A CLEAR CHANNEL

PART I

TIMESTAMP

CAPTION (C) NARRATION (N) AUDIO (A) VIDEO (V) IMAGE(I) MAP TIMELINE

CONTEXT FOOTNOTE PERMISSIONS MISCELLANEOUS

0.00-0.15 Men often hate each other because they fear each other; they fear each other because they don't know each other; they don't know each other because they cannot communicate; they cannot communicate because they are separated. --Martin Luther King (1958)

Music: Brewer, Simon. “Memorial Park.” Freeplaymusic.com. BMI. Web. June 2012.

USA 1958 We begin with this quote from Stride Toward Freedom (1958), Martin Luther King’s memoir about race relations before, during, and after the Montgomery Bus Boycott, to offer as a baseline for our analysis the optimism of what King would later describe as just “one phase in the civil rights revolution” (3, Where). According to the line of argument evident in this quote, segregation itself was what kept citizens from communicating, and that lack of communication led to the hate and fear that defines racism. By extension, it seems not unreasonable to assume that once desegregation removed that legal line separating the races, the resulting communication should have been able to push racism into America’s distant past.

Of course this didn’t happen. In fact not even King himself believed desegregation would “cure” racism in America. Again, civil rights legislation defined and enforced by the federal government was just “one phase in the civil rights revolution” (King 3). As King warns in his final book Where Do We Go from Here: Chaos or Community? (1967), penned just one year before his assignation, “The persistence of racism in depth and the dawning awareness that Negro demands will necessitate structural changes in society have generated a new phase of white resistance in North and South” (King, 12). Decades later, scholars contributing to critical race studies (“criticalists”) would argue legislation like the Civil Rights Acts of 1957 and 1964 and the Voting Rights Act (1965) could correct only the most obvious and extreme forms of racism, not the racism persisting in everyday life. Such racism is institutionalized, embedded into the fabric of ordinary life in America, making it largely invisible even as its effects continue to fill our nation’s jails (see Alexander’s The New Jim Crow), segregate our communities, and inequitably distribute America’s wealth (see also Conley, Being Black, Living in the Red).

The following remix and the scholarly annotations that surround it take this tension into one local context, teasing apart the critical race narratives embodied in local attempts to disrupt the racism that persists in everyday life across the nation. We are concerned here with communication and the “rhetorical constructions of race” (Delgado) that both challenges and enables racial justice. Following Michael Omi and Howard Winant, we treat racial formation as “the process by which social, economic, and political forces determine the context and importance of racial categories, and by which they are in turn shaped by racial meanings” (61). Like Richard Delgado, Derrick Bell, Patricia Williams, and other criticalists, we work from the assumption that, as Morris Young explains, “there is a rhetorical dimension to race as it is deployed strategically by both dominant and marginalized cultures who seek to use race persuasively for their own purposes” (84). Our goal in the following is to rhetoricize race, not to reify its existence but to remedy its effects (Ratcliffe). We hope to add a rural dimension to George Lipsitz’s ground-breaking study of How Racism Takes Place (2011), where white identity is place-bound and skews life chances along racial lines in rural spaces just as clearly as it does in the urban areas that are the focus of Lipsitz’s study.

Bibliography

Delgado, Richard. The Rodrigo Chronicles: Conversations about America and Race. NYU Press, 1996. Print.

---, ed. Critical White Studies: Looking Beyond the Mirror. Temple UP, 1997. Print.

King, Martin Luther. Where Do We Go From Here?: Chaos or Community. Beacon Press, 1968. Print.

Lipsitz, George. How Racism Takes Place. Temple UP, 2011. Print.

Ratcliffe, Krista. Rhetorical Listening: Identification, Gender, Whiteness. Southern Illinois UP, 2005. Print.

Omi, Michael and Howard Winant, Racial Formation in the United States: From the 1960s to the 1990s. 2nd Ed. Routledge, 1994. Print.

Williams, Patricia. Alchemy of Race and Rights: Diary of a Law Professor. Harvard UP, 1992. Print.

King, Martin Luther. Stride Toward Freedom: The Montgomery Story. Harper Collins, 1958.

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Where possible, we draw from materials in the Public Doman or holding Creative Commons licensing options that allow the uses we require. Where possible, materials we have created for this remix hold the CC licensing option Attribution-ShareAlike. Please see “Permissions” for an extended discussion of these issues and links to relevant source materials.

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Young, Morris. Citizenship, Ethnic Expressions, and the Rhetorics of Hawaiianness.” College English 67.1 (Sept. 2004): 83-101.

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“Crisis in Levittown” (1957)

Music: Brewer, Simon, PRS. “Memorial Park.” Freeplaymusic.com. BMI, Web. June 2012.

Crisis in Levittown . (8:15-8:20). Prod. Lee Bobker and Lester Becker. 1957. Dynamic Films. Academic Film Archive of North America. Archive.org. Web. Apr. 2012.

Levittown, PA

1957 Woven throughout our remix are excerpts from several documentaries produced in the 1950s and 1960s that illustrate key tensions surrounding communication about race and racism in America.

Crisis in Levittown is one such documentary. Indeed, we will return frequently to Crisis, for reasons we discuss in greater depth later. Essentially, this 32-minute film from 1957 is a landmark documentary about one all-white community’s response to their first African American neighbors. We are particularly drawn to the filmmaker’s attempts to understand the local responses to desegregation (some pro, many con). Interviews with local citizens reveal much about the complexity of racism in America at the time.

Levittown, Pennsylvania, was established in 1952 as a planned community for post-war America’s new middle class. The community offered its residents the opportunity to purchase a home, rather than rent. The American Dream that developer William Levitt offered to buyers attracted a mix of German, Polish, Hungarian and Irish residents, but when the first black family moved into the community, a riot erupted, lasting 14 days and attracting the nation’s attention.

Our remix is about communication following desegregation of higher education not housing, but the themes of fear, misinformation, and “noise” are certainly present in all of the key issues alternatively described as “The Negro Problem” and the “Civil Rights Movement,” depending on one’s perspective. Our remix also focuses on these issues in the south, but we draw from this example of Levvittown’s “crisis” as one of many such examples occurring in the North that illustrate racism’s ubiquity as well as its complexity.

Bibliography

Dailey, Kate. “Return to Levittown: A Suburban Dream Turns 60.” BBC News Magazine. Nov. 7, 2011. Web. 17 July 2012.

Harris, Dianne, Ed. Second Suburb: Levittown, Pennsylvania. Pittsburgh: U of Pittsburgh P, 2010. Print.

Hansen, Liane. "Levittown: A Racial Battleground In The Suburbs." Weekend Edition Sunday. National Public Radio, 9 Mar. 2009. Web. 17 July 2012.

Fair Use

We take as a given the important role played by the doctrine of Fair Use, especially as copyright law (can) encourage creativity and especially as this particular treatment and the application of the Remixing Rural Texas (RRT) prototype to it further establishes it as appropriately “Fair Use” in compliance with all four factors of section 107 of the Copyright Law.

Where possible, we draw from materials in the Public Doman or holding Creative Commons licensing options that allow the uses we require. Where possible, materials we have created for this remix hold the CC licensing option Attribution-ShareAlike. Please see “Permissions” for an extended discussion of these issues and links to relevant source materials.

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Crisis in Levittown . (8:21-8:26). Prod. Lee Bobker and Lester Becker. 1957. Dynamic Films. Academic Film Archive of North America. Archive.org. Web. Apr.

Crisis in Levittown . (8:21-8:26). Prod. Lee Bobker and Lester Becker. 1957. Dynamic Films. Academic Film Archive of North America. Archive.org. Web. Apr. 2012.

Levittown, PA

1957 The individual on screen now is one of several mothers interviewed who moved to Levvitown precisely because, as she explains, “we understood that [the community] was going to be all white and we were very happy to buy a home here.”

“The whole thing,” she insists in this excerpt, “centers around the word ‘integration.” We begin here because for our central arguments the “whole thing,” likewise, “centers around integration,” albeit for very different reasons. Rather than begin this first clip from Crisis with the original audio in which the interviewer asks her if she thought that “having a Negro family living here will affect the community as a whole,” we chose to strip the audio from the first few seconds of

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2012.

Music: “Memorial Park” (continued)

her appearance on screen. In doing so, we allow the audience to experience her discomfort as she shifts awkwardly (and silently) from side to side while firmly gripping the back of her lawn chair as her children play in the background. Her discomfort seems a useful illustration of the discomfort felt among many white Americans as the civil rights movement began forcing an end to the racist power structures dominating American history well into the 20th century and, according to many, far beyond.

FearHer greatest fear, one echoed by many of the Levittown residents included in the documentary, is that “in the end,” as a result of “this integration business,” “we probably will end up with mixing socially and you will have, well, I think their aim is mixed marriages and becoming equal with the whites.” “Mixed marriages” were not, of course, “’their’ aim,” as the filmmakers point out. Though a top fear of most of the white segregationists interviewed, “mixed marriages” didn’t even make the list in study after study of African Americans and their key desires. At the top of every list among African Americans was, of course, equal access to all the rights and privileges afforded all American citizens. We refer to this as a both a point of departure and another illustration of the many challenges to effective communication about race in America.

