South Africa. The Star's construction of the New South Africa is not

definitive, it is rather a specific or local form of what the New South Africa

68 A consensual strategy Is a discursive practice which fashions consensus around a particular proposition or, more specifically, around the values and beliefs contained within that proposition. Please note that I use the term strategy with a certain amount of reluctance as It Implies Intention, And, as I have mentioned earlier In this paper, we cannot assume intention,

85

means. However, the use of various consensual strategies creates the

illusion that what Is specific Is actually general. That Is, it leads us to

believe that consensus actually exists around The Star's notion of what

the New South Africa means.

The adoption of a conversational style is the first consensual strategy

taken up by the above headline. It helps to manufacture consensus via

suggestions of Informality:

The reasons for adopting a conversational style have partly to do

with the construction of an Illusion of Informality, familiarity,

friendliness. But there Is a more Important ideological reason. The

ideological function of conversation is to naturalise the terms In

which reality Is represented, and the categories those terms

represent. Conversation Implies co-operation, agreement, symmetry

of power and knowledge between participants (contrast classroom

discourse or textbook language). If you address someone in a

conversational mode, you are assuming - unconsciously -

agreement between the two of you concerning the basic reference

points to which the conversation Is anchored. Conversation Implies a

commonly held view of the world, a shared subjective reality that Is

taken for granted and does not have to be proved. (Fowler, 1991:

p57)

And, as Berger and Luckmann (1976: p1?2ff) suggest, it is this 'taken for

grantedness' which is the most significant function of conversational style:

The most Important vehicle of reality-malntenance Is conversation.

One may view the Individual's everyday life In terms of the working

away of a conversational apparatus that ongolngly maintains,

modifies and reconstructs his subjective reality.... It is Important to

stress, however, that the greater part of reality-malntenance In

conversation is implicit, not explicit. Most conversation does not in so

many words define the nature of the world. Rather, It takes place

against the background of a world that is silently taken for granted....

An important aspect of conversational style is the oral mode. This Is

important because It serves to narrow the discursive gap that exists

between print and speech. Print, as Fowler (1991: p59) points out,

connotes "formality and authority" while speech connotes "Informality and

solidarity". Thus, In order to create the Illusion of speech within print and

therefore a sense of Informality and solidarity (thereby narrowing the

discursive gap), the oral mode Is usually adopted.

There are a number of devices which signal the oral mode (see Fowler,

1991: pp62-65), However, for the purposes of our analysis I will only

highlight three. Firstly, the use of informal or colloquial vocabulary: "Slang,

Idioms, clichbs, proverbs and catch-words are all used to cue the illusion

of oral mode" (Fowler, 1991: p63). Secondly, the use oi syntactic

contractions such as 'ha'll', 'shouldn’t', etc. And, thirdly, Indicators of

person: "chiefly the personal pronouns, especially the ones which refer to

speaker and addressee either separately T and 'you' - or 'together' - one

of the two meanings of 'we', the 'Inclusive "w e"'" (Fowler, 1991: p63).

Now if we return to the headline: We’re on top o f ths world, we can

identify all of these cues of orallty. 'On top of the world', being an Idiomatic

expression for happiness, satisfies the first cue. 'We're' satisfies the

second and third cues: It is both a syntactic contraction (of we and are)

and an Indicator of person (the inclusive we). Consequently, the register

of the headline Is colloquial and Informal, which, as discussed above, is

useful In manufacturing consensus,

The use of 'we’re' In the headline, as opposed to other Indicators of

person such as Tm’ or 'you’re', is also useful because It constructs

consensus in another way. That Is, by creating homogeneity out of

difference. Fowler (1991: p49), using Britain as his reference point,

elaborates:

Consensus assumes that, for a given grouping of people, It Is a

matter of fact that the Interests of the whole population are

undivided, held In common; and that the whole population

acknowledges this 'fact' by subscribing to a certain set of beliefs:

everyone agrees that p and that q and that r. The pronoun 'we' In the

media , as in the mouths of politicians (’our economic recovery', 'our

health system', 'our nuclear deterrent'), generally refers to that

English grouping; but the consensual Image Is taken through a

variable lens, and 'we' sometimes narrows to southern England,

sometimes broadens to refer to 'Britain and America' or 'Europe' or

'the west'. Sometimes the referents of 'we' are collected in moral or

social, rather than geographical/political terms..,. 'Consensus'

assumes, and In times of crisis actually affirms, that within the group,

there Is no difference or disunity In the Interests and values of any of

the population, or of any institution."

The 'we' In the headline refers to the national 'we'. Although it could

possibly refer to the institutional 'we' of the newspaper, or a 'we' more

limited or broader than the national 'we' this Is obviously not the case,

given the context in which It Is used. The sub-headline: "SA becomes a

beacon of hope as President Mandela takes oath of office", makes this

clear.

The effect of these strategies within the headline is to promote

Identification with the sentiments expressed by the headline, 'On top of the

world', as already discussed, suggests extreme happiness, Yet, who Is

extremely happy? 'We' are. That Is, the national 'we'. Consequently, we

(as South Africans) are ecstatic. And, since the 'we' is a national 'we', It Is

Implied that the whole population feels the same way. Yet, what are we

ecstatic at? The realisation that we are a new nation, with a new

president. This Is Implied by the context of the article, as summarised by

the sub-headline: "SA becomes a beacon of hope as President Mandela

takes oath of office". The headline thus 'reads' something like this: The

whole of South Africa is united in the rejoicing of Its new nationess.

Added to this, the conversational style of the headline encourages us to

agree with the Ideas expressed therein. To borrow from Bergor and

Luckmann (1976: pp 172ff), the reality-malntenance function of

conversation means we take it for granted that: 1) there Is great Joy In the

realisation of the New South Africa, and; 2) we, as a nation, share In that

Joy.

Consequently, we are able to Imagine ourselves tied to the national

community that is the New South Africa via this simultaneous, yet

anonymous, activity of rejoicing, It is simultaneous because we Imagine it

to be so; we Imagine the rest of the nation to also be rejoicing at the same

time (as Indicated by we're). And, although we will never actually know

most of our fellow countrymen/women (thus it is an anonymous activity),

we are nevertheless assured of their existence by the mere suggestion of

our simultaneous activity (Anderson, 1983). To paraphrase Anderson

(1983: p15), the Image of our communion lives In our minds.

