Threats to the Western Ghats of Maharashtra An Overview

MARCH 2011 Vijay Paranjpye Gomukh Environmental Trust For Sustainable Development

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Threats to the Western Ghats of Maharashtra: An overview Submission to the Western Ghats Ecology Experts Panel, Ministry of Environment and Forest, Government of India March 2011 Abstract:

The paper traces the human interventions on the Northern Western Ghats

through historical times and introduces the current threats to the landscape. It

emphasizes that the current interventions like land sale, mining, new tourism, etc. need

to be studied and regulated in the context of the ecological sensitivity of the region. The

ecosystem of the region needs to be conserved on a priority due to its importance as a

water tower to the Peninsular India and as there has already been an irreparable

damage to the ecosystem during the construction of dams, roads and railways post-

independence. (This Abstract will be modified appropriately before the finalization of

draft paper)

Context and Historical Background:

The kokan-kada or the near perpendicular drop of almost 3000-4000 ft that

separates the coast and the Deccan Plateau is truly a geological wonder, and has

mesmerised many people throughout history. This 'kada' or wall, known as the

Sahyadris are described geologically as the faulted edge of the Deccan plateau formed

by the massive volcanic eruption about 65 million years ago. The terrain stretches over

stretching over 52,000 sq. kms in Maharashtra and is sharply undulating with deep

valleys and high peaks rising to almost 5400 ft (1645.92 m) (Kalsubai Peak) above mean

sea level. The beauty of this region is further enhanced by the monsoons which bring

around 4000 to 9000 mm of rainfall giving rise to over hundreds of small and large rivers

which cut and scour the mountains. This region is a water-tower for two of the major

Peninsular Rivers, namely Godavari and Krishna. These physical conditions have created

extremely diverse habitats for floral and faunal communities to flourish, and it hosts

around 8952 floral species and about 1022 faunal species; of which many are endemic

only to the Northern Western Ghats region (Jagtap, 1997). The environmental

conditions in the Sahyadris are a complex balance achieved between the geological and

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biological interaction over millions of years. The current state of balance is so fragile that

even minor changes in the landscape can prove to be detrimental. The resilience of the

landscape to changes is extremely poor, owing to the peculiar conditions in which the

landscape has developed. It is no wonder therefore, that the region was identified as a

global biodiversity hotspot in the year 2000. (Myers, 2000), Moreover, 4 out of the 12

formally notified Ecologically Sensitive Areas and 15 Protected Areas in India have been

notified within the Western Ghat region (Ministry of Environment and Forests website:

www.moef.nic.in).

Picture 1: Kokan Kada with the Sahyadri Ranges in the background

Recent History

It is interesting to note that the Northern Western Ghats, despite its difficult

terrain, has been a place of strategic importance throughout history. Tribal communities

have been living in its forests and valleys for many centuries. Buddhist monks from the

2nd century BC have left their imprint in the form of the carvings, caves and architectural

relics in the Northern Western Ghats (Bhaja, Karla, Kanheri, Lenyadri, etc.) (Gokhale,

1991). The empire of Satvahana flourished in this region in 230 BCE. Several trade routes

and temples can still be found from the Satavahana period (Nane Ghat, Sopara – Nashik

, etc). The region was dominated initially by Muslims (post-Yadava Period) and Maratha

kingdom from 12th AD. Well over 450 forts built during these times form a dominant

feature of the region’s cultural heritage.

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Picture 2: Carves staircases going up the Kanheri Cave complex;

Courtesy www.travelpod.com

Picture 3 Lenyadri: A seamless mix of Hindu and Buddhist Cave architecture;

Courtesy: Niemru, Flickr photos

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Picture 4: Ancient trade route connecting Konkan to Desh

Though the human influence on the Northern Western Ghats (NWG) continued

through the ages, the mountains and forests were rarely host to permanent settlements

and development. Most old towns are found in the piedmont areas of the NWG, with

living examples of towns like Wai, Paithan, Aurangabad, Pune, Nashik, Kolhapur, etc.

which have now grown to become large metropolitan areas. It could be stated with

reservation that the Sahyadris were mostly inhabited by nomads, semi-nomads, forest

dwellers, monks and pilgrims and it is only in the turbulent times of the Mughals and

Shivaji that we find settlements for trade (Peths) and defence (hill forts, gadh) in this

region. Human influence in the region was limited to shifting cultivation by nomadic

tribes, small isolated settlements, etc. and one can hardly find any example of settled

agriculture till early 20th century. The peths that did flourish on the Western Ghats were

transit points or small market settlements on either side of the Western Ghat crest line (

Peth Amboli, Peth Velhe, Peth Karjat, Peth Phonda, etc).

Besides these trading towns it is not uncommon to find tribal settlement today

around small springs and rivulets protected by forests or Sacred Groves. The basic needs

of food such as fruits, millets, meat, water and shelter of a small tribal clan could be

easily satisfied without much damage to the surrounding landscape. In most of these

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settlements well over 70% of the commodities required came directly from the forest,

and the rest was either traded or bartered at the trading posts.