Invisibility“I am invisible, understand, simply because people refuse to see me. . . . When they approach me they see only my surroundings, themselves or figments of their imagination, indeed, everything and anything except me.” –Ralph Ellison, Invisible Man (1952)

What this interviewee says next echoes a theme we have found, time and again throughout our research concerning rhetorical constructions of race in this rural university town during the decade immediately following desegregation: “the only way they are going to do that [“become equal with whites”] is by education and by bettering themselves, not by pushing the way they have here” (emphasis added). We will return to this point several times throughout this project, both in the current remix and “Still Searching,” the remix foregrounding critical race narratives emerging from the archives.

HousingThe violent countermovement among whites in Levvittown determined to maintain separation of the races was only one of many such responses erupting in all-white suburbs across the nation. However, this documentary and others helped capture local tensions that offer a useful illustration of the “rhetorical constructions of race” likewise dominating communication about race and racism in Commerce, Texas, in the 1950s and 1960s.The first African Americans to move into the white sections of this rural university town, for example, were the African American professors (Dr. Talbot, 1968; Dr. Brewer, 1969) and administrators (Dr. Moore, 1972) whose presence in the community was the result of student activism, as we will illustrate. Unlike Levvittown and other all-white neighborhoods, no evidence suggests their moves to homes outside the historically segregated neighborhood in Commerce were met with local resistance. However, it is also important to note that these moves into Commerce’s predominantly white neighborhoods came more than a decade after such violent responses began dominating local news.

Our story is not about housing, though we hope to encourage other research and creative projects that delve into these very themes. One related local story that came up several times throughout our research and public programming is, like so many good stories, both amusing and informative.

In 1968, Dr. David Talbot and his family became the first non-white residents to join the university faculty and the first African American to move into the middle-class neighborhood where the vast majority of the university faculty lived. Over the next few decades, he regularly shared this story of an early encounter with one of his neighbors:

While tending to his lawn, he saw an older white woman driving slowly in front of his house. A friendly guy in a relatively friendly town, he naturally waved and went to her when she waved him over. “How much does the misses charge you to take care of her lawn?” she asked, clearly under the impression that “the misses” was someone other than Dr. Talbot’s wife. Without missing a beat, Dr. Talbot told his new neighbor, “Well, the misses don’t pay me much at all, but she does let me sleep with her from time to time.”

The story has been told and retold quite often over the decades, always to the great pleasure of the storyteller and listeners alike.

to relevant source materials.

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Bibliography

Ellison, Ralph. The Invisible Man. NY: Random House, 1952.

Kushner, David. Levittown: Two Families, One Tycoon, and the Fight for Civil Rights in America’s Legendary Suburb. Walker & Company, 2009. Print.

“Post World War II Suburbs in Pennsylvania” (1945-1965). Pennsylvania Historical and Museum Commission. Pennsylvania, PA. Web.

Hendricks, Lavelle. “Coming Together: A Conversation with Norris Community Residents and Other Experts.” Harry Turner, Ivory Moore, Maydell Pannell, and Lavelle Hendricks, with Shannon Carter. Converging Literacies Center (CLiC). Texas A&M-Commerce. Northeast Texas Digital Collections. October 2009. Web.

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East Texas State University began the process of desegregation in 1964.

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27.29-36.24sec 27.5 – 36Aerial View of East Texas State Teachers College. 1950. Photograph. Historic ET Collection. Northeast Texas Digital Collections. Texas A&M University-Commerce. Web. Sept. 2011.

27.29-36.24sec 27.5 – 36Commerce, TX

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1964

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An estimated six black Americans enrolled for summer courses in 1964. For at least the previous ten years, African Americans throughout the area had attempted to enter the college, but President James G. Gee routinely denied them admittance (Wilkison; Shabazz). Described as an ardent segregationist, the former Army officer could, however, take orders, regardless of his personal feelings (Reynolds and Conrad; Wilkison). By the early 1960s, it was evident that African Americans would enter the college sooner rather than later, so in 1962, he appointed an ad hoc committee to study desegregation at the college level to recommend the best policies and procedures to help the school whenever they had to finally eliminate their racial rules. After studying Lamar, Arlington, and North Texas, the committee recommended two things: first, that Gee call together all the faculty and staff of the college to inform them of the change and secure their cooperation, and second, that the college’s news director contact media to garner support in bringing about a “dignified integration.” Gee followed the recommendations to the letter, delivering a speech that called for an “orderly” integration and following up with a carefully crafted PR campaign designed to discourage press coverage of any kind. By all accounts, the rhetorical event met every one of their desired outcomes (Wilkison; Carter; Carter and Conrad).

BibliographyCarter, Shannon and James H. Conrad. “In Possession of Community.” CCC (September 2012), forthcoming. Print.

---. Carter, Shannon. “A Clear Channel: Circulating Resistance in a Rural University Town.” CLJ (September 2012), forthcoming. Print.

Gee, James G. University President Papers, collection 2008.28, James G. Gee Library Special Collections, Texas A & M University-Commerce.

Reyonds, Donald E. and James H. Conrad. Professor Mayo’s College: A History of East Texas State University. East

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Texas State UP, 1993. Print.

Shabazz, Amilcar. Advancing Democracy: African Americans and the Struggle for Access and Equity in Higher Education in Texas. University of North Carolina Press, 2006. Print.

Wilkison, Debra. “Eyewitness to Social Change: The Desegregation of East Texas State College.” M.A. thesis, East Texas State University, 1990. Print.

39.14-1:01:1037 – 60That summer then university president and outspoken segregationist James G. Gee called together all faculty and staff to announce ET’s immediate compliance with civil rights legislation mandating desegregation everywhere, including at the last two public colleges in Texas still upholding racial barriers.”

This is a story about

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37 – 44 (7 sec)Gee Portrait. c1950. Photograph. Historic ET Collection. Northeast Texas Digital Collections. Texas A&M University-Commerce. Web. Sept. 2011.

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Gee with Map of Texas. c1950. Photograph. Historic ET Collection. Northeast Texas Digital Collections. Texas A&M University-Commerce. Web. Sept. 2011.

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“Last State College Drops Racial Barriers” Dallas News 6 June 1964. Print.

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Commerce, Texas

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1889-1964

ETSU was originally established in 1889 to serve America’s

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The current study of how communication happened (and didn’t) after the process of desegregation finally began in this rural university town depends, in part, on a deep attention to what rhetoric and composition scholars have called “mundane texts,” “the “multiple, mundane documents, interpersonal networks, historical influences, and rhetorical moves and countermoves” that likewise surround and enable all rhetorical action (Rivers and Webber).

From Carter, “A Clear Channel”:Segregation was, of course, a deeply divisive issue in Commerce, just as it was everywhere else. However, the events that most characterize local struggles here and, indeed, throughout much of the rest of the southern states, were fought not in the streets among local publics but in mundane documents ranging from interoffice memoranda among campus administrators, letters exchanged between campus leaders and area, state, and federal officials, legal documents, and petitions (Shabazz; Sokel; Dittmer).[As noted earlier,] the primary and stated goal for our campus was what Gee …called “a dignified integration,” arguing demonstrations against desegregation would threaten the local community’s sustainability far more then any new admission policy ever could (Carter and Conrad; Wilkinson; Shabazz).

A particularly useful example of this can be found in in the circulation of documents surrounding two local segregationists and bitter enemies: US Senator Sam Rayburn, this university’s most famous alumnus, and James G. Gee, ETSU president from 1947-1966. From 1913 until 1961, Sam Rayburn represented this rural district dominated by voters loyal to Jim Crow and remained himself equally loyal to his constituents and, especially, ETSU, the institution that had given this poor farmer without a high school diploma a chance at a college education. Despite his stance on the issue (which some argue had softened considerably after decades in Washington DC) and the likely threat to his voting base it posed, he was an even more loyal Democrat and, as Speaker of the House, helped sign into law the most significant civil rights legislation since Reconstruction: the Civil Rights Act of 1954. His public connections to Lyndon B. Johnson, combined with this piece of legislation, made him a bitter enemy to a number of powerful local leaders. (CLJ, forthcoming)

We begin the current remix with a brief reference to the “mundane texts” surrounding Gee’s speech announcing desegregation in 1964. In the next section, we draw the viewer’s attention to similarly mundane texts surrounding campus unrest in 1968, including a list of demands put forward by students at Columbia (echoed on our campus in 1968 by the “Declaration of Rights” issued by the Afro-American Student Society of East Texas) and the demands articulated by the Olympic Boycott for Human Rights (OPHR). Following this, we turn to the mundane texts that drew sprinter John Carlos to OPHR the year before he would join Tommie Smith on the Olympic medal stand in Mexico City (1968) and raise a gloved fist in silent protest against ongoing racism and related injustices.

In the last section of Part I, we draw attention to the “Declaration of Rights” referenced earlier and related local texts created and circulated among local activists on behalf of the Afro-American Student Society of East Texas (ASSET). Part II of “A Clear Channel” will call attention to the charter and related local texts that established the Norris Community Club (NCC) in 1973, a university-community group that was able to garner significant rhetorical agency on behalf of Norris, the historically segregated neighborhood in town.