Although It refers to our collective joy at being a new nation, We're on

top o f the world, also has another possible meaning which refers to

South Africa's new status as an elite nation, Here, the construction of the

New South Africa's position relative to the rest of the world, as first

suggested by the title of the previous day's feature article ("The world at

his feet"), Is built upon. Indeed, the Imagery created by this headline is

remarkably similar to that suggested by "The world at his feet", reinforcing

the general Idea that the New South Africa, unlike the old one, Is now one

of the world's great nations. South Africa Is represented as a nation that

now enjoys great standing In the International community.

This notion of International approval is an Important symbol In the

mythology of the New South Africa, It has become the benchmark against

which South Africa measures Its value as a nation and, in so doing, It

positions Itself In binary opposition to the old South Africa, Acceptance

Into the International community (of nations) affirms the New South Africa

while simultaneously negating the old South Africa.

This Idea Is further emphasised by a discursive strategy of juxtaposition,

Take the following extract from The Star's lead story of that day as an

example:

It Is the climax of an Incredible fortnight which has seen South Africa

transformed from a violence-ridden nation In turmoil - and an

international pariah - to what the world perceives as a beacon of

race reconciliation, (my emphases)

In this extract, International approval of the New South Africa Is

juxtaposed with international disapproval of the old South Africa, thereby

91

throwing the former into sharp relief. The international disapproval of the

old South Africa Is constructed in negative terms ('pariah', as opposed to

the more neutral 'isolation'), while the international approval of the New

South Africa is constructed in positive terms. The use of 'beacon',

suggesting a shining light (or even a lighthouse), connotes that the New

South Africa is a point of reference for the international community, that It

Is showing the world where to go.

It Is also Interesting to note that the new South Africa is not now merely

constructed as a non-pariah, as a 'normal, ordinal . v yday' member of

the international community. Rather, it Is represer .ad as a leader in the

International community in its own rig^: 't Is not just accepted, it is also

admired, acclaimed and applauded.

The main picture on the front page supports this idea of South Africa

being applauded. Although, it Is a picture related to the previous days

events in Cape Town, it shows Mandela and his two deputies, Mbeki and

de Klerk, outside Parliament (where the new 400 member National

assembly had just before gathered to choose Mandeia as the new

President) waving and acknowledging the crowds that had gathered there.

However, when juxtaposed with the theme of International approval

(outlined above and below) the picture takes on a slightly different

meaning. In this context, it appears as If Mandela in particular (as the

central focus of the picture) and his deputies (who flank him) are

acknowledging the applause/approval of the international community,

rather than the Cape Town crowd. The picture’s caption which reads;

"Waves ... President Mandela, flanked by his deputies Thabo Mbekl and

FW de Klerk, outside parliament yesterday" does little to disrupt this

illusion either. It does not tell us who they are waving at, and therefore

acknowledging. The objects (or recipients) of the waving are not clearly

identified, thereby facilitating the suggestion that they are indeed

acknowledging International approval.

This sense of approval Is further captured by pictures (running across the

top of the front page just below The Star’s masthead) of a special series

of South African stamps which were released by the Post Office to

commemorate the inauguration. Featuring, from left to right, a 95 cent

stamp depicting the new national flag, a R1,15 stamp of the Union

Buildings, a 70 cents stamp of the first stanzas of the two national

anthems (Nkosi Sikele!' iAfrika and Die Stem) and a 45 cents stamp of

President Mandela, the pictures are captioned "Seal of approval". 'Seal',

apart from being a play on the Afrikaans word 'seel' (pronounced the

same) which means postage stamp, also suggests that such approval Is

official, that It is authentic and confirmed. And, added to this, the fact that

stamps am used to send letters all over the world reinforces the link

between approval and the international community.

The positive value of international approval, as opposed to the negative

value of international pariah, therefore serves as a powerful validator of

93

the New South Africa63, It therefore leaves the reader in little doubt as to

the desirability of the New South Africa.

11 MAY 1994

In God’s Country

The day following the inauguration of Nelson Mandela as president of

South Africa saw The Star lead with a front page headline entitled The

rainbow covenant. A larger than normal photograph, occupying the

whole width of the front page and about a third of its length, sits

underneath the headline (see Appendix E). The size of the photograph,

together with Its wide-angled perspective, immediately signals trie

importance and grandeur of the event. Foregrounded at the bottom of the

photograph are thousands of people who had gathered on the Union

Building lawns the previous day to watch the Inauguration, Just beyond

them, occupying the middle-ground, is a large stage (for the Many

Cultures - One Nation concert), a glant-screen TV, marquees, and

stepped gardens leading up to the Union Buildings themselves which are

backgrounded at the top of the picture,

03 However, It should also be pointed out that international approval Is Just one part of the system of blnarlty which operates to positively reinforce the New South Africa. As a cursory examination of The Star's front page (10 May 1994) reveals, a number of other binary values are similarly mobilised, For example; "a beacon of race reconciliation" vs. "a violence-ridden nation In turmoil"; hope/optlmlsm/confldence vs. pessimism; national unity vs. division.

Although the people are foregrounded in the photograph, they are not Its

main focus. Rather, the Union Buildings, and In particular the

amphitheatre, are its focus, despite the fact that they appear in the

background. Although semiotic convention usually dictates that that which

Is foregrounded is more important, and that that which Is backgrounded is

less important, this is not always necessarily the case. After all, a primary

rule of semiotics is that different elements of a text, including visual texts,

cannot be analysed in Isolation. They must rather always be analysed in

relation to other elements of that text. Put another way, the elements of a

text should always be placed In context (Hodge and Kress, 1988;

Williams, 1991;). As Hodge and Kress (1988: pp52-59) point out, this Is

certainly the case with the spatial dimensions of texts. They argue that

physical relationships in space are important signiflers of social meanings.

However, they suggest that In spite of their apparently straightforward

form they are often "surprisingly complex, ambiguous and open to a

variety of other determinations" (Hodge and Kress, 1988: p52).