The topographical gradient of the region is such that it would have been difficult

to collect water, develop agriculture, and construct houses and settlements, etc. with

the limited technology available during those times. Earthen and stone masonry dams

from the 6th century around the Kanheri caves in Mumbai, 16th in Karla (Bhokar)

(National Register of Large Dams in India, Central Water Commission, edition 1990) are

some rare evidences which show attempts made to make the area hospitable .where

attempts to make the landscape hospitable can be seen.

Colonial interventions

The NWGs went through a dramatic change after colonisation by the British. The

British perception of the Western Ghats was fundamentally different from the Indian

perception. They realised the 'resource' value of the Sahyadris – huge trees as timber,

the basalt rock, potential hydropower (from the west flowing rapids),rivers ready to be

dammed and tapped for irrigation, and its nearness to the port of Mumbai. It led to

transfer of wealth to Britain, and eventually to the global market. Sandwiched between

Mumbai (a port and market) and Pune (a Cantonment Board), the NWGs were an ideal

place for extraction of resources to feed the developing cities. An unprecedented pace

of development on the NWGs occurred during the British Period due to three major

interventions –

1. Construction of Railways,

2. Roads, and

3. Dams

These became the 'channels' of resource extraction, exploitation, and

appropriation by the ever expanding urban and industrial settlements of Mumbai-

Thane, Nashik, Pune, which has continued in the present times.

The first railway across the Western Ghats was built from Mumbai to Pune, and

was completed in 1863. The second line was consequently laid from Mumbai to Igatpuri

in 1865. A major impact of the construction of the railway line was the transport of

agricultural products and forest resources to an untapped market in Peninsular India.

Wood from the Western Ghats could be transported to most corners of the country,

through the medium of railways. Hill stations like Lonavala, Khandala, Matheran

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flourished after the construction of railways.

Picture 5: Bor Ghat Railway track (Constructed around 1863); Courtesy www.irfca.com (Photo by Dr.Shirsh Yande)

However, the most far-reaching impact on the NWGs in terms of area covered, scale of

projects and time required was the construction of dams in the British Period. The first

dam in the Northern Western Ghats in British India was built in Mumbai at Vihar in

1860. It was followed by the construction of over 20 dams till 1947 (on the NWGs

alone). The British Government in India built structures across rivers in the Western

Ghats in order to create reservoirs which would trap the 'excess' monsoon flow so that

this water could subsequently be used for irrigation during the winter and summer

(Dry)months.

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Picture 6: Tulsi Lake built in 1879 as a source of water supply to Mumbai, Courtesy: Ravi Vaidyanathan, Picasaweb

Picture 7: Vihar Lake built in 1860 (Mumbai); Courtesy www.paagalguy.com, added by 'chop suey'

Capture, appropriation and transfer of resources was the primary objective of

the British Government in India, and was reflected in their dam building policy as well.

Notable among the dams built during the British Period were the Bhandardhara, Mulshi

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(Tata Company) and the Khadakwasla dams. Even by current standards, these are large

dams, i.e., having irrigation potential well over 10,000 ha of land and/or a vertical height

of 10 meters or more. In order to make the structure cost-effective, most of these dams

were constructed in natural valleys/ gorges, close to high mountain slopes, where the

length and width of the structures could be minimal. The dams like Tulsi, Vihar, Tansa

were built with the purpose of water storage for civic supply to the rapidly urbanising

Mumbai, while Mulshi, Walwan, Thokarwadi, Bhatghar were meant for generating

hydropower for supporting the industrial growth around Mumbai. ( National Register of

Dams, 1991) Resources in form of water and electricity were taken away for

development to a distance of at least 70-80 kms, while the catchments of dams

remained undeveloped for several years.

Picture 8: Mulshi Dam; Courtesy www.bharatheritage.in

It was only after Independence in 1947 and especially after the formation of

State of Maharashtra in 1960 that the number of large dams built for irrigation and

hydro-power experienced an almost exponential growth. In 2009, the number of

existing dams, and the construction of ongoing ones had reached a total of 1821

structures, out of which approximately 200 of the large dams lay in the NWG (A list is

included in the following paragraph, i.e. 166 dams, found in the National Register of

Dams (2009) and from Google Earth. The list, however, is not exhaustive as some may be

missing). The construction of dams brought in industries and led to creation of industrial

belts and emergence of Special economic zones which accelerated economic growth.

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The dams also resulted in increase in immigration of local communities into cities like

Mumbai, Pune, etc., increase in agricultural areas along the irrigation canals on the left

and right bank, year round supply of drinking water to cities and towns, etc.