Bibliography

Afro-American Student Society of East Texas (ASSET), “Declaration of Rights.” Halliday, University President Papers,

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Carter, Shannon and Jim Conrad. “In Possession of Community: Toward a More Sustainable Local.” CCC (September 2012), forthcoming. 7.

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collection (“Afro-American Affairs”). James G. Gee Library Special Collections. Texas A&M-Commerce.

Carlos, John and David Zirin. The John Carlos Story: The Sports Moment that Changed the World. Haymarket Press, 2011.

Carter, Shannon. “A Clear Channel: Circulating Resistance in a Rural University Town.” CLJ (September 2012), forthcoming. Print.

Rivers, Nathaniel A. and Ryan P. Weber. “Ecological, Pedagogical, Public Rhetoric.” CCC 63.2 (December 2011): 187-218. Print.

A Clear Channel what happened next.

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Music:“Memorial Park” (continued)

60.7-63.660 – 67 =YouTube 1.00-1.07Explain how “A Clear channel” came about (the title)—NCC on “a clear channel”

From Carter, “A Clear Channel” (2012):By all accounts desegregation at ETSU occurred largely without incident. In this sense, perhaps it was, indeed, a “dignified integration,” a characterization that remains a significant point of pride for local citizens. (forthcoming).

Equally significant, perhaps, is the role played by the pervasive rhetoric of a “dignified integration” in effectively shutting down viable channels for communication about race and racism. In their 1969 article “The Rhetoric of Confrontation,” rhetoricians Robert L. Scott and Donald K. Smith challenged the widespread dismissal of radical demonstrations as “uncivil” or “unreasonable.” According to Scott and Smith, “[a] rhetorical theory suitable to our age must take into account the charge that civility and decorum serve as masks for the preservation of injustice, that they condemn the dispossessed to non-being, and that as transmitted in a technological society, they become the instrumentalities of power for those who ‘have’” (8). That fact is no less true in the 1960s than it is today in this age of the Occupy Movement, the Arab Spring, and similar efforts. As rhetorician Nancy Welch argues in her 2012 defense of what she calls “uncivil rhetoric,” “civility functions to hold in check agitation against a social order that is undemocratic in access to decision making power and unequal in distribution of wealth” (forthcoming).

We shall return to this theme at several points in this remix and its scholarly annotations.

Bibliography

Carter, Shannon. “A Clear Channel: Circulating Resistance in a Rural University Town.” Special Issue on “Writing Democracy.” Shannon Carter and Deborah Mutnick, Guest Editors. CLJ (September 2012), forthcoming. Print.

Scott, Robert L. and Donald K. Smith. “The Rhetoric of Confrontation.” Quarterly Journal of Speech. 55 (1969): 8.

Welch, Nancy. “Informed, Passionate, and Disorderly: Uncivil Rhetoric in a New Gilded Age.” Special Issue on “Writing Democracy.” Shannon Carter and Deborah Mutnick, Guest Editors. CLJ (September 2012), forthcoming. Print.

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If, as Martin Luther King argued in 1958,

64.2-66Music: Casel, Brian. “Piano Stripped.” Freeplaymusic.com, BMI. Web. June 2012.

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Image: Associated PressMartin Luther King, “I Have a Dream.”

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(1:07-1:10)In an attempt to understand local attempts to communicate about race and racism in the decade surrounding desegregation, we will deconstruct popular narratives about the civil rights movement that simplify Martin Luther King’s core philosophy as concerned only with overturning segregation. As noted earlier, King saw this as but one step in the “civil rights revolution” (King, Where Do We Go From Here?). A great many steps remain.

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Washington DC, August 1963.

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If desegregation were King’s only goal, then we might find the reality of the civil rights movement to be easily reconciled with the rhetoric of a “dignified,” “orderly” integration that was ETSU’s primary goal. Indeed, as Gee explained in his speech announcing ETSU’s compliance with civil rights legislation:

Our attitudes, our personal conduct, and the manner in which we exercise the utmost of practical and active good citizenship and self-control will be forever recorded in the annals of this institution, this county, and the State of Texas as being irreparably bad or infinitely good. . . . It is my devout wish and fervent prayer that the integration of this college will come about in an orderly manner. (Gee)

A rhetoric of a “dignified integration” would guide the vast majority of area conversations about race in that decade surrounding desegregation. Yet such rhetoric complicates meaningful communication about race, as we’ve already pointed out and will explore in greater depth throughout the current remix. Such rhetoric contributes directly to the “colorblind racism” referenced earlier. It also reinforces misreading’s of both the civil rights movement itself and the black resistance that came later, especially as represented in the simplified versions of Malcolm X’s philosophy that dominates our collective memory about the long civil rights movement.

Bibliography

Clayton Powell, Jr., Adam. “My Grandfather was a Slave.” The New Masses. 15 Jan. 1946. Web. 17 July 2012.

Gee, James G. University President Papers, collection 2008.28, James G. Gee Library Special Collections, Texas A & M University-Commerce.

King, Martin Luther. Where Do We Go From Here?: Chaos or Community. Beacon Press, 1968. Print.

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When Americans recount the battle against racial discrimination, they almost exclusively recall the Civil Rights Movement against de jure segregation, meaning racial segregation enshrined and buttressed in statutes. This de jure segregation was a hallmark of the former Confederacy, and the modern Movement is almost characterized as occurring in the South. However, de facto segregation, racial segregation enshrined and buttressed in societal relationships, was – and some would argue, remains – an issue in the North and the West. For this reason and many others, the current remix attempts to deconstruct the artificial line separating the civil rights movement in both time (as ending with the assignation of MLK) and space (as primarily a “southern” issue).

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Dallas, Texas

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In this area of Texas at least, local rhetoric surrounding the process of desegregation was regularly described in terms of “dignity”-- in direct and conscious opposition to the race riots occurring elsewhere across the south and filling the living rooms of White America. Local citizens often describe their approach to desegregation as far removed from televised versions of hate and fear dominating southern responses to the civil rights movement, at least according to national news and collective memory. As historian Michael Phillips argues in his provocative Dallas history White Metropolis, “Texas had no cartoon villains” in the civil rights struggles like Bull Connors. Of course this did not mean Texas avoided racism altogether. Far from it.

This rhetoric of a “dignified” integration was advanced elsewhere across the region, in part, by the quick work of area business leaders. In Dallas, for example, an hour west of Commerce, Texas, business leaders formed the Dallas Citizen’s Council to develop, among other things, an informational film designed to help avoid the violent opposition to desegregation seen elsewhere across the south. This film, entitled Dallas at the Crossroads (1961) sidesteps almost

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entirely the fundamental issues driving the civil rights movement. Adopting a tone devoid of any ethical dimensions, the filmmakers focus instead of the loss of industry, growth, and profits that could result from white resistance like that taking place in many other southern cities. It is about capitalism not morality, the Dallas Citizen’s Council seemed to suggest. (Future remixes linked to Remixing Rural Texas take as a starting point Dallas at the Crossroads, borrowing directly from the key themes referenced in the current remix and related work.)

Throughout Dallas at the Crossroads, filmmakers offer a range of arguments for abiding by federal regulations concerning civil rights without resistance--not because it is the ethical thing do to but because it is the law and resistance is bad for business (local business leaders explained that new businesses will not want to establish themselves in places known for civil unrest), bad for the children (a child psychologist explains how the fear children experienced as a result of violent opposition among white segregationists in places like Little Rock and Selma affected the children in significant ways), and bad for the city’s very future. Lawyers explained that the courtrooms were the place for challenges to desegregation, not the streets. A judge and the Dallas police chief promised that violators would be prosecuted. In short, the film implied the future of Dallas depended on citizens who approached the issue of desegregation with characteristic dignity and grace—working within established systems designed to maintain law and order.

The film contains no moral arguments for desegregation, just the practical responses to the new laws resulting from the civil rights legislation. The audience for whom this film was screened throughout 1961 were always white (see Collier and Caudill; Albert et al.; Dallas Chamber of Commerce; Webster and Russell). The whitewashing of race in this region effectively undermined widespread resistance building across the region, as we will explain.

BibliographyDallas at the Crossroads. 1961. Dallas Citizens Council. Texas Moving Image Archive Program Collection. Texas Film Commission. Web.

Dallas Chamber of Commerce. Keep It Together Dallas (1975-1977).

The Selling of the Plan. 1976. Dir. Christi Collier, with Reporter Susan Kent Caudill. KERA-TV. VHS, Beta. OCLC 41305749.

Phillips, Michael. White Metropolis: Race, Ethnicity, and Religion in Dallas, 1841-2001. U of Texas P, 2006. Print.

Webster, William J. and Russell A Chadbourn. Desegregation: The Dallas Experience. Dallas Independent School District, Texas. Office of Statistics and Ad Hoc Research, 1981. ED213776.

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Unknown From the unknown

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68.8-69.6Commerce, Texas

68.8-69.61889-1964

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68.8-69.6Similarly, as we’ve explained, a rhetoric of a “dignified integration” guided both the committee ET president Gee appointed to study desegregation at other public institutions and the choices Gee made based on the committee’s recommendations.