Consequently, we continually have to be aware that spatial codes are

"normally supplemented by a whole set of other signiflers which are

understood as transformations of physical distance, and which act as

comments on the Implied meaning of the physical space" (Hodge and

Kress, 1988: p55). So, what are the other elements (signiflers) of this

photograph which modify the conventional meanings associated with

foreground and background?

There Is little doubt that the crowd is an important element of the

photograph. Not only are they foregrounded but they are also framed by

rows of trees on either side and by the stage in the mid-ground of the

photograph64. However, while the rows of trees do highlight the crowd,

they also serve another important function in this particu .r text. Due to

the perspective of the photograph (the closer things are the bigger they

appear, the further away they are the smaller they appear) the two rows of

trees, while they are parallel in reality, begin to converge in the

photograph. That Is, the distance between them narrows the further they

get from the camera. As a result, the Impression is created that the rows

of trees are pointing towards the amphitheatre of the Union Buildings. In

fact, if we were to draw an Imaginary line through each row of trees and

then extend them we would see that they would roughly meet in the

amphitheatre, just above the podium, where the New South African flag is

flying.

This focus on the amphitheatre is further enhanced by other textual cues.

The symmetry of the picture helps to frame the amphitheatre. In particular,

the two 'steeples' of the Union Buildings, the trees in the mid-ground and,

also, the two large structures, presumably housing speakers and lights, on

either side of the stage. In addition, the stepped Union gardens as well as

the stage serve to frame the amphitheatre at the bottom. The trees

Immediately behind the stage further highlight the amphitheatre by

pointing upwards towards It. Consequently, our attention Is focused on the

64 Framing Is Important In that It draws our attention to that which Is framed,

amphitheatre65, the actual site of the inauguration ceremony, the symbolic

b'lhplace of the new nation. And, by being the most Important element In

the picture its symbolic significance is enhanced.

The large crowd in the foreground of the photograph signifies the people

of the nation, the 'ordinary' citizens, the national public. The fact that they

are close together has Important Implications for our understanding of

their relations of solidarity (see Hodge and Kress, 1988: pp52-53). The

distance between different elements in a text constitute a proxemlc code66

which carry a set of social meanings along with It. Closeness, as might be

expected, connotes solidarity, love and intimacy, while non-closeness

usually connotes Indifference and alienation. The photograph therefore

suggests solidarity and unity. It Is Implied that the people of the New

South Africa are united, that they are one nation,

However, as Hodge and Kress (1988: pp52-53) point out, such codes are

not always straightforward. Often they are ambiguous:

06 Although It could be argued that It Is the architecture and landscaping of the Union Buildings themselves which create this symmetry and therefore It Is disingenuous for us to make the claim that it Is the photograph-as-text which constructs these meanings, It should be pointed out that this Is not necessarily the case, After all, hod the picture been taken from a different angle the symmetry of the scene would be absent. The framing of the particular elements of the photograph, outlined above, would therefore also not have been possible. At least not In the same way,

60 Derived from 'proximity', the term 'proxernlcs' was Initiated by Edward Hall (1966) to refer to the different social meanings attributed to various spatial relationships by different cultures.

Closeness... signifies a strong relationship which can be either

positive (love, intimacy) or negative (aggression, hostility).

Closeness, on Its own, thus carries a contradiction, it is a strongly

ambiguous sign which is only disambiguated If there are other

reasons or signs which control Interpretation.

One of the signs which can aid us In disambiguating the proxemlc code is

the vertlcallc code.. As mentioned earlier, vertlcalic codes signify relations

of power and thus, which when combined with proxemlc codes, they help

to clarify meaning. Hodge and Kress (1988: p53) elaborate:

proxemlc codes, with their meanings about presence or absence of

solidarity, cannot be taken In Isolation, since relations of solidarity

are Intermixed with relations of power in any social formation, and

these are commonly signalled through the dimension up-down (or

higher-lower). The two axes of space act together to create

ideological meanings.

Since the people In the photograph occupy the same vertical plane their

closeness can be disambiguated and Interpreted in its positive sense. This

positive Interpretation Is further encouraged by the symmetry of the

picture (discussed above) which suggests order. It Is therefore implied

that South Africans are united, that they are In solidarity with one another

and share a communal love, Occupation of the same vertical plane also

Implies a relationship of equality. Thus, not only are the people united,

they are also equal.

The spatial codes which govern the meaning of the relationship between

the crowd and the Union Buildings are quite different from those that

define the relationship between the people themselves. Although the

distance between the crowd and the buildings does not appear that great,

relative to the distance between other elements of the photograph, It is.

The proxemic code Is therefore one of distance (as opposed to closeness)

which on its own suggests indifference or alienation. However, as

suggested earlier, proxemic codes need to be analysed In conjunction

with other textual signs In order to narrow Its meaning. The verticallc code

appears to support this Interpretation as It suggests a relationship of

Inequality (the Union Buildings are higher than the crowd). However, as

the picture Is taken from a position associated with the crowd - looking up

at the buildings - and not from a position associated with the buildings -

looking down on the crowd, a more positive Interpretation of the

relationship Is encouraged. Looking up, with its connoted meaning of

respect, rather than looking down, with Its suggestion of paironisatlon and

condescension, thus becomes the preferred reading (Barrat, 1986: pp114-

116), Consequently, if anything, the verticallc code actually modifies the

proxemic code. The national public are therefore constructed as being In

99

respect and awe of what the Union Buildings represent, namely the

birthplace of the New South Africa67,

The proxemlc code of distance Is further modified by the presence of the

blg-screen TV, situated Immediately In front of the crowd, showing live

pictures of the Inauguration ceremony Itself. As a result, the space

between the crowds and the Union Bulldings/the inauguration Is

simultaneously distant and close. The fact that the live pictures on the TV

are clearly visible In the photograph makes this reading possible. This has

the effect of modifying the proxemlc code of Indifference and alienation

that Is usually associated with non-closeness. The crowd Is close to the

Inauguration via the TV. Consequently, It is suggested that they feel an

Intense solidarity with the Inauguration and therefore are intimately

attached to the New South Africa. In addition, the fact that the TV is higher

than the crowd reinforces the vertlcallo code of respect and esteem which

Is already present.