List of Dams on the Northern Western Ghats

Malangaon Latipada Chanakpur Dam Ozarkhed Punegaon Karanjwan Waghad Palkhed Alandi (nashik) Gangapur Mukne Darna Kadwa Waldevi Upper Vaitarna Bhandardara Pimpalgaon Joge Yedgaon Wadaj Dimbhe Chaskaman Thokalwadi Bhama-Askhed Uksan Valwan Shiravata Pawana Mulshi Temghar Khadakwasla Panshet Varasgaon Gunjwani Bhatghar Malhar sagar Veer Dam Neera -Deoghar Dhom-Balkawdi Kanher Urmodi Ner Dam Koyna Morna Dam Chandoli Kadve Kasari Kumbhi Pombare Tulshi (Kolhapur) Kurli Radhanagari Kalammawadi Patgaon Chikotra Chhitri Jangamhatti Tillari Rakaskop Anjuna Mukti Dam Gondur Dam Purmepeda Jamfal Khulte Khandlay Kothare Kanoli Devbhane Burzad Nandra Rangawli Anchale Motinalla Chougaon Lamkhani Nawatha Haranbari Burdakha Hatti Chavdi Panzara Virkhel Burai Kakni Kayankanda Jamkhedi Kabryakhadak Anjneri Warshi Govapur Bordaivat Otur Dhardedigar Bhadane Malgaon Malgaon-Chinchpada Rameshwar Khirad Markand Pimpri Dhanoli Jamlewani Bhegu Khariyaghutighat Lower Panzara Karanjwan Kawadsar Talegaon Trambak Sadagaon Ladachi Shiwan Lower Tapi Naikwadi Amboli Mahiravani Rahud Kone Alandi (Nasik) Waldevi

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Waghera MI Alwandi Tringalwadi Khed (Igatpuri) Taloshi Shenwad Chilewadi Utchil Yenere Ranjiwadi Wadaj Parunde Waghdara (Otur) Ballalwadi Anepemdara Manikdoh Lohare kasare Ambikhan Ambikhalsa Kelewadi Bori Sakur Ambidumala Belapur Gohe Andra dam Jadhavwadi Mulshi on mula Rihe Bhugaon Chinchwad Pimpoli Walen Hadashi Lavarde Marnewadi Shere Kamboli Gaddvane Hadshi 2 Andur Borgaon Nimgaon Koregaon Mandave Ekrukh Hotagi Bhose As identified on 20th February 2011 (Note that each one of these can be located on Google Earth) However, there were serious ill effects on the society and ecology of the areas

both upstream and downstream of the dams. It is only in the last few decades that it has

become evident that big dams are not an unmixed blessing. The construction of dams

involved the submergence of large areas of forests under water, mining and quarrying of

near-by areas for stones and earth, clearing of forests for roads, etc. Apart from this, it

involved displacing tribal and other local communities which inhabited these landscapes

for centuries. The tribals were forced out of their dwellings and had to migrate to

nearby towns and cities to work as labourers. Few of the families returned to

recommence agriculture by clearing the forests on higher contours near their original

lands after facing tremendous hardship in the cities. Dams and land acquisition together

alienated both the forests and land from their keepers. The vacuum resulting from

displacement of people in the forests, was immediately filled in by charcoal makers,

stone quarrying enterprises, loggers, etc. This led to further fragmentation of the lands

and forests. The upper catchments of dams became vulnerable to exploitation by more

and more urban contractors and real estate prospectors.

Justification for land acquisition was provided by the Land Acquisition Act 1894,

which stated that the 'State' had the right to acquire private land and property if it could

prove that such an acquisition would be used for 'public purpose', or for the benefit of a

proportionately larger population. This Act was passed during the British regime, but it

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is ironical that the Indian Government continued the use of the same law for the

involuntary appropriation of natural resources, mainly for urban and industrial growth.

In order to legitimise and justify this 'transfer of resources', the State took on the

responsibility of compensating the displaced community. However, none of the

rehabilitation schemes have been able to restore the broken relationships and neither

have the forests or the tribals living in them been able to overcome the shock of

displacement.

It needs to be further stated, that despite the clear mention in the Act, that land

acquisition should be made only for the required amount of land in a phase-wise

manner, excessive lands were acquired by the State Government. After the completion

of the projects, the Government has in many cases surreptitiously sold the land to

private industrialists and made speculative gains at the expense of the displaced

populations.

Between 1960 and 1990, the Government records show that 3,29,765 persons

have been displaced by large dams and several medium projects in the Northern

Western Ghats. (Reference). In other words, well over 65,000 households who were

totally dependent on farming and forests had been displaced. Since the number of dams

in the area has practically doubled since 1990, one can safely assume that the total

population displaced so far stands at about 6.5 lakhs. The socio-economic data available

for the year 1991 (Census of India) and 2001 (Census of India) indicate that a large

proportion of affected families have migrated to the urban areas and settled in slums.

Recent surveys of slums in Pune indicate that the immigrants have either been

involuntarily displaced from the Western Ghats or from the dry and drought stricken

zones of Marathwada (Personal communication, Shelter Associates, Pune, December

2010)

Dams have also had a profound impact on land prices. Initially, it was found that

the prices of land go up astronomically in the command areas because the rain-fed lands

got converted into irrigated lands. As per the Rehabilitation Act 1986 (GoM), all the

displaced households are to be given irrigated lands in the command zone of the

project. But often, the lands shown as 'irrigated' by the proposed canal turn out to be

outside the command area or are incapable of being irrigated. Consequently, in some

areas of Nashik, Pune, Satara, Sangli, and Kolhapur, etc. most of the oustees had to

enter into lengthy and expensive litigation against the Government authorities because

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the benefits and compensation which they actually received were far less than those

promised. In addition there were inordinate delays in the actual payment of

compensation leading to substantial reduction in the value of the compensation. The

credibility of the Government has eroded over the years due to the inefficiency and

insensitivity shown by the authorities and now it practically stands shattered.