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Lack of communication

perpetuated by the lack of communication

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Throughout, we are primarily concerned with communication and attempts to establish, as the title implies, “a clear channel” for communication across difference about race and racism in local contexts like ours.

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separation forced by our physical and legal separation,

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how did communication change after desegregation reached this rural university town?

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73.2-76.2Commerce Square, March 1962. Photograph. Commerce Journal Photograph Collection. Northeast Texas Digital Collections. Texas A&M University-Commerce. Web. July 2012.

74.5-76.2Commerce Square, March 1962. Photograph. Commerce Journal Photograph Collection. Northeast Texas Digital Collections. Texas A&M University-Commerce. Web. July 2012.

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Commerce, Texas

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The question driving “A Clear Channel,” both the current remix and Carter’s more traditional, print-based scholarship for which the remix serves as companion, is “How did communication change after desegregation researched this rural university town?” It is, we hope, evident that the answers we offer are provisional and no less fragmented and incomplete than the critical race narratives they attempt to unpack.

1:22:05-1:24:25Fair Use

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A Communications Primer (0:00-0:07).Charles Eames. 1953. IBM. Prelinger Archives. Web. June. 2012.

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A Communications Primer (0:00-0:07).Charles Eames. 1953. IBM. Prelinger Archives. Web. June. 2012.

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The instructional film A Communications Primer (1953) serves as a touchstone text for the current remix. At its most basic level, A Communications Primer links the current study of communication about race and racism in a particular time (primarily 1967-1968 in Part I and 1973 in Part II) and place (ETSU and the surrounding community) with relevant conversations within the discipline of rhetoric and composition.

Yet it also offers a useful link to the discipline’s very origins. The Conference on College Composition and Communication (CCCC), the largest organization dedicated to writing research, theory, and teaching, was established in 1949, just a few years before A Communications Primer was produced and the very year Clyde Shannon and Warren Weaver published A Mathematical Theory of Communication, the volume upon which A Communications Primer was loosely based. By that point, communications studies was developing into an increasingly robust discipline, especially as innovations in mass communications systems like radio and television complicated previous assumptions about how speakers/writers might best communicate intended messages. No longer could we assume any clear distinction between a message’s content and the technology serving as its delivery system. Indeed, as Marshall McLuhan would later insist, “The Medium is the Message” (1967). This argument appears as early as 1951, however, in McLuhan’s The Mechanical Bride: Folklore of Industrial Man (Vanguard Press). In his analysis of a 1948 print ad for RCA depicting a rural family going about their everyday life with the radio on, McLuhen challenges the RCA campaign “Freedom to Listen—Freedom to Look.” “We still have our freedom to listen?,” he asks rhetorically. “Come on kiddos. Buy a radio and feel free—to listen” (21). Clearly the technology drives the message. We have no choice but to listen. By the time A Communications Primer appeared, our young discipline of rhetoric and composition was already struggling with and against what we would call today a “media saturated environment. In 1949, for example, the NCTE Committee on Reading at the Secondary Schools and College Levels issued a report on “Reading in an Age of Mass Communication” that attempted to discern how best to help students sort through the unprecedented levels of information presented on a day-to-day basis. Similar questions dominated the first few annual meetings of the newly formed CCCC throughout.

Given the directions the civil rights movement took in the media throughout the 1950s and, especially, the 1960s, such a question seems especially appropriate for our exploration of race and racism in this local context at this particular time. How do we help students sort through all the information they are presented about race and racism in America? How does one make ethical, meaningful decisions in such a context?

BibliographyBrooks, Ron. “The Mechanical Bride of Pinbot: Redressing the Early McLuhan.” Enculturation: A Journal of Rhetoric, Writing, and Culture. Special Issue, “McLuhan at 100.” Kevin Brooks and David Beard, Guest Editors. 12 (2011). Web.

Library of Congress and Vitra Design Museum. The Work of Charles and Ray Eames: A Legacy of Invention. May 22, 2012. Web.

McLuhan, Marshall and Quentin Fiore. The Medium is the Massage: An Inventory of Effects. 1967. Corte Madera, CA. Gingko Press, 2001. Print.

National Council of Teachers of English (NCTE). “Reading in an Age of Mass Communication.” Committee on Reading at the Secondary Schools and College Levels, 1949.

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Public Domain

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A Communications

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Claude Shannon’s paper “A Mathematical Theory of Communication” (shown here) appearing in 1948 was published in book form the following year as The Mathematical Theory of Communication (with Warren Weaver in 1949). “It is a revolutionary work,” notes University of Illinois Press in their catalog entry for the commemorative edition of The

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Primer (0:57).Charles Eames. 1953. IBM. Prelinger Archives. Archive.org. Web. June. 2012.

Shannon, C.E. “A Mathematical Theory of Communication.” The Bell System Technical Journal. 27 (July, October 1948): 379-423; 623-656. Web.

1:37

81-82.2

Mathematical Theory of Communication in 1998. “Few books have had as lasting an impact or played as important a role in our modern world” as this one. Published first in book form in 1949, “it has since gone through four hardcover and sixteen paperback printings.” Indeed, it is difficult to overstate Shannon’s influence on the digital age, a fact that has been of considerable interest to scholars in everything from information studies and computational linguists to media studies and the digital humanities.

Shannon was a mathematician and electrical engineer not a humanities scholar, thus his concerns were not immediately those driving our current remix. Unlike Marshall McLuhan and many other dominant media scholars of the time, Shannon sought to separate the medium from the message in order to develop mechanisms that more reliably transmitted vast amounts of information to their destinations.

Widely regarded as the founder of information theory, Claude Shannon’s seminal paper “A Mathematical Theory of Communication,” appearing first in The Bell System Technical Journal in 1948 focuses on the processing and communication of information across what he calls communications “channels.” We draw attention to the mathematical formula the Shannon created, which is communicated in his schematic representation that serves as the film’s basis. With it, Shannon helped solve a problem that had long plagued engineers in the communication’s industry—namely, a model that could help express the common elements of communication in ways at once simple and flexible enough to enable engineers, scientists, and theorists to solve the ongoing problem of “noise.”

The information content of a message transmitted, Shannon argues, has far more to do with the number of 1’s and 0’s it takes to transmit it than with the content of the message. All information is reduced to a series of yes/no choices—the circuit is either on (“1”), or the circuit is off (“2”). Each yes/no decision offered what he called one “bit” of information, perhaps the earliest use of this term we now understand to be fundamental to the transfer of digital information today. Indeed, it is difficult to overstate Shannon’s contributions to the digital age. Essentially, “Shannon’s equations told engineers how much information could be transmitted over the channels of an ideal system” (Alcatel 2). Our ability to transform information—phone calls, documents, music, video, virtually everything—into digital bits of data efficiently compressed to be transmitted quickly and reliably to a receiver is founded on Shannon’s innovative work with both MIT and Bell Labs.

BibliographyAlcatel Lucent Technology. “Bell Labs Celebrates 50 Years of Information Theory.” Web.

Gallager, R.G. “Claude E. Shannon: A Retrospective on His Life, Work, and Impact.” IEEE Transactions on Information Theory 47.7 (Nov. 2001): 2681-2695. Print.

Guizzo, Erico Marui. “The Essential Message: Claude Shannon and the Making of Information Theory.” M.S. thesis. Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2003. Web.

Shannon, Claude E. and Warren Weaver. The Mathematical Theory of Communication. 1949. University of Illinois P,

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1998. Print.

Verdu, Sergio. “Fifty Years of Shannon Theory.” IEEE Transactions on Information Theory. 44.6 (October 1998): 2057-2077. Web..

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A Communications Primer.Charles Eames. 1953. IBM. Prelinger Archives. Archive.org. Web. June. 2012.

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Shannon, C.E. “A Mathematical Theory of Communication.” The Bell System Technical Journal. 27 (July, October 1948): 379-423; 623-656. Web.

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Though Shannon’s most immediate concerns were the technical aspects of communication rather than the human or semiotic elements, his schemata helped explain both. As Jan Hajic explains in his contribution to A Companion to the Digital Humanities (2004), Shannon

was interested not only in the mathematical aspects of technical communication (such as signal transfer over telegraph wires), but he and Warren Weaver also tried to generalize this approach to human language communication. Although forgotten by many, this work was the first attempt to describe the use of natural language by strictly formal (mathematical and statistical, or stochastic) methods.

Hajic argues that Shannon’s work is of fundamental importance to linguists. Shannon’s work has been described as equally significant to the digital humanities. Indeed Matthew G. Kirschenbaum (University of Maryland) lists Shannon’s 1948 article as on of 18 “absolutely foundational” articles or chapters for “an introduction to the digital humanities.