Another Interesting aspect of this photograph is the strong sense of

spirituality and religiosity which It Invoices. As already mentioned, the

picture Is taken from a position associated with the crowd. Yet, it Is

obviously not shot from within the crowd. Instead, It Is taken from an

elevated position, looking over the crowd up towards the Union Buildings.

We, as the readers/viewers of the photograph, are therefore positioned

67 Although the crowd might be In awe of the Union Buildings themselves (its size and beauty, for example) this Is an unlikely reading. It Is more likely that they are In awe of what It signifies.

100

above the crowd while still being of the crowd, We are Invited into the

photograph as part of the crowd, as fellow-mombers of the new nation,

Yet, at the same time we are above the crowd. This has the effect of

creating a sense of elation. It Is almost as If we (and the crowd, as fellow-

members of the nation) are elated at this experience, at this communal

sharing of nationess (thereby building on the theme developed by The

Star's headline of the previous day: We’re on top o f the world). Indeed,

there is also a suggestion of an out-of-body experience which connotes

that It is a deeply spiritual, and even religious, event.

The religiosity and spirituality of the event Is strengthened by a number of

other elements In the photograph. The brightness of the sky at the top of

the photograph suggests a halo while the steeples of the Union Buildings,

together with the trees In the mid-ground of the picture, all point to the

heavens, hinting at the presence of God. The implication therefore is that

the nation Is ordained by God, an Idea that is reinforced by the main

headline. Once again, it should be pointed out that such a constitution Is

most probably unintentional. It Is Improbable that the photographer took

the photograph with the Intention of creating such a meaning,

Nevertheless, the meaning exists and as I will now show it Is

supplemented by the headline,

Although short, The ra inbow covenant is a wonderful headline, bursting

with symbolism, There are two main Ideas Incorporated In the headline,

The first is that of the rainbow, an intertextual reference68 to ’the rainbow

nation', a metaphor at the core of the mythology of the New South Africa.

The rainbow Is supposedly a symbol of that which Is the New South

Africa69. It represents the myth of our 'unity In diversity' and the supposed

promise and harmony of our multi-racial society after the darkness and

the storm of the past. It expresses the Idea that the coming together of

different colours creates great beauty. Furthermore, such beauty Is not

man-made, It Is natural and/or God-made. And, the promise of the New

South Africa Is Implied with an associated metaphor, namely 'the pot of

gold at the end of the rainbow'. The myth of the rainbow nation Is

therefore an anti-narrative70 of Apartheid Ideology. It turns the apartheid

notion that the coming together of different colours is no1 desirable and

definitely not natural on Its head. Similarly, by constructing multi-racialism

as natural and/or God-made, It highlights the man-made/ socially

engineered character of apartheid and therefore constructs it as

unnatural. And, as I will show shortly, this antl-apartheld-narratlve nature

of the rainbow paradigm serves an extremely important symbolic function

when combined with the second main Idea of the headline.

00 Intertextuallty Is an Important and extremely useful discursive strategy for It summons up a certain paradigm, and the whole set of values and Ideas associated with It, In an economical way (Fowler, 1991: p118).

00 As Archbishop Desmond Tutu (1994) Is quoted In the beginning of his book, T/ie Rainbow People of Qod, "and you remember the rainbow In the Bible Is the sign of Peace. The rainbow Is the sign of prosperity,"

70 For an elaboration of antl-narratlve see Williams, 1991.

102

The second Idea encapsulated by the headline, that of a covenant, Is also

significant for The Star's construction of the New South Africa. Although a

covenant essentially means an agreement or promise, it is frequently

endowed with a more symbolic significance, often referring to a special

contract with God. This latter understanding is particularly apparent In

nationalist myth, as evidenced by the cases of Jewish and Afrikaner

nationalism. It Is offered by nationalists as proof of their nation's status as

'chosen'.

The rainbow covenant therefore suggests that we, as the rainbow

nation, have a special relationship with God and are therefore somehow

'chosen'71. Furthermore, the antl-apartheld-narrative connoted by the

rainbow nation functions to reconstruct South African national Identity In

broader, more inclusive terms.

In the context of South African history the Idea of a covenant was

associated exclusively with Afrikaner nationalism72. However, the use of

rainbow, as an antl-narratlve of apartheid (and therefore, by Implication, of

71 This Idea Is also strongly captured In the title of Archbishop Desmond Tutu's book: The Rainbow People of God.

72 Indeed, at the core of Afrikaner nationalism lay the myth that the Afrikaners entered Into a covenant with God at the Battle of Blood River which enabled them to defeat the Zulus. This victory was then mobilised symbolically as proof that they Indeed were chosen by God to occupy the promised land that was South Africa (see Adam and Glllomee, 1979; and Moodle, 1975). Consequently, South Africa was soon as belonging to the Afrikaners, The fact that this supposed covenant with God was commemorated as a 'national' public holiday (Geloftedag or Day of the CovenanWow) Indicates the extent to which South African Identity was limited to white and particularly Afrikaner Identity.

an exclusive white, Afrikaner-based South African nationalism) thus

functions to reappropriate the idea of a national covenant with God, so

that this time the covenant is with all of South Africa's people. Thus, all

South Africans are seen as God's (specially) chosen people.

Consequently, the photograph and headline function together to construct

the idea that the Inauguration, and therefore the New South Africa, are

blessed by God, Yet, more than just being blessed by God, the New

South Africa is constructed as chosen by God. Thus, it Is suggested that

all of us, black and white (as Implied by 'rainbow'), share a common

destiny, It allows us to Imagine ourselves as members of the same

nation, linked to each other via a 'community of destiny' (Smith, 1986 :

p175).

CONCLUSION

From The Star's coverage of the presidential inauguration we can see that

Its construction of the New South Africa revolves around two main

symbols, namely God and the International community, They are

mobilised In ways which give religious and International sanction to the

New South Africa. They are therefore significant in that they validate the

New South Africa. They give it a wider legitimacy and as such tl ,ay can be

seen as legitlmatory symbols,

I !

/

t ,

____ . y V ; /

104

Indeed, Insofar as the New South Africa Is constructed as ‘God-approved’

(as being chosen by God and existing in God's presence) such legitimacy

is invested In the ultimate authority. That is, the legitimacy (and the

importance) of the New South Africa is given to be indisputable.