The litany of disputes regarding compensation and delays in redressal

mechanism indicates that the Government has been palming off worthless wastelands

to the displaced persons, which are finally abandoned by these unfortunate people. A

common observation is that the newly settled villages were not given any amenities like

connecting roads, schools, community centres, or potable water supply till early 1990’s.

However, during the last two decades the situation has improved.

Another interesting phenomenon is related to the severe resistance shown by

the ‘host village community’ during the process of rehabilitation. The host population

treated the oustees as illegitimate households, and often ostracised them to such an

extent that they had to finally abandon the lands given by the Government and go back

to villages closest to their original lands.

These reservoirs have broken the communication network and have disrupted

the established trade practices. There is no 'compensation' envisaged for such

secondary impacts.

Dams also triggered off a series of socio-ecological impacts. Since the best lands

were submerged, the population moved up into higher slopes, cutting trees and

denuding the hills, in a desperate attempt to eke out a living from the inhospitable

terrain. Trees were often burnt to make charcoal, and this adversely affected the flora

and fauna of the region often leading to extinction of species or depletion of vegetation.

The denudation of hill slopes and the loss of vegetative cover led to erosion and

transportation of silt which was finally deposited in the reservoir, thus reducing its

water-holding capacity and economic life. All the dams along the crest-line of the

Western Ghats (Bhatgar, Mulshi, Panshet, Warsgaon, Bhandardhara, etc.) are

testimonials to this kind of socio-economic and environmental degradation caused by

large dams. A recent report suggests that there is a loss of 10.57% of dense forests since

1985, of which 2% has been submerged under water-bodies. The land submerged since

1985 (inclusive of scrublands, agricultural lands, etc.) is 48,189 hectares. (Panigrahy, et

al, 2010)

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Till 1988, the Irrigation Department of the Government of Maharashtra did not

permit the use of water upstream of the reservoirs. The argument of the Department

was that the storage in the reservoir had been 'committed' to the land owners in the

command areas of the canals, and therefore upstream utilisation could not be

permitted. While making this argument the Government failed to recognise the fact that

storage capacities of reservoirs are determined on the basis of average annual yields at 75%

dependability and with an assumption that only 'surplus' water in the catchment area

will be stored in the proposed reservoir (i.e. after calculating the full utilisation potential

of the catchment). Consequently, there was no watershed development plan in the

upstream of the reservoir and villagers had to face a paradoxical situation of having to

look at millions of cubic metres of water without being able to use a drop. After a lot of

pressure and protests from voluntary agencies and 'morchas' by upstream villagers, the

Government realised its own folly and amended the Irrigation Act in the late 1980's by

permitting the use of water from the reservoir (from 5 to 6% of the average yield which

was initially permitted the figure has now been raised to 10%).

A special Western Ghats Development Plan was initiated in 1972 laid special

emphasis on ‘Catchment Area Treatment’. Further, since the 6th Five Year Plan (1980-

1985) the Western Ghats Eco-development Plan came into being and has continued

under various names and schemes till the 11th Five Year Plan (2007-2012). The benefits

of this plan were visible in the form of afforestation of over 1,20,391 sq.kms of area and

a water table increase of 20% in the hill regions. However, these efforts are far less to

surpass the scale of ecological damage the dams cause. (Report of the Planning

Commission, 2008).

The experience over the past fifty years with respect to large dams has been that

large dams on or near the crest-line of the Western Ghats have an intrinsic tendency to

start off a process of ecosystem degradation and social injustice which is so complex

that it cannot be rectified later, as is possible in the case of urban or industrial pollution.

Construction of dams was often followed by the construction of roads,

connecting remote areas in the Western Ghats to the cities, thereby exposing the virgin

forests to more and more exploitation. The roads constructed for increasing the

communications network and for the 'development of backward areas' intersected the

forests and have hastened the process of forest depletion. In the 1990's the number of

roads cutting across the Northern Western Ghats was around thirteen, while today the

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number has increased to a whopping twenty-one. (A list of roads found from the Google

Earth is given below. This list is not an exhaustive list but an indicative of the road

development in the region). This number includes the four lane Express Highway

connecting Pune and Mumbai as well as the highway under construction between

Nashik and Mumbai.

The Wild Life Institute of India in its report (EIA of the Express highway) had

clearly stated that the Western Express Highway should be permitted only if the North-

South Wild Life Corridors were created as underpasses. A further recommendation was

to declare the ecologically rich area, (south of the Express Highway) clinging to the

western cliffs to the south of the Lonavala-Khandala Ghats as a National Park.