In rhetoric and composition studies, Shannon’s work is similarly important, though largely forgotten. Of course Shannon-Weaver’s model of communication is far too linear to find acceptance among rhetoricians today, and with good reason (see Porter 2010, Porter 2009). Also of note and likewise articulating the urgency with which we return to this influential study is Elizabeth Losh’s assertion that “World War II and the massive investment of government resources in computer science created a scientific discipline in which ‘information’ was the chief object of study. In light of this analysis of political reaction,” Losh names Shannon’s “A Mathematical Theory of Communication” as one of “three major texts” that “merit new rhetorical scrutiny.” Not only is the linear model represented inaccurate but it is also highly problematic from a cultural-historical standpoint, drawing attention to the “effect of the marketplace on communication once information can be quantified and thus commodified.” In their examples, Losh suggests, these texts also “express a certain level of discomfort in the new science’s inappropriately gendered association with a then largely pink-collar communications industry.” In their examples and rhetoric, they, in effect, “redraw the boundaries of the human subject and the national citizen and direct attention to how political messages contain redundancy and

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noise.”

We do not take A Communication Primer as a starting point to suggest such problematic representations don’t matter. We take this film as a starting point precisely because they matter—at the time of the film’s publication and core circulation and today, as we explore our potential responses to the ongoing concerns of racism and related issues.

Indeed, regardless of the current status of the Shannon-Weaver communications model among rhetoric and composition scholars, it is important for us to point out the impact the model had on the earliest iterations of our growing discipline. Soon after its publication, A Communications Primer, based loosely on Shannon’s theory, found its way into communications and composition courses in newly formed general education programs across the nation. According to a 1956 report (CCC), the film was introduced to an audience of more than 95 participants at the 1955 CCCC in Chicago. Louis Forsdale, the session moderator, began with a brief description of Shannon and Weaver’s A Mathematical Theory of Communication (1949). Whereas Shannon, Forsdale notes, approached the communications process “from a purely engineering point of view,” Weaver suggested “the same kind of model . . . could be applied in the humanities” (165). A “spirited discussion” followed the viewing of this film that extended Shannon’s model into the humanities still further, featuring “William D. Boutwell of Scholastic Magazines and David Hume of St. David’s School.” Hume described the ways he integrates the film into his first-year courses. Both Boutwell and Hume “admired the film” but suggest the concepts are difficult for viewers at most any level. They are also vital, Boutwell suggests. “We have asked ‘What books should be read?” but have not spent as much time inquiring ‘What is communication?’ . . . as we continue to develop more leisure time and shorten our working hours, we are going to be confronted with the fact that the great force of commercial communication has our minds much of the day,” Boutwell points out. We hear in Boutwell’s comments echoes of McLuhen’s The Mechanical Bride (1951), cited in an earlier annotation. In response to a 1948 RCA ad campaign featuring a radio listening integrated into rural family life the way we have long understood television to be integrated into American family time, the tagline reads, “Freedom to Look-Freedom to Listen.” To this, McLuhan responds, “We still have our freedom to listen? . . . Come on kiddos. Buy a radio and feel free—to listen” (21).

Though few humanities scholars have taken up his contributions directly, indirect influence of his framework are clear. We offer as evidence the 1955 CCCC session on “The Communication Process: Conceptual Models for Research and Teaching,” the details of which appear in the 1956 issue of CCC: “It was the consensus of the panel that although the movie Communications Primer might have its inadequacies, no better film is available and its advantages far outweigh its disadvantages” (165).

Likewise, for our purposes today, in 2012, A Communications Primer “might have its inadequacies,” but “no better film is available and its advantages far outweigh its disadvantages.” Indeed, given the date of this film, its influence on conversations at this meeting, coupled with the influence Shannon’s theory has had on information theory and, by extension and implication, digital media and, indeed, the digital humanities, a better option seems unlikely.

Thus, A Communication Primer serves as a point of departure on the key research dominating the scholarly conversations at the time in the discipline framing the current discussion to which the current remix is designed to contribute.

BibliographyHajic, Jan. “Linguistics Meets Exact Sciences.” A Companion to the Digital Humanities. Susan Schreibman, Ray

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Siemens, and John Unsworth, Eds. Blackwell, 2004.

Losh, Elizabeth. Virtualpolitik: An Electronic History of Government Media-Making in a Time of War, Scandal, Disaster, Miscommunication, and Mistakes. MIT Press, 2009. Print.

College Composition and Communication 07.3 (1956)

Porter, James E. “Interactivity and Rhetoric.” Aims: Armstrong Institute for Interactive Media Studies. Miami University of Ohio. Feb. 6, 2010. Web.

---. “Recovering Delivery for Digital Rhetoric.” Computers and Composition. 26 (2009): 207-224. Print.

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“[I]nformation cannot be thought of as outside of its connection with matter, for it is always embodied in some way” –Katherine Hayles, How We Become Posthuman

As noted, A Communication Primer represents many of the ideas about communication most likely to be endorsed by CCCC members in the 1950s and 1960s. From this, we may reasonably extrapolate contemporary lessons about race and racism in America. Yet, as Richard Marback has argued (1996), though racial issues dominated public rhetoric throughout the first decades of CCCC, the organization itself rarely, if ever, engaged those issues, preferring instead to focus on the classroom and effective training in classical rhetoric and similar principles for what Robert Connor would call in 1969 “The Rhetoric of the Open Hand” in opposition to “The Rhetoric of the Closed Fist” he saw exemplified in the black power movement.

Thus A Communications Primer effectively situates our key question and serves as a starting point for exploring how this “primer” might work to help us address communications about issues dominating public rhetoric in the real world.

BibliographyCorbett, Edward P.J. “The Rhetoric of the Open Hand and the Rhetoric of the Closed Fist.” CCC 20.5 (Dec. 1969): 288-296. Print.

Hayles, Katherine. How We Became Posthuman: Virtual Bodies in Cybernetics, Literature, and Informatics. U of

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Chicago Press, 1999. Print.

Hawk, Brian. “Re-Opening Public Rhetoric: Corbett’s ‘The Rhetoric of the Open Hand and the Rhetoric of the Closed Fist.” Enculturation: A Journal of Rhetoric, Writing, and Culture. (May 2012). Web.

Marback, Richard. “Corbett’s Hand: A Rhetorical Figure for Composition Studies.” CCC 47.2 (May 1996): 180-98. Print.

PART II: NOISE

TIMESTAMP

CAPTION NARRATION AUDIO VIDEO IMAGE MAP TIMELINE

CONTEXT FOOTNOTE PERMISSIONS MISCELLANEOUS

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To listen in what by mid-century had begun to be referred to as the “Age of Mass Communications” is exceedingly complicated but increasingly vital (see especially NCTE “Reading in an Age of Mass Communication”). In an age of radio, television, and (now) the internet, local conversations are necessarily informed by information cycling across the nation and, indeed, the world over the airwaves and other such mechanisms designed for routing the desired information to others. No local conversation is entirely local. Yet neither is any global conversation entirely beyond the local. As linguist Alistair Pennycook insists, all language use is local as “space is a central interactive part of the social” (55). Indeed, “[e]verything happens locally. However global a practice may be, it still always happens locally. . . .” (128, emphasis added).

In the following sections, we draw attention to three key activities such communication requires: to listen,” to respect, and to unify. We begin with “listen” to suggest that in many ways listening, as Marshall McLuhen points out beginning as early 1952, is hardly a choice. “[Y]ou have the freedom—to listen,” McLuhen mockingly reveals in his 1951 Mechanical Bride. To listen, however, is not the same as “to hear.”

Throughout this section, we wish to invoke Krista Ratcliffe’s notion of “rhetorical listening” which she contrasts purposefully with the silences (“and/or, at best, awkward conversations” [16]) that dominate the vast majority of discourse about race today. To listen rhetorically, is to listen with a “conscious choice to assume an open stance in relation to any person, text or culture” (Ratcliffe 17). An intention to understand difference rather than persuade others places rhetorical agency in the hands of the listener rather than the speaker. It would be a mistake to understand Ratcliffe as advocating tolerance (the “why can’t we all just get along?” approach to racism). Indeed, Ratcliffe’s rhetorical listening goes beyond arguments for “tolerance” and “acceptance” that dominate multicultural approaches to

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racism which, according to many, contribute to what Eduardo Bonilla-Silva calls the “color-blind racism” that dominates today (Racism without Racists; see also critical race theory, Psychology Today’s “Why People Cling to Racist Ideas,” the Southern Poverty Law Center’s “Colorblindness: the New Racism?,” and New America Media’s “Colorblind Racism: The New Norm”).

Instead of promoting mere “tolerance” of difference, an approach that enables racism to persist in a society far less obviously populated by racists than in the days of Jim Crow, rhetorical listening offers communicators an opportunity to “analyze discursive convergences and divergences” together (Ratcliffe 33). In such a system, the core objectives of communication change. When we listen rhetorically, we are not working to change the hearts and minds of others. When we listen rhetorically, we are “negotiat[ing] our always evolving standpoints, our identities, with the always evolving standpoints of others” (Ratcliffe 34).

BibliographyGray, William S, Ed. Reading in an Age of Mass Communication. Report, National Council of Teachers of English. Committee on Reading at the Secondary and College Levels. New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1949. Print.Pennycook, Alistair. Language as a Local Practice. Routledge, 2010. Print.Ratcliffe, Krista. Rhetorical Listening: Identification, Gender, Whiteness. Southern Illinois UP, 2005. Print.