As In the Sowetan, The Star also mobilises the international community as

an external and ‘objective’ validator of the New South Africa. However, In

The Star the Idea of the international community and international

approval Is mobilised to a much greater degree, so much so that It

becomes the benchmark against which the New South Africa Is

measured.

Both of these constructions are significant when we consider the identity

and readership of The Star.

Unlike the Sowetan, The Star's readership Is largely white. And, since this

sector of the South African population is likely to have been apprehensive

about the arrival of the New South Africa (fearing that they might be

adversely affected, that their standards of living might drop and their

‘Western values' compromised), the mobilisation of these legitimatory

symbols is significant.

Firstly, If the New South Africa Is given the ultimate approval (God), then It

can be expected that white apprehensions will be calmed. Similarly, the

- /

105

extent to which international approval is mobilised by The Star (relative to

the Sowetan), is also likely to have a similar effect.

Secondly, if the international community Is used as the norm then, as

Socialist Review (1995) points out, it affirms the West (given that the

International community is dominated by the West and that Western

norms have become hegemonic In the international community).

Consequently, it allays or contains white apprehensions and fears that

they might lose their Western Identity In the face of majority rule (which

the New South Africa represents). It therefore reassures them that they

will not be excluded in the new dispensation.

International approval is also an important motivator for white South

Africans given the fact that although they may have benefited under

apartheid they were nevertheless ostracised and seen as ‘baddies’.

International approval signifies that they are no longer ‘the baddies’. And,

therefore, as long as they buy into the New South Africa their

psychological needs (particularly the need for self-esteem) are catered

for73.

The Star also constructs the New South Africa In terms of a rainbow

nationalism. This too functions to alleviate white fears about the New

73 The symbol of the International community Is also significant when we consider the Identity or 'position' of The Star. That Is, a white, liberal newspaper, By stressing the link between the New South Africa and the International community, The Storsends out a message that accords with neo-liberalism, or at least makes the Idea of economic nationalism seem Inappropriate.

/ ,

106

South Africa. It suggests that the New South Africa Is a nation where all

of its people's Identities are celebrated (as suggested by the Image of the

rainbow) and therefore that no one need feel excluded. And, the fact that

this rainbow nation is constructed as being sanctioned by God suggests

that different races co-existing in a unitary state Is natural. It implies that

all of South Africa's people share a common destiny.

Conclusion

The aim of this chapter Is to examine the Implications of this study's

findings for our understanding of nationalism and national Identity.

Using the Inauguration as a symbolic Indicator of the New South Africa,

this study has found that The Star and Sowetan construct the New South

Africa along different lines. That Is, although they both look at the same

evrint, they choose to report or highlight different aspects of It. This In turn

has Important Implications for the ways In which their respective readers

are encouraged to Imagine the New South Africa.

As we have seen, the Sowetan constructs the New South Africa In a way

which privileges African Identity, It encourages the reader to think about or

Imagine the New South Africa as essentially African. Thus, rather than

accommodating difference, the Sowetan negates It. The Sowetan's

construction therefore represents a specific or local form of New South

African national Identity. That Is, It does not apply to all those who claim to

be South African,

The Star, on the other hand, constructs the New South Africa in much

broader, more universal terms than the Sowetan. Yet paradoxically, as

this thesis has attempted to show, this broado' , ,ss specific1 con "'in

Is nevertheless still specific. This Is true not o ny because it ’ ■

The Star, but also because it privileges a specific sector Sou"

African population. On one level, The Star associates the i

Africa with a rainbow nationalism, yet on another level it privileges

Western identity. Thus, although It claims to Include all South Africans,

The S/ar actually excludes or marginalises those who are not Western ’in

character1. While It appears to accommodate difference, it too ultimately

negates It.

These findings reveal that there is no single, coherent construction of the

New South Africa. Rather, there are different constructions which are

specific In nature and defined by the respective histories of The Star and

Sowetan. It therefore leads us to conclude that there Is no consensus as

to what the New South Africa means, or what It Is, how it Is constituted,

and so on.

While It Is conceded that The Star and Sowetan both construct the New

South Africa In ways which are likely to encourage their respective

readers to Identify with the New South Africa, thus ultimately contributing

to the promotion of the New South Africa, they nevertheless differ in the

content they give to the Idea of the New South Africa. That Is, although

they both promote the New South Africa, the ways In which they construct

J I■

/

109

the Idea of the New South Africa differs, The idea of the New South Africa

is therefore neither given nor fixed and stable.

Furthermore, as I have suggested, these particular constructions, while

they might reflect the relative positions of The Star and Sowetan and

those of their respective readers, are not necessarily Intentional. The point

is that language or communication is never neutral, It always encodes an

Ideological position or point of view.

Communication is dependent on signs to work, and signs have social

meaning. However, communication also involves choice. We choose one

sign rather than another to denote the same referent and we then choose

how to put these choices together. However, the reasons for choosing

one set of signs over another may vary from situation to situation.

Therefore, even though they may signify a particular meaning, we cannot

assume that the motive for choosing a set of signs corresponds with the

meaning produced, The New South Africa relies on signs for its

construction, And, therefore, it is possible that it can exist outside of

Intentionallty and motive.

Both of these points have important Implications for our understanding of

nationalism In general, and Indeed for any socially constructed Identity.

Firstly, it means that we can no longer treat nationalism and national

Identity as coherent and unified, Instead, It suggests that we should view

them as being constituted by specificity and difference.

And, secondly, It questions the view that national Identities are

Intentionally constructed in the ways they are In order to serve particular

Interests. And, although these constructions may Indeed reflect the

Interests and positions of certain social actors, It does not mean that such

constructions are necessarily Intentional. Nations and nationalism depend

on signs for their construction and reconstruction. And, since signification

occurs outside of both motive and Intention, It suggests that we should

perhaps pay more attention to the unintentional aspects of nationalism.