Unfortunately, after the No Objection Certificate (NOC) was procured, neither the

Government of Maharashtra (Forest Department) nor the Wild Life Institute pursued

this matter and now the Mumbai-Pune Expressway has caused an irreparable and

irreversible damage to the Proposed Santa Pau National Park near Lonavala. The

problem with such EIA conditionalities is that once the NOC is granted the project

authorities rarely comply with the conditionalities and the enforcement agencies are

apathetic about it.

Road kills of animals is a commonly observable phenomenon along such roads (A

newspaper article in 2010 reports that in one year over 600,000 snakes were crushed to

death by vehicles in Mahabaleshwar with a study areas of 150 sq.kms). Besides these,

permanent lights on roads, honking of horns, the speed of vehicles, accidents cause

disturbance to the animal life in the forests. The road construction is under way not only

across the Western Ghats but also horizontally along the crest-line, thus dissecting the

wildlife corridors, and isolating the already small patches of forests and wilderness,

aggravating the persisting problem of forest fragmentation.

The EIA done by Wildlife Institute of India for the Mumbai-Pune Express Way in

1998 had recorded the number of wild animals likely to be affected by the road and also

drafted a plan to avoid road kills. However, a post facto analysis of these measures still

needs to be conducted.

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Picture 9: The Mumbai-Pune Expressway which has put a nail into the proposed for Santa Pau National Park; Courtesy www.amitkulkarni.info

In the early 1990's a road network meant the development of towns and villages

which often developed at the intersection of roads and became an outlet for the forest

produce, timber, minerals, etc. However, the trend today is that these areas sandwiched

between the three metropolitan (Pune , Mumbai and Nashik) areas are slowly falling

prey to land grab for large scale industrialisation and the urban crawl, which wipe out

entire patches of forests at a very rapid pace.

List of Roads across the Northern Western Ghats:

Sakri – Pimpalner Sakri – Dahivel Kalwan - Dhule Nashik - Kasara Sangamner – Bhandardara Ahmednagar – Kalyan Pune – Nashik Pune – Mumbai Old Pune – Mumbai Express Pune - Satara (Katraj) Pune - Satara (Kumbharli) Karad – Chiplun Satara – Mahabaleshwar – Poladpur Kolhapur- Shahuwadi – Ratnagiri

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Rajapur – Kolhapur Kolhapur – Kudal ( Phonda Ghat) Belgaum – Kudal Nipani – Kudal Panji – Belgaum Pune – Bhor – Mahad

New pathways of exploitation

The development that followed the economic liberalisation in the 1990's ushered

in a phenomenal change in approach in planning and development of areas in the

Northern Western Ghats. As Mumbai continued to grow, Pune experienced the

Information Technology boom while Nashik transformed from a town to a city due to

the establishment of grape vineyards and breweries. The new money has led to creation

of not only an economic disparity between the tribal, rural and urban landscapes but

also created an almost unsolvable conflict in developmental objectives.

Construction in the expanding cities has led to more and more extraction of

resources from the Western Ghats region. Mining of stone and removal of soil is

commonly seen in the urban fringe areas. However, there is a scarcity of data about

such issues and the exact impact of such activities still remains unaddressed and

unquantified. Besides the extraction of resources, purchase of agricultural and private

forest plots for construction of farm houses, resorts, industrial units, educational

institutes, etc. is increasing rapidly. Most of these sales are legitimate while few are

illegal; however the land use change brought about by these small scale land dealings is

quite significant. There is a serious dearth of data on the impacts of such changes, and

the damage is going almost unnoticed and undocumented.

The existing water reservoirs are proving inadequate to the growing urban need.

Even Pune with an advantage of having water supply from 4 major reservoirs

experiences a water scarcity in the summer months! The urban pressure and demand of

natural resources, especially that of water is evident from the plea made by the

Government of Maharashtra during the Krishna Water Disputes Tribunal of 2010 stating

that the Court should not 'burden' the State by demanding 3 TMC (Thousand million

cubic feet) of Krishna River water for maintaining environmental flows. (It may be noted

that over 200 TMC of Krishna River water is diverted westward for electricity

generation). (Krishna River Water Disputes Tribunal, 2010)

However, another significant matter of concern today is the corporatization of

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public or private land in the Sahyadris. The rapid pace of urbanisation has pushed

industrial estates to the outskirts of the cities, entering into prime agricultural lands.

New industrial estates are being established, further into the Sahyadris as land is

available at throw away prices due to its typical topography. Large areas are then

flattened to accommodate the industrial units. Environmental Impact Assessments (EIA)

are often corrupted by those who commission them and do not take into consideration

the sensitivity of the landscape. Industrial projects are often justified by establishing

'water treatment plants', 'wind or solar power', 'greening' of estates by lawns or often a

few exotic trees, etc. However, the larger ecosystem experiences tremendous damage

during and after the construction of such estates. Again there is a huge social problem

that arises from establishments as these lands are acquired from farmers and tribals,

compensating them with menial jobs and a meagre sum of money. It is often found that

public hearings in the EIA process is not only staged but do not follow either the letter

or the spirit of the law. Sometimes such public hearings are organised after or during the

construction of projects. There are numerous cases which can be quoted as examples of

this including the Khed Special Economic Zone (SEZ), Chakan Airport, Hinjewadi SEZ, etc.