2:04-2:10122.4-126

122.4-126“One doesn’t ‘go public’ simply as an act of will – neither by writing, nor by having an opinion… The context of publicness must be available, allowing these actions to count in a public way, to be transformative.”Michael Warner, 2005

122.4-1261967-1973

122.4-126Throughout this remix, we are attempting to understand local instances of activism, whereby local university students attempted to enact change through the circulation of discourse about race and racism in this context. We offer three case studies of local African American student activists who attempted to “go public” (see Warner) with ongoing racial injustices in area. The first case study involves John Carlos, former ETSU student and member of the ETSU track team best known for his participation in the silent protest with sprinter Tommie Smith atop the medal stand at the 1968 Olympics in Mexico City. The year before Carlos attempted to “go public” with the persistence of racism and injustice across the globe he had attempted to do the same in the local context under discussion. Thus, after exploring the complexities of communication in 1968, we will turn our attention first to the global demonstration for social justice that occurred at the Mexico City Olympics in October 1968 and, next, to the more local demonstrations in which Carlos was involved just one year earlier.

The second case study focuses on former ETSU student Joe Tave and his involvement in the formation of the Afro-American Student Society of East Texas (ASSET) on the night of MLK’s assignation in April 1968, especially their “Declaration of Rights” (also in April 1968), which likewise called attention to the persistence of racism in this local context. ASSET’s “Declaration of Rights” and related work were able to force a series of significant changes at ETSU, which we will discuss in the final section of “A Clear Channel: Part I.”

The third case study appears in “A Clear Channel: Part II.” In it, we focus on former ETSU student MacArthur Evans and his involvement in the formation of the Norris Community Club (NCC) in 1973, a university-community partnership designed to call attention to the racial injustices experienced by local citizens in Norris, the historically segregated neighborhood.

In each case, the activists involved help illustrate the ways in which, as Michael Warner insists, “One doesn’t ‘go

122.4-126Warner, Michael. Publics and Counterpublics. Zone Books, 2005. 66.

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public’ simply as an act of will – neither by writing, nor by having an opinion… The context of publicness must be available, allowing these actions to count in a public way, to be transformative.”

* * *

To listen rhetorically is to negotiate. We begin this section with the notion of “listening” during a particularly complex period in our recent history: 1968. We suggest throughout that “noise” complicated the desired communication and enabled the establishment of new channels necessary for that communication. On some levels, very little true communication took place. Yet it seems that on far more significant levels, communication about race and racism had never been more present than it was during those difficult months of 1968, and inasmuch as we were able to “negotiate our always evolving standpoints, our identities, with the always evolving standpoints of others” (Ratcliffe 34), the communication that occurred across the nation enabled future negotiations across difference in unprecedented ways. In the sections that follow, we will offer two local examples of those very negotiations—in Part I, the establishment of the local activist group ASSET (Afro-American Students Society of East Texas) in 1968, and the unprecedented changes ASSET accomplished in a few short years, and (in Part II), the establishment NCC (Norris Community Club) in 1973, a partnership between African American students and local citizens on behalf of Norris, the historically segregated neighborhood in town. In a few short years, they, too, would accomplish unprecedented change that drew upon the elements of rhetorical listening and established local publics as Michael Warner would define them—through the circulation of texts (Publics and Coutnerpublics), as we will explain.

Bibliography

Warner, Michael. Publics and Counterpublics. Zone Books, 2005.Ratcliffe, Krista. Rhetorical Listening: Identification, Gender, Whiteness. Southern Illinois UP, 2005. Print.

2:11-2:20126.6-132

“Sylvania Radio Advertisement” (1950s)

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Music: Calandra, Pete, BMI, Scott P. Schreer, BMI. “Hackensack Swing.” Freeplaymusic.com. Web. Retrieved, June 2012.

Additional Audio:

Sylvania Radio Receiver Commercial (1:06-1:15).CBS Television. c1950. Classic TV Commercials. Web. June. 2012.

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Sylvania Radio Receiver Commercial (1:06-1:15).CBS Television. c1950. Classic TVCommercials. Archive.org. Web.June. 2012.

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We build from the assumption that a local public is “text based,” as Michael Warner argues. Indeed, [p]ublics exist not through a material body but through the process of circulation—the flow, cycling, and transformation of discourse.” Throughout our investigation into communications about race in this local public, we draw attention to that “process of circulation” through both the discourse itself and the mechanisms through which that discourse was circulated.

As noted earlier, part of this process takes the shape of mundane texts circulated locally and across the region (the “Declaration of Rights” by ASSET in 1968, for example, and the charter in 1973 establishing NCC). Another important element of this circulation is the technology itself, which we identify through the metaphor offered in the radio—a clear channel station, we suggest, is what the local activists desired and what such mundane documents like those narrated here established, at least in part.

Bibliography

Warner, Michael. Publics and Counterpublics. Zone Books, 2005.

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Public Domain

a.

21.

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On AM radio in North America “clear-channel stations” are those most protected from interference from other stations.

2:21132.6-138Music: “Hackensack Swing” (continued)

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The Yankee Story . RKO Teleradio Pictures, Yankee Division. 1956. Prelinger Archives. Archive.org. Web. June. 2012.

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“Where there is simple information processing, there is simple experience, and where there is complex information processing, there is complex experience.” –David J. Chalmers, The Character of Consciousness (27)

True clarity in human communication is, of course, an impossible standard. In few places is this truer than where the information being processed in that communication concerns something as utterly complex as racism in America. As David J. Chalmers says of the link between the processing of information and the formation of consciousness, “complex information” begets “complex experience” and vice versa. Whatever the topictrue clarity in human communication is an impossible standard. As long as we remember this important point, however,

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“a clear channel” remains a useful metaphor for understanding the mechanisms that enable communication across difference.

BibliographyChalmers, David J. The Character of Consciousness. Oxford UP, 2010.

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Theoretically then perhaps then the speech Gee delivered in 1964 and the admissions policies that followed should have enabled the sorts of communication across difference integration promised.

2:33139-8-145.8Narration: Carter (continued)

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Music:Brewer, Simon, PRS. “Memorial Park.” Freeplaymusic.com, BMI. Retrieved, June 2012.

138.6-145.8Original: Photograph, James G. Gee Papers. Special Collections. James G. Gee Library. Texas A&M-Commerce. Commerce, Texas. 2012.

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Commerce, Texas

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As a rhetorical event, the speech James G. Gee delivered in June 1964 is a particularly useful starting point for this investigation of local communication about race and racism in the region. Unlike the local activists whose work we address later in the remix, Gee did not need to establish communication channels for his speech announcing ETSU’s plans to remove race as a standard for admission. The communication channels for this conversation already existed—institutionally, legally, culturally (see Carter, “A Clear Channel”; Carter and Conrad; Carter and Dent).

He delivered this information to the faculty and staff gathered at a “mandatory” meeting in the summer of ‘64. As university president, he had the authority to call this meeting. As university president, he had the authority to compel attendance at this meeting and adherence to his mandate that desegregation be met without incident, leading to what he and the committee members called “a dignified integration.” Unlike the student activists who began agitating for change on ETSU campus soon after African American students enrolled, Gee could fire faculty and staff members unwilling to abide by his rules. Indeed, he had done so on more than one occasion, most notably in 1954 when, following a campus demonstration and the unfortunate press surrounding a highly controversial general education program, he demoted three tenured faculty members who supported the resistance and reportedly required all the remaining faculty in this growing public university to sign a statement publically declaring their support of ETSU’s general education program (see Carter, “Un/American Standards”).

On June 1964, President Gee called together a faculty and staff meeting to announce his decision to admit black students and exhorted the university community to be “civil” when he stated that,

“Our attitudes, our personal conduct, and the manner in which we exercise the utmost of practical and active good citizenship and self-control will be forever recorded in the annals of this institution, this county, and the State of Texas as being irreparably bad or infinitely good. …Let us each here pledge to ourselves and to each other that our individual and joint efforts will always be motivated by the best interest of this college. …It is my devout wish and fervent prayer that the integration of this college will come about in an orderly manner.” (Shabazz, 217)

While ET’s early African American students did not face the violence that greeted James Meredith at Ole Miss, or the mob that forced Steve Poston and Jessalyn Gray to leave Texarkana Junior College, it would be misleading to say that they were made to feel welcome. http://crdl.usg.edu/events/ole_miss_integration/

BibliographyCarter, Shannon. “A Clear Channel” (CLJ).---. “Un/American Standards at ‘The South’s Most Democratic College.” CCCC 2012. St. Louis.Carer, Shannon and James H. Conrad. “In Posession of Community: Toward a More Sustainable Local.” CCCCarter, Shannon and Kelly Dent.Advancing Democracy: African Americans and the Struggle for Access and Equity in Higher Education in Texas. Amilcar Shabazz. University of North Carolina Press, 2006.

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Music:Brewer, Simon, PRS. “Memorial Park.” Freeplaymusic.com, BMI. Web. June 2012.

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The Yankee Story . RKO Teleradio Pictures, Yankee Division. 1956. Prelinger Archives. Web. June. 2012.