Appendix A

FRONT PAGE - SOWETAN - TUESDAY, MAY 10,1994

See pages

12 & 13

. . l i v i * " " t ?

m 199.1

All mcas ilOe

B uilding th e N ation i|w,VAT>

Oy Tyrone A u t u i l an il Sdw elfln C o rre in o iiih -n t

iWfW'

I'le iW enti lo c l Ml

eecomi'nnlodby formerI ' le i li le r l f\Vda Kle ikrm il

P ie ildenlelect Mr

TODAY w ill i t t Die cm tm of e NcMhtntine i m i dayi m ihrh|ti(iiy«if,SnmliA(iit BM iNtUonMM d5b,tlcurill'»Vailianii"Hm t'ftie Town ym rn lay u Smnh A lm s '* new vrstlilem. w ill t« msuRiirsUil In Hie Union IWWingt In 1'ielwu

H iie lrtiiiinye ticnU yw svntten ifilie iiw uiJ i'yan iUM M iiimll t i t i lc i l wiihoutcmni! Victulcni IAS 4# KlriV lenJn'y Manileb

.nln llie t lia m k r o f Vdifiamcni .Tlicy cmlirntcil tomutitiou* tr rh u is fmmnewly e lc fitilM l *

c tiilB u e m m ilie r iil 'lie iiH riy , „ . , .Mandela eho cmliruud Inkailia Irr tilo m I'.iiiy iM iltrd o e f

MBnppmtiu l iu tlitlen wlicnl.e m him wMkmn lowMdilumTIieU ndofm iittdeiw e iitc inB iitiionw nw ievtniunM Jine

evtry few mlnutei , , , ,A t U l is ’w .M ilA lk iK fuS nnfo lfiU M fKm iir.iieM andtJi

ei pttinlenl. 1’ i i t i ly ilnee imnuiei liter. Mamlela *a i t iM td

'^T^i'liy 'V liiiogursiion w il l m iik y tl ennihetmimmy thaiwlll elweyi Iw tite m in l l l w ill k inemlej by 6 fM w y o f Hie woild'e I rM e ii end inem kn o f mystiy '

Itm e w n iM ivc io l 1 0 ow n iiiM itH l intei tovtm m rntw e a m u liim iw illk s ilk tM 'iy v rm lo n Speriiltickcliw eie alio tm ila available in 150 W» m e inkn o f the iwMnr.

I lilliw w m in t w ill follow tin n rn t live o n lV I k SAIIU. IHIC, CNN and Sky Tehvionn w ill f la ih Hit In.iiigmauim wound i k world , ,

A l Ham, Mamkla w ill UVe the oath o f uflUe H n U i n it iU ltn U .lliilM M k U ami ?NV i l f K ln k .w ill t * iwmii In a,we ll A i|}.45 # in ,S M f? »» i» j!iy6 fl2 l)ii'inu !ae J .lir« lim n a d m on the lav tn m from o f il» Union Ou U m j»

A f id the tnatiyuiaimn, tl.ne w ill I * nn low fuw um tumheimfm IJ U ) in iiif ’d fiiM H

Ihmnc the liifK k im . m m ; (iii.mcn from itliim ii m the P u iiw s and Vdwtcnlhnfg artai w ill \< ditetia.mnf

A m nhdS O onfiirm w itt I * m irmhiijftMcoshlhimli ton on Hie hw m in the w ttl o f the Union !liiilJiii|.«

Aum etu ilu l.lv iV M invc iiliiiie i On?Nommv« ■ w ill lake plav' imlhe lawninvwrll

It w ill franne wuiit o f Smith A fn u 'i owm onptiljr imiMCl.nii Amnnu lim e w ill N fu iu it i 'tn '.* M uuin Maktlia.AUhiltah ll/a lu iiB in l Jm tsitlww fw a

l i n y w ill k jiim nl by the hkei o f M m Cleyii Manj!«» noatye. S ikm yilt Khumiht am’ la ily im .ilt IM.uk Mamh.u" tta iw luuipjni.-i w ill nHi k iM m

Mandrlii w ill Hint flv ii.Jn liirm eiliinyt.iw ni.lt pan o f a iivscr inM ili hctwtdt Smith A fn.a ami (‘anl.m 6’ lilln V s ik

And v t w ill (ume in un tnd une o f ilie muti ao.iniil,, lap (leys in Hie life of Hi# rtltotn Sovnh Afutn

Tn eolobrnte llio crowning ol Nelson Mmnloln n» State ProsV deni, wo tiling yon n egocW louvcnlr oillllon Hint Inclmlesi

• T fte h la io iy o f f i t * Union l iu l l t l ' I n n w he re t ito e v e n li w ill take

p lace. •e ' fh e p to li io o f Ihe jin lg e w ho w ill

h n l i l l M am lela.

• The A frican con ne c tion *1 the

te re n o n y .• T he lis t o f K u e i t i w ho are

a ttend ing ,

• T ti# m ann am i u t e r l e i o f the

day,• T h e h is to ry o f the e tn iBB le that

W a y 's events culm ina te.# The cah lnct as I t i ta m lft today, and

th e ir h lographle *.• P ro f ile ! on the tw o depu ty

p re fth le n ls and m e iia a e s from all

o v e r th e w orld

See pages 22 to 42

Appendix B

FRONT PAGE - SOW'frA/V - WEDNESDAY, MAY 11,1994

I ASCENSION DAYM H -e tw i w ill n o t be on M ia tom orrow , A » e a m lo 'i Dey,Youi IflvomHc n e w i/is p a t w ill !«#> bock on hW #y w l ^ Its rtormiU w ide fonga o fn o w i, famturee, c o li im n i, * 1111*0 w eekend i p o i t i preview s ond th e Sow ehvt U e n te r .D on 't m li» your S o itr fo n on I'rldey,

Wednesday May 11 199-1 Laic Final

Building tfce N ation "l",ca,90c(Incl VATi

the dey In front o f their TV w t . UIQHTi Soccer Iw w *1 the South A M ci-lem hU m etch refuted to be roWwd of the Iniugurellon te lebra tlon i,

K o n n m o m ®

IWlolirye

L e n m i Kpogu'P, lo v e I t a Oanoofoui O iw n Jo lm C hltx ium , Pfilkoti Oovemmont

P .io M lM tlm e, Vo lin N ktel

% a a 3 r

s is s 6V e iau e , M lim fltte ii W 4 Ph inrih tw rnU I, Imbtzo O le i lU lo y l, MtoveecYfl Am w lodnne A m Weelle, 1 M l« N tyw to ZeOw D tttookn C om redei, InkuMeko Johnny M okhs'l, 0 Marwnl Wnnw lle ro tle l n « M oren*. M m ok*iP e t iT M n e k im u T to k ls aThome? C lie u k i, G h im ntw lw No. 13 b w il OrotlwrA, Vatt Umlomots c fw n l Dembo, KirtlfiYApg u lu vA .M w kho k n h e h o liM v u , In n m rv i C on nyC h e iikw ,lW > ?A

Vw toue, Groove Cfly Vol 8N tw Uokhbe & The a n o Youth. W wa mMnB f*»ka Dence B in d . Tents P I JoyL A .n w l3 ,T W IW T I* ln oPM er HHinvwune, Mingo U n d t l Nycto

BI‘lA R N W liy?