Over 30 SEZs and industrial estates (ranging from 1023 hectares to 10 hectares) in the

Northern Western Ghats have been notified covering several hectares of land

(Maharashtra Industrial Development Corporation website). The important issue is

whether such unplanned (often illegal) growth is affordable in the Sahyadris considering

their ecological and systemic importance. It is also a matter of deliberation whether

such growth is avoidable in the Sahyadris and can be redirected in lesser sensitive and

underdeveloped regions of the State.

Sham Tourism

Apart from acquisitions for Industrial purposes, a new trend is the establishment

of private hill stations or holiday resorts. The first of these private hill stations came up

in 1994 at Ambavne village near Lonavala. The village was transformed into the 'Amby

Valley', where over 4294 hectares of land was 'tamed' to provide luxurious environs to

the most elite urban community internationally. What had started as a 'public hill

station' development to 'provide an optional tourism site and reduce the pressure on

older tourist spots like Mahabaleshwar and Matheran, turned into 'restricted areas',

open only to a handful of rich and famous people from the world. If one compares the

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number of tourists and the state of environment at Mahabaleshwar and Matheran to

that of Amby Valley, the numbers will speak for how little the Amby Valley has been able

to achieve the original 'public benefit' that it was established for. Number of tourists in

Mahabaleshwar in 150 sq.kms (15000 hectares) is more than 1 million per year, number

of tourists in Matheran in 7 sq.kms (700 hecatres) is per year. It may be noted that

despite the pressure of tourism 80% area is under forest cover in Mahabaleshwar and

while 90% of forests in Matheran have still been maintained. On the other hand, in

Amby Valley approximately 400 sq.kms of land is estimated to have a potential tourist

population of approximately 20,000 per year who would 'fly' into the campus through

their private airstrips and helipads. (The current statistics for average annual visitors is

unavailable with the Amby Valley City as per a report given to the author on the 20th

December 2010).

Picture 10: Koraigad or Hotel in Amby Valley? Overtaking a Heritage

Since tribal and public land was sold by the State for 'larger public benefit' as

stated in the Land Acquisition Act, a legal battle ensued for over 20 years as the State

Government's decision to provide this land for Sahara Amby Valley Corporation was

challenged by a few NGOs and tribal communities. However, the damage to the

ecosystem was already done. Today, the Amby Valley boasts of record breaking 'tree

plantation' in its campus, and of 'computerised water systems for reducing water losses',

apart from water guzzling lawns, artificial wetlands, exotic trees and shrubs, but nothing

can replace the original landscapes, contiguous forests, and the endemic habitats which

were lost during the construction of the Amby Valley. It must be noted that the site of

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Amby Valley lies in the Mulshi Dam catchment and lies adjacent to the Koraigad Fort (a

site notified by the Archeological Survey of India). This has caused both an ecological

damage as well as a loss of the cultural heritage of the region, as entry to the Koraigad

has been restricted from the area belonging to the Amby Valley.

Picture 11 : Site of excavation by Amby Valley near Saltar, notice forest on the periphery

Amby Valley was later followed by a bigger project, called the Lavasa Lake City

Corporation, which is under construction from 2004. The site of this project lies on the

border of the Veer Baji Pasalkar Dam. There have been several legal irregularities with

relation to this project, which are being contested in the Mumbai High Court (Writ

Petition 9448/2010). A portion of land of this project was leased out by the Maharashtra

Krishna Valley Development Corporation to the Lavasa Corporation Limited for a period

of 30 years. It is indeed astonishing that the Lavasa Corporation Limited was permitted

to construct a dam within the submergence zone of the Veer Baji Pasalkar Reservoirs for

its private use, while 8 similar dams are proposed to be constructed. An important social

issue is that the land irrespective of whether the land was leased out or sold to the

Corporation, the land was bought by the State Government by displacing tribal

communities in the year 1974 before the construction of Veer Baji Pasalkar Dam under

the Public Land Acquisition Act. As per the Act, displacement of a few people is

21

justifiable only if there is a larger social benefit.

Picture 12: Golf Course at Amby Valley with the backdrop of the Western Ghats

Picture 13: Landscaping the Western Ghats (Amby Valley)

Upcoming Private township in the garb of a public Hill Station at Saltar

Another site has been identified in 2008 for the development of a hill station

close to the Amby Valley City and the Telbaila Fort by the Government of Maharashtra.

This site is located in villages of Saltar covering 991 hectares according to the minutes of

the State Level Expert Appraisal Committee (SEAC) held on 15th April 2010. This site has

22

dense forest cover in patches interspersed by scrub and grasslands. A Minor Irrigation

Tank in the Saltar village serves as a tourism site for trekkers, birdwatchers, etc. This

needs to be urgently and seriously examined and possibly stopped by the Ministry of

Environment and Forests (GoI) so that it does not become a fait accompli like the

ecologically non-sustainable eye-sores Amby Valley and Lavasa.