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USA

2:44-2:46146.4-147.61950s

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The metaphor “a clear channel” persists throughout the remix. Here and elsewhere we reference this important framework visually, with a hand seeking an appropriate station. The static that follows indicates the noise that complicates both the establishment of new channels for communication and one’s ability to locate and listen to information broadcast through such new channels. Again, true clarity is an impossible standard but “a clear channel” remains a useful metaphor.

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2:47-2:59148.2-155.4

Of course, proximity alone did not solve racism in America. Meaningful communication across difference required far more than a change in admissions policies.

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Narration:Carter (continued)

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Music: “Memorial Park” (continued)

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Martin Luther King, Jr. Arrested. Photograph. Charles Moore. Montgomery, Alabama, 1958.

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Standing Up. Photograph. Civil Rights Protest. c1960s.

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Alabama

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1960s

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We begin with this premise that “proximity alone didn’t solve racism in America” to highlight the complexities of communicating about race and racism. Indeed, though King’s Dream of white children and black children attending the same school has essentially come to pass in modern America, at least by law albeit far too rarely in practice, issues of communication across difference continue to exist. Proximity has proven to not be enough to address the issue of racism. Critical race theorists argue that the continued existence of racism is due to the fact that racism is not just embedded in a nation’s legal framework – it is embedded in that nation’s societal framework, as well, and the racist legal system merely reflects the racist society. Until racism is eradicated from a people’s societal norms, from their very thoughts, it will continue to be an issue.

We might assume, then, that communication can serve as a useful mechanism in the long fight for racial justice. Yet effective communication across difference requires more than an act of will and a good argument. No matter how well meaning the speakers and listeners, no matter how earnest and “effective” the speaker, no single text or speaker can solve any societal problem. As Warner insists, “quote about public requirement more than a single text or speaker”

Notes

Representative Adam Clayton Powell, Jr., once described himself as the product of “the sustained indignation of a branded grandfather, the militant protest of [his] grandmother, the disciplined resentment of [his] father and mother, and the power of the mass action of the church.” (9) The black church, which has its roots in the days of slavery and has maintained its position at the center of African American culture and life, served as the organizational hub of the modern American Civil Rights Movement. This classic phase of the Civil Rights Movement is often described as beginning in June 1953 with the Baton Rouge bus boycotts and ending with the April 1968 assassination of King. An adherence to the principle of non-violence and mass action set the modern Movement apart from earlier and following Civil Rights Movements. Reverend Martin Luther King, Jr., himself a product of – and preacher in – the black church, served as the public, media-friendly face of the modern American Civil Rights Movement.

Even after ETSU desegregated in 1964, the campus’ black students were not wholly integrated into campus life. At the same time that pioneering African American students were enduring disdain from their professors and classmates, the college allowed open displays of white supremacist leanings. It took several years before the administration at ETSU would finally move with the times and begin working to meet the needs of their minority students.

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“Crisis in Levittown” (1957)

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Crisis in Levittown . (14:15-14:33). Prod. Lee Bobker and Lester Becker. Dynamic Films. 1957. Academic Film Archive of North America. Web. Apr. 2012.

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Crisis in Levittown . (14:15-14:33). Prod. Lee Bobker and Lester Becker. Dynamic Films. 1957. Academic Film Archive of North America. Web. Apr. 2012.

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Levittown, Pennsylvania

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1957

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“Crisis at Levittown” (1957) offers a particularly useful illustration of the problem with arguments that proximity can solve racism in America or at least enable effective communication that might help eradicate it. The African American family who moved into this all-white community was terrorized by many local citizens, despite the extensive preparations of many white community members attempting to avoid such violent demonstrations.

For some time before the (Walkers?) arrived, a citizen group met regularly to discuss (?) (need name of group and a quote or two about their key goals). Despite their attempts, as one citizen explains, “something about either it was ineffective or vew few people heard about it so it ws ineffective, which is what she thought happened (or something to that effect). Despite the best efforts of many citizens, rumors continued to circulate concerning the motives of the Walkers (“race mixing”) and the political agenda (many assumed a communist group or some other area left-leaning org had purchased the home on their behalf to incite problems.

Indeed, communication broke down on all sides . As the narrator explains in this clip, “the past slips through despite what is said.”

Levittown has gone down in history as an example of racism, but it is certainly not the only suburb that has proven unwelcoming of minorities. When the Brown decision was finally enforced across the nation, urban centers became

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subject to what has been euphemistically termed “white flight,” where middle and upper class whites have fled the inner cities to establish suburbs, with the goal of educating their children in majority-white schools. Legal action against these predominantly white school districts has largely failed, however, and some suburbs, especially in the North, remain bastions of white suburbia.

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“A Communications Primer” (1953)

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A Communications Primer (1:27-1:38).Charles Eames. IBM. 1953. Prelinger Archives. Web. June. 2012.

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A Communications Primer (1:27-1:38).Charles Eames. IBM. 1953. Prelinger Archives. Web. June. 2012.

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USA

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Here we return to A Communications Primer in order to draw forward the notion of “noise” as defined by Clyde Shannon in “A Mathematical Theory of Communications” (1949), the theoretical framework on which this film is loosely based. Shannon, a mathematician, was primarily concerned with the technical aspects of “noise”—a key concern for engineers attempting to transfer information through the wire-based and broadcasting systems dominating communication technologies at the time. Noise affected the transfer of ones voice over telephone lines, especially long distance, as well as the distance traveled by a radio wave, which may be blocked by the physical landscape, the limits of the equipment available for transfer or the receiving apparatus, or any other such factor, including competing signals. Taken literally, noise simply refers to any outside force that acts on the transmitted signal in ways that disrupt its ability to reach the receiver intact.

Yet Weaver’s contributions to Shannon’s theory of communication, as well as Eames’s A Communications Primer upon which it is loosely based, helped extend this notion of “noise” to human communication. In short, human communication is likewise challenged by noise. It is utterly unavoidable but not altogether undesirable. In “The Aesthetics of Noise” (2002), Torben Sangild offers a particularly useful discuss of noise’s etymology:

What is noise?Etymologically, the term "noise" in different Western languages (støj, bruit, Geräusch, larm etc.) refers to states of aggression, alarm and tension and to powerful sound phenomena in nature such as storm, thunder and the roaring sea. It is worth noting in particular that the word "noise" comes from Greek nausea, referring not only to the roaring sea, but also to seasickness, and that the German Geräusch is derived from rauschen (the sough of the wind), related to Rausch (ecstasy, intoxication), thus pointing towards some of the aesthetic, bodily effects of noise in music.

To return to Krista Ratcliffe’s “rhetorical listening,” we might productively assert that “noise” likewise challenges our ability to listen to one another—at all but certainly rhetorically. As noted later in A Communications Primer, “the background of the receiver may so differ from the transmitter as to make” meaningful communication between the two “almost impossible.” We will refer to this point again later in the remix, but we bring it up now to suggest that noise challenged rhetorical listening.

We also bring it up now to suggest another element to which we will return at several points throughout this project: noise enabled the circulation of discourse that established counterpublics, as Michael Warner defines them, necessary for meaningful communication about difference. In other words, noise made rhetorical listening difficult but noise also

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made rhetorical listening possible.

BibliographySangild, Torben. “The Aesthetics of Noise.” UbuWeb Papers. Datanom. 2002. Web. July 31, 2012.Warner, Michael. Publics and Counterpublics. Zone Books, 2005.Ratcliffe, Krista. Rhetorical Listening: Identification, Gender, Whiteness. Southern Illinois UP, 2005. Print.

3:31-3:35end: 3:34198.6-201200.4

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“The March on Washington.” (5:41-5:50). 1963. National Archives and Records Administration. US Information Agency. FedFlix Collection. Archive.org. Web. Apr. 2012.

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“The March on Washington.” (5:41-5:50). 1963. National Archives and Records Administration. US Information Agency. FedFlix Collection. Archive.org. Web. Apr. 2012.

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“The March on Washington.” (5:41-5:50). 1963. National Archives and Records Administration. US Information Agency. FedFlix Collection. Archive.org. Web. Apr. 2012.

Washington DC

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“The March on Washington.” (5:41-5:50). 1963. National Archives and Records Administration. US Information Agency. FedFlix Collection. Archive.org. Web. Apr. 2012.

August 28,1963

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The perfect orator, argued Quintilian (35 BCE), is a “good man speaking well.” No doubt Martin Luther King, Jr. met that standard in the vast majority of his speaking appearances. Perhaps the most iconic of his speaking appearances is the one that most defines the Civil Rights Movement for a great many Americans: The March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom held in Washington DC on August 28, 1963, where King delivered his I Have a Dream speech to between 200,000 and 300,000 protesters at one of the largest political rallies the nation’s capital had ever seen up to that point.

Most certainly King’s I Have a Dream speech met Quintilian’s standard for “a good man speaking well. MLK was, indeed, a “good man” “speaking” a persuasive message communicated broadly across a wide array of communication channels, including radio and television sets across the world. Of course communication about such matters depends on far more than the section of the right words for the right audience spoken by the right person.