L R M A M U A JOUnh’mv'iao

l ^ S W n c O l W I . M O R C TH AN ftO

IVEadibareigns

^ S I D E

n y lo H . h C h n ik i ‘< -I- . .v- i J-m ------ z ■v.v .M t t f l g i M iftn it t ( i i i t iu u te wkSm l;f a* Afiicm Ntii-M ti (i'ii ■ M m s tfw v « »wnm m i ! tin Union H \ » H I’M tn h r iM ii ycrrrnhy t i M w W1 iiie flM M u l iw iltk m o f South

tn tuttl tie world tod by thorn i ih d i o f South A f i t t in t tnd W Nthnlhym tiliNUim itliv dun

Atwnhiiil ibi\1 with t ie t iw i f?r o fT tw tr ftren NMima) I'wty I t i d f f M r I W d# X lu k to M n w kU iM ih iw rn U ilw r il

A fte ru tln itieo itho fo fP teet it t iu i 13 30pm. M iM r t i, fimilly n llc if by bn tU n n in e M uhtii, blnlMd the n?w yiivrmiiu-iil of M lioM lum iyirtlilvtatm etilto ti, fie to rn tie w m m uini KwJsjff o f pw in y , lUprtvition end luf- kmi

He i lm f t f i ] trlf-olshi Ik K lfd i n j p re if t l th j ^onu.ii fo n t* t i t i k i r ml# in h rlp rp i.u jc t.v ti th f m » Smnk A fn.e M n fo tf im itM f.e ut-hulf i. r % r .v iiifh g '- ; f J i h p . .,•,7- 1>- I ri! I . i :|. I „ 1,1 , , I

come T in inn* to tm lJ I* upum u i-0 111 u n i Suutii A(nr« bed m l« t e thn v i'w ih u fil imincrpatntfl MW t lontmn o u rw H i w the to m m x iiw o f a

tompleti. Jiim m l lin in g fx'ice, M m lrta uiv! A * i taken o f m m m wm wM ro tie

]\t new Otivcmmint 4 Nnhunil U niiyw ouliliugtfiVriJdiiM tlie iwue o f im m ity f# vu liw t cn

i country.

• VVh.il t tM I ’ r u M m l

C m , 8 ",<6 A ll th e co lo ur w id

. t i ie fa ih lo n /\

6qo pnfio 7

cgorleiofM tM itifn 'h o in c u r tM l'yw rv ln gJ iilu iT . l i t i t r m c

M in d ili i lu * r ith t i f « n r l io n il itc n n tll i iu o n , un ion building sml for t ie tnnh o f %MW Wttld

" U i ih fte t« ju iu .'t f.w i l l U» thtre W p e t t lo t i l l le t t ie n le w u f t .b r t i. l w iten na w it for i l l U t e i(h know (hit M (M b tin M y . tie imtHl m\ tiw tool hive teen fried to fu lfti (hem w lw ,BM itk lr l i u id

IliC on U u drti'N ivri.M ve r.never m m Malt u be tin t tiu i fw iutlful lirn l w ill •g«m ei(tffi::K# (he op(Y.*«ian tJm by i/in titf t m i « ff.r tie ir.J .gn i't o f te irn il» ik v n k n f ih r w iu ll F.rup*Tteiufiihetlfinf/ieifuiv) * ’ ■ « ’ 'i ■ fc * iif ifm c r 'v

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113

Appendix C

FEATURE ARTICLE - THE STAR - MONDAY, MAY 9,1994

FAf.l nlm llA R .' M ifiuA* M tir tf 16i4

Id U e d V y M iU ii lim u

r■ ' ‘ 'ssm ^ T h e

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D’ar. mi Cliiinilkr #im ;,hk the full pietui eof ihi MiinJelti iiMus'in mimi

T h e w o r ld a t h is f e e tT u r s t * -iViisiliv

ue/-vMnrnihti Wmrlw

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Appendix D

FRONT PAGE - THc STAR •TUESDAY, MAY 10,1994

s /m ?msm

D o c t o r

ro r d e r s

T v r

HI, 10 IWV(*1 45 n M W M A Y I0 1 8 » 4

Seal of approvalb. leKk-ei HI a«'iltl<l *1 III* I I i |

iun*i iweiimwi 1WUM*HSIV»I *n»,.r». - - .

niuBd tn liinditaotiikwhISf

Vi»v9«i*l»"w#M ih iii "lid w«h «iewiMmet*!in9«« tfaktipi IM • • •■tiattlUrtMUMHr

thin t IMIHI Htma itniiNiwik IMHH OHie wmttaiia lOfhWflWIU IM*Sw«

m . NMM UtArtlU l| e«6»l«lvA IN•Inlim# IN fOttumyitHsuIN fiU llW HtlD rfH iflUM M b H M ^rW ll.li IndIN 111

niU-ewW iil

SA becomes a beacon o r hope as President Mandela takes oath o f offie i

" mill W extiivus uiitlmlsin

t laee p iu m 61 lltiM Iiw r4*j l*<» nd * IJi » *,wwi-in,.i inh*iAoiuumt«hiulKii

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115

Appendix E

FRONT PAGE - THE STAR - WEDNESDAY, MAY 11,1994

P \W S IP E

TONIGHTTheatrewh 2 kidset tocharm

s i

iltt&k

England geared up for SA tour

f tl 10hVY(ni 40llS[WH.iMi WtDULSDAYMAYM 1994 -ES2-

V HV t'lilrr iHl/m eomumt that uv shall build a society in which all Soiillulfneans, both black <81 Z and white, will be able lo walk tall, without anu fear In their hearts, assured of their Inalienable 'SS right to hmiiun dlgnltg — a rainbow wdlon at peace with Itself and the worla,