Picture 14: Approach road to Saltar

Picture 15: Saltar showing Spillway in the background

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Picture 16: Saltar Minor Irrigation Tank

There are several policy questions having social and ecological implications

arising from this situation.

a) The first question is whether the State Government is authorised to buy 'surplus'

land from the community, and whether it can sell or lease these 'surplus' lands

for private purposes.

b) The second is whether selling public land to a private corporation for establishing

a 'privately governed and managed' city can be justified as a 'larger social

benefit' that requires large-scale displacement of local communities.

c) The third question is whether virgin lands in the Sahyadris, especially the upper

watersheds of rivers can be opened up for development of such dispersed urban

areas, hill stations, farm house plots or holiday resorts. The establishment of a

single 'holiday resort' in a forest patch in the Sahyadris can attract multitudes of

other such development, spearheaded by land sharks like building contractors,

stone and sand quarrying contractors and real estate developers especially from

the Mumbai-Pune-Nashik urban-industrial triangle. Apart from this, there would

be no control over the natural process of urban growth around such areas, which

is apparent even today around the Lavasa Lake City road and surrounding areas.

This won’t just be a ripple effect but in fact a tsunami of landuse changes in the

Northern Western Ghats.

24

d) The fourth question therefore, is how resilient is the Sahyadri landscape to

withstand these sudden and violent developmental pressures.

Conclusions and Recommendations:

1) Even though trade and travel routes, minor watershed harvesting structures and

scattered human habitations have pervaded the NWG for over two centuries, their

impact on the ecosystem was negligible till the 18th century.

2) It was primarily in the 19th century that modern technology in the form of railways,

road construction, boring of tunnels through massive mountains, and the construction

of stone masonry and concrete dams that the first destructive wave of development

invasion took place. (Primarily due to the colonial and imperial needs of the British Rule

in India)

3) It was on the British foundation of technological intervention that the Bombay

Presidency (Government of India, 1947-1960) and later the Government of Maharashtra

(since 1960) has built a juggernaut of non-sustainable development in the form of

mega-dams, multi-lane expressways, ecologically unsound and mindless private

townships requiring the transfer of land belonging to tribal and watan-land holders to

rich private speculators (euphemistically called ‘new hill stations’), unplanned quarries

and mines (often illegal), Special Economic Zones which exploit natural resources (often

illegally and without regard to its impact on the downstream agricultural populations).

4) The developments of the kinds mentioned above have come about in a telescopic

manner within a short span of 50-60 years and are showing signs of expanding at

geometric proportions. The nexus between government bureaucrats, land mafia,

legislators, and corporate houses is together grabbing huge swathe of the NWG purely

and completely for private gain. This is happening at the cost of the original mountain

and forest dwellers that have got uprooted and displaced and at the cost of the natural

environment which is incapable of invoking law for its own protection. This has

happened partly due to the pervert logic regarding hill station development advocated

by the Ministry of Urban Development, Government of Maharashtra.

5) The proposed Western Ghats (Conservation and Sustainable Development) Authority

needs to attend this dangerous and destructive process taking place in the Western

Ghats region.

6) Although there have been schemes like the Western Ghats Eco-development

25

Program, etc. there has been an absence of a holistic legal and procedural framework

for regulating and shaping developmental activities on the Western Ghats. The proposed

Western Ghats Authority will need to put this legal and procedural framework in place

as a pre-requisite before it examines the larger and more critical issue of identifying eco-

sensitive areas/ zones for future conservation and protection.

7) The current practice of identifying eco-sensitive zones and appointing High Level

Monitoring Committees (HLMC) for supervising developmental activities consistent with

the principles of ecosystem management must be continued with a clearer mandate and

financial support. Independent budgetary support is important because it enables the

committees to function without fear and favour (unlike the institutes and agencies

which prepare Environmental Impact Assessments at the behest of the Project

proponents themselves who pay them handsome fees for doctoring such EIAs).

8) The HLMCs should function directly under the Western Ghats Authority which should

be constituted as a central body under the Environment Protection Act, 1986. Such a

framework can enable them to function without unnecessary influence of local interest

groups and corrupt officials.

9) Amendments need to be made in the Land Acquisition Act in such a manner that

Project Authorities (Government or Private) do not acquire more land than absolutely

necessary. Further, in case of surplus lands (such lands have been acquired in excess of

need in the past), should be reverted back either to the original owners or to the Forest

Department. This will stop the corrupt practice of acquiring more lands than necessary

under the garb of ‘public-purpose’ and then selling it for private purposes and

unjustified capital gain.

10) Since the North Western Ghats have a difficult terrain, several areas have not been

explored and studied. As a result, the primary data regarding the biodiversity, ecosystem

functions, watershed characteristics remain inadequately documented and therefore

necessary documentation should be done.

In order to improve such documentation following measures should be taken (Note:

Addition to what the specialised institutes are doing):

Whenever a regional plan is prepared the planning board takes into account all factual,

socio-economic data, land profile and data on other physical parameters. It is on basis of

such data that the existing land use map is prepared. This process is also followed while

preparing a Development Plan (DP). However there is an important lacuna in the form of

26

non-cognisance of the biological diversity, natural heritage sites etc. Therefore it is

strongly recommended that before any new regional plan is commissioned or is being

drafted, fresh primary data should be gathered from State, Voluntary Institutions and

Organisations on biological inventories indicating species and population diversity. In

case such primary data is not available the regional and development authorities must

make the necessary budgetary allocation in order to construct and document data on

those critical parameter.