Indeed the March on Washington was, itself, actually one of a series of marches, garnered widespread media coverage, though, as is the media’s tendency, the actual purpose of the March was diluted. While King’s Dream has gone down in the annals of history, the March’s actual demands, including a federal jobs training program, the replacement of the minimum wage with a living wage, a broader Fair Labor Standards Act to account for all areas of employment, and a federal Fair Employment Practices Act to eradicate all forms of discrimination, have been swept under the rug. The sanitation of King’s message occurred even during his own lifetime.

Bibliography1963 Timeline of ProtestsMarch on Washington, Home PageI Have a Dreamhttp://crdl.usg.edu/events/march_on_washington/

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Noise both complicated the desired communication

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Narration: Carter (continued)

Music: “March on Washington” (continued)

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Police Using Dogs to Attack Protesters. Photograph. Birmingham, Alabama, April 3,

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Birmingham,

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Throughout, our notion of “noise” means far more than the unintentional disruption of desired communication. Noise can be used rhetorically and intentionally, with good will and a social justice imperative. Shannon (Carter) explores this intentional, rhetorical use of noise elsewhere. The current remix and the surrounding scholarly annotations will focus less on the rhetorical use of noise and instead build from Joseph Nechvatal’s “noise art,” which he describes “as that art which precludes established significance by replacing the assumption of conclusive meaning with one of vital

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Music (additional): Original--Adam Sparks, Garage Band, 2012

1963. Alabama excess” (Introduction). Excess certainly must characterize any attempts to communicate about social justice in 1968, and it is this very excess we attempt to “immerse” ourselves and our viewers in order to better understand the communication challenges and possibilities at the time.

We thus return to more familiar illustrations of such communication efforts, especially those in which Martin Luther King, Jr., was involved. King was, of course, deeply aware of the vital role played by kairos in any communicative event. Alongside a wide array of activists with similar goals, King cultivated the rhetorical spaces (Code) and counterpublics (Warner) necessary to make rhetorical events like the March on Washington meaningful.

To garner support for their cause, for example, the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, a Civil Rights organization headed by Dr. King, began operating in Birmingham, Alabama, knowing that Commissioner Bull Connor, an ardent segregationist, would react. As Connor’s men sicced dogs and turned fire hoses on black protesters, international support for the cause of Civil Rights surged. Embroiled in a Cold War against the Soviet Union for ideological control over the developing world, the nation could hardly afford bad press regarding its treatment of black citizens, but the Soviet Union responded to the violence in Birmingham by devoting a quarter of its news coverage to the affair and broadcasting that coverage to newly independent African countries.

Dr. King wrote the Letter from Birmingham Jail on April 16, 1963, after he was jailed for protesting the city’s segregationist policies. King’s letter was in response to the arguments presented by eight white Alabama clergymen who acknowledged that injustice existed, but that it should be fought in the courts – not the streets – and by Alabamans, not outsiders like King. King responded eloquently that “injustice anywhere is a threat to just everywhere,” a theme he later returned to when he preached that “A genuine revolution of values…calls for worldwide fellowship that lifts neighborly concern beyond one’s tribe, race, class and nation.”

BibliographyStatement by Alabama ClergymenLetter from Birmingham JailWhy I am Opposed to the War in Vietnam

Nechvatal, Joseph. Immersion into Noise. Open Humanities Press. Critical Climate Change Series, 2011.

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and enabled the establishment of new channels necessary for that communication.

3:39-3:42203.4-205.2Music: “March on Washington” (continued from above)

Music (additional): Original--Adam Sparks, Garage Band, 2012

3:39-3:42203.4-205.2“The March on Washington.” (5:11-5:17). 1963. National Archives and Records Administration. US Information Agency. FedFlix Collection. Archive.org. Web. Apr. 2012.

3:39-3:42203.4-205.2Washington DC

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203.4-205.2We suggest throughout that noise did more than simply disrupt the desired communication. In many instances, it also enabled the establishment of new channels necessary for the desired communication. We see several instances of this throughout the following remix, most notably the Silent Protest by sprinters John Carlos and Tommie Smith at the Mexico City Olympics in 1968. We also insist that “noise,” even in this more positive sense, is far from contained. It is defined by the very excess that gives it its meaning.

One of the many ways we see noise at work is in the tensions between an inappropriately simplified and inaccurate version of Martin Luther King, Jr.’s message as one of unproblematic negotiation with the existing racial dynamics in opposition to the equally simplified and inaccurate version of Malcolm X’s message as one of violent resistance alone.

Indeed, though the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom has gone down in the national narrative as a shining moment in American history, it was not without its critics, even among fellow black activists. Malcolm X, who described himself as a “black nationalist freedom fighter,” exhorted fellow blacks to recognize that the government has failed African Americans, saying that “anytime you’re walking around singing ‘We Shall Overcome’ and it’s 1964, the government has failed.” He encouraged activists to “stop singing and start swinging” because “you can’t sing up on freedom.” African Americans were failed both by the government, and the “white liberals who have been posing as our friends,” according to Malcolm, who also ridiculed the sit-ins employed by the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee to desegregate lunch counters in the South, stating that “a coward can sit…it’s time for us to start doing some standing.”

BibliographyMLK's I Have a Dream RememberedNational Archives and Records Administration

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The March on WashingtonMalcolm X, The Ballot or the Bullet, April 12, 1964

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3:43-3:52205.8-211.2Music: “March on Washington” (continued)

Music (additional): Original--Adam Sparks, Garage Band, 2012

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“Segregation at All Costs: Bull Conner and the Civil Rights Movement” (0:24-0:40). Eamon Ronan. National History Day documentary. YouTube. 2009. Web. June 2012.

3:43-3:52205.8-211.2Birmingham, Alabama

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Few places is the complexity of communication more clearly and firmly illustrated than in the horrifying scenes coming across the airwaves from Birmingham, Alabama, in 1963. As the situation in Birmingham deteriorated in early 1963, famed segregationist Governor George Wallace, who would perform his infamous Stand in the Schoolhouse Door one month later, sent in state troopers to assist Connor. Federal troops were sent in to restore order, though September 1963 saw the bombing of the 16th Street Baptist Church and the deaths of the famous “four little girls,” that helped earn the city the nickname of “Bombingham.”

Biography4 Little GirlsDr. Henry Ross Oral HistorySee also (especially) Angela Davis on growing up in Birmingham and the role of violence as defense, to protect ones family and communities from the violence that persists against black America by white segregationists like those Governor George Wallace and others were then insisting upon protecting and supporting.Project "C" in Birmingham

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The process began the minute the first African American students set foot on our campus.

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3;53-4:01Narration: Carter (continued)

Music: “March on Washington” (continued)

Music (additional): Original--Adam Sparks, Garage Band, 2012

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ET Apr10 1968 p2

“No Need for Worry About Apathy.” East Texan. April 10, 1968. 2. Commerce: Texas A&M-Commerce Special Collections. Commerce, Texas.

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Commerce, Texas

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1964-1973

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The classic Civil Rights Movement owes much of its success to the positive intersectionality of foreign policy, a Cold War, and the accessibility provided by the television. Unlike the situation during earlier Movements, Jason Sokol notes that, “[v]iolent racism in the South handed America’s foes incontrovertible proof that injustice endured in the United States. …Racial violence in the South not only leant grist to the communist propaganda mill, but also encouraged other nations to criticize America,” (37). While white southerners, especially violent segregationists like Bull Connor and George Wallace, continued to employ “any means necessary” to keep black Americans in their “place,” but their actions “no longer occurred in a geographic vacuum,” (37).

In an era where, “[a]nti-communist hysteria” reigned, “its ability to become tangled up in race relations was especially pervasive in the South. …Many white southerners pictured the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People and the Communist Party as one and the same, blacks who struggled for equality became dupes of a Soviet scheme, and northern advocates of civil rights looked like communist-inspired ‘outside agitators.’ The black and red menaces shaded into each other. It colored white southerners’ perceptions of the federal government, the civil rights movement, and the African-Americans in their towns,” (37-8).

BibliographyJason Sokol. There Goes My Everything: White Southerners in the age of Civil Rights, 1945-1975. New York: Vintage Books, 2006.

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Commissioner “Bull” Connor 4:02-4:14

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241.2-248.4“Segregation at All Costs: Bull Conner and the Civil Rights Movement” (0:00-0:18). Eamon Ronan. National History Day documentary. 2009. Web.

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241.2-248.4Alabama

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241.2-248.4Theophilus Eugene “Bull” Connor (1897-1973) served as Commissioner of Public Safety for Birmingham, AL, during the Civil Rights Movement. His position meant that he had administrative oversight for the Police and Fire departments. Connor’s reaction to the Civil Rights Movement made him the public face of segregationists, and backfired when national and international outrage led to him being ordered to vacate his office by the Alabama Supreme Court when Birmingham’s voters elected to alter their form of government.

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Music (additional): Original--Adam Sparks, Garage Band, 2012

June 2012.Ironically, a year after the 1963 public relations debacle that was Birmingham, Connor was elected to serve as the state’s Public Service Commission director. After losing a battle for a third term as director, Connor’s political career ended a year before his death.

Bibliographyhttp://www.encyclopediaofalabama.org/face/Article.