The rainbow covenantk m

ssaats?.®

(vunlo «> in Iht If IwuxU lim d IWorli Ibt Blavn Uni el ih»• V i ie ’ fi'rAiiSeiiA «*<INSURING BY PHO NEend ibt b ibvii l i t i i el l l*

MnMUrmunurtbroel Hmy BurarRiiemMifUnti irwrduuA di) iiiUffemil Uir

nl K*l*on hriililnlr Dilfl* ellldll!)Nelu-W bllkv■ Morefiponi, plctuiei

-reges 1,3, e .10, 11,14 and IS

jiainih iino ewwiwfniui

a ei* odfirflw .-r rs.',“ ■ ru l l t i ito lM e n d il i' i ip e tth -N g e IS

■ Spetlil lupplement P»g«« IS to 31

lllw ttli ID Ik* Irtliklltull^ 6| jprtiw tti iiBiun livMibfr -■ »IU bra i*rup> ltt«pm»4*Mlll6KU»e Hi*n*w

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isssas'1” ’*”"1'* {WelUi* It* Malidw dt) 16

»1l lb* lifiw i mJ ktlulnn ,*tM 1*1 aim if iiunuii <J vw jdes. Ueiidili tild "Thiir irtnu ii kit* befeiet Milliy

Top: Tint ol thouuixh gitliei on th* gioundi of th« Union Building* to wiinm Nilion MmdiU fwlna worn In n p«iHdiM- Abovi; Deputy htildinu F W di K1«A end Ihitw Mbtkl IW i MindiU yttliidiy neii»u nvvv, »ov*>i m cm ton

no cw*p«invU.“ U uii

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Hu dUUiif) tipiMUiin *> [*mid Id* dwflit MMMl klilv 6*1* I AW lid III frvMlift* Sum til'll «W IT* dWitfr utiel la hUbunrMweu»U I u* toa* 11* *»

Great day for local soccer and Tsliwete■ H W H KW ti*!Banli Aim* * loetiwul* I *,*> «w ttrtuty <rr*i Zeffllll llbennHiiurf i LUi hut budkiaiywunu) »il tie- i nrwu’MK.'i'A1; r “

|ltil uum la lh* fcvjod* e ili*

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v '

iK s.tsM " S ssT S S New lessons in harmony

' ■ J S f t S i . w ^Hal on *>« Uu If* llel 1)4) I l f l ill

l»|Hilj I'nthltbi Th.U, UUU la llu*Vi# i*pn1 lu llul etuih te* imtwi le eUen IUWiU in iiip.ii u**i uu epniiii »b«k ib* Uni iviint el mi Jlfi* tueiwl unal Uu WlM Hum. ltd hud ibtii rifbi keoUUUkU hwu

Hu* Hull AlVtie - AM ulMlbti nail wevfd hut f*. hwd fie k bn to to W*np* I* to* iianb.il uiua-m1

Id luimet itim t* el iht k*uU*a ntkiW* \J htt*k-8u Bon »t*i, Mu iVitid ll*** [uu too dm he * SaivI Ab* m u rtet.'fl m to U(i»»nM* lelMu»k.iflrt|»vM«. H it «4*.' nu kit* Itin-a to* MTde W to** Hsiom lh* eel tf hrouu*- UiMti* u»

Com. Hull AMreti id ui).d rtm tun* Iwi to Ura Mil to* (toll lb*U klik*) lei Mlllid - ltd H i toil** le

UMlur> eumnxl to buMmli t i oiuif M u ei Ihr) UliMl to in hr)oMtoi Art! In wd* ol Almi A il.iil MA-ae ‘ ■ tnbinnitoixf eufai

Co) lUiei* wen itrtUMtd

[N* Tim to* |-Uj*xl hi iMimc Util* ( te i le MiiMiae *nd tent At IM eout px* tty to ,« 4| | 0<*Mnt tv* h* toUXKl«tiy in*|i*d to

M‘ u ttBplilihy i ~ * ,h!»d|uuip

T H E WAY TO GOU n tlo iih lrd l} i i is i ir li iu jo u r m v lo r tc h lc lis u iu l l io u ii 'lm ld by p lio iic , u$ j i lo n rv r i' il by A u lo & t ic n u r u l , is the w ay to ro . T h u im m t-d iu c y , n i'x lh lllty In te rm s o f chunyvs In jm lic les u iu l ipe ed j p ru c ru liiR o f c lu lim I t i im lii| iu U il,

Cnmr-klf by phon* > «nk< m tt 4U ju r t of age at well Auio & General dcvi d iht « fo i c iv il i t r v in i i and Insutr ami tlatm by phnnt pdMnwrt

.the wtlinnliigy itqulieu la " “ r * v h it civil itna n i Mr offer i rom p/fir ininte h j u 5 (jreiA *>' hetnhe has 10 phunt, n vxtll i t tljim b> » )

youi queue according to the ,,r ’’0flU > phontn ftwru tt n il involved Thit way you Grnerol'iS gunlrfrrir flmf dun'i lubtidue ulher highti fd ir my rffimli m rr ih t niUlienu /ifipnr / woi f i lv rn a

Doing ll by phone guomtion ih tre and then So, If you rt ihinVmg of anii "d i anunetl nl firm ttoiKhmg ynur motor and ion « role I qu a ltf iitl for, hmseli*! inmmmt. uy ilxung crnuinfi miufi |m i thon I 11 by phone You can phone h<ij ras ing f t had keen

tSiSEfkZSS S L t ,hirlniu','m11 1 i t c ity av that Shouldyou l i l t eul a policy or I om very im /w i i f i / with iuhMi|uenll> need w amend rke je n lfe and found ih r •'•you do ii by phone lw ir/rrd fe i ron iu ffnnl mnn

Special Halo helpful I'm lorry I didnI Atilo A O tn tr il i l io offer In iu r# w ith A u lo d ipectbl rale* for peitont C /ne m fiiw ie r “ /

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