In the case of Western Ghats any new Regional Plan (RP) which comes into existence

needs to commission specific surveys through ZSI, BSI or any other research institutes,

private individuals etc. to improve and build on the biological database. (Such studies

are often carried out for human settlements, slums settlements, traffic studies, natural

(water) drainage lines, and such data forms the basis of Existence Land Use (ELU).

As per the 73rd and 74th amendment, 1992, each Municipal Corporation and Municipal

council is expected to submit an environmental status report. At present such reports do

not present any assessment of the biological diversity ( eg. ESR for Mumbai, Pune etc.

do not reflect any such biological assessment). This flaw in planning and preparing ESR’s

needs to be corrected forthwith. We strongly recommend this. All Municipal Councils

and Corporations should be asked to make this addition in their ESR processes.

Hence, before any new Regional Plans are proposed and implemented, the baseline data

should be collected which will assist in the process of making EIA reports.

Locations of hot water sulphur springs, rare cliffs and overhangs harbouring rare species

of birds and animals.

11) There is increased fragmentation of the already fragmented habitat owing to various

external disturbances. Certain features such as sacred groves, valleys, waterfalls,

plateaus, grasslands etc., which are vulnerable should be indentified and protected as

Natural heritage sites. This can be done more effectively by increased interaction and

combined efforts of the NGO’s, local communities and academicia.

Identification and notification of heritage sites:

The current thinking regarding biological conservation is presently limited to NP,

sanctuaries, Biosphere reserves and ESZ’s, while this covers a large range of entities, the

areas are too sweeping in their approach. One therefore requires a special category, that

can be called Ecosensitive Natural Heritage Sites (ESNHS). Certain locations or specific

areas not exceeding a few hectares or areas less than a hectare within the western

27

ghats, which have extraordinary diversity or a special habitat value, but cannot fall

within a PA or a large ESZ can easily fall prey to private acquisition or non sustainable

development. A special provision where a task force could examine such specific sites

and get the notification as ESNHS. Eg. One could mention several sacred groves in the

WG’s and origin of rivers and springs which cannot fall in PA or ESZ could then be given

the level of protection they deserve.

12) River regulation zones : It is understood that the honourable minister for

environment has announced his intention to promulgate a notification under the 1986

act. for river regulation. It is necessary that such a notification contains provisions for

protecting not only zones which are marked arbitrarily in terms of distance from the

high flood line etc.; from certain distances such as half a km., but also specific areas such

as the NHS areas mentioned above, falling within them.

13) Importance should be given to watershed area treatment practices such as gully

plugging, nala bunding, plantation, continuous contour trenching etc.

Adequate additional funds should be allocated for not only carrying out catchment area

treatment plans but conservation of areas like natural springs, origin of rivers, waterfalls

especially in the higher on rainfall areas( water tower) in the uppermost watersheds of

all river valleys in the WG’s.

14) According to CBD(Convention on Biological Diversity)., 1992, Article 8(j), the local

and indigenous communities must obtain a fair and equitable share of benefits. These

communities are partly responsible for the protection and conservation of forests and

catchment areas in the Western Ghats. The resources in form of water and electricity

should be provided to these communities on first priority basis. In a certain percentage

of electricity, energy generated in any other form must be reserved for the communities

still residing and protecting the areas which still survive.

References:

1. Gokhale, S. 'Inscriptions in the Kanheri Caves', 1991, Deccan College (Pune)

2. Jagtap, A. 'Biodiversity of the Western Ghats of Maharashtra', 1997 in Current

Knowledge, World Wide Fund for Nature – India , Pune

3. Myers, N. 'Biodiversity hotspots for conservation priorities', Nature (403, 853-

858)

4. Ministry of Environment and Forests website, www.moef.nic.in (Last visited :

28

28th February 2011)

5. National Register of Large Dams in India, Central Water Commission, edition

1990

6. Panigrahy, et al, 'Forest cover change detection in the Western Ghats of

Maharashtra using satellite remote sensing based visual interpretation

technique', Current Science, 98 (5), 657-664

7. Report of the task group of the problems of hilly habitations in areas covered by

the Hill area Development Plan / Western Ghats development Plan, Planning

Commission, 2008

8. Maharashtra Industrial Development Corporation, List of SEZs in Maharashtra

9. Writ Petition 9448/2010, Mumbai High Court

10. Krishna Water Disputes Tribunal, 2010

11. Comprehensive Status Report, Amby Valley City, 2010

12. 'Rage against road kills', 4th February 2010, www.groundreportindia.com (Last

visited: 28th February 2011)

13. National Register of Large Dams , 1990

14. National Register of Large Dams, 2009

15. EIA of the Mumbai-Pune Expressway, Wild Life Institute of India

16. Shelter Associates, ‘Census and computerisation of Pune’s slums’, www.shelter-

associates.com (Last visited: 5th March 2011)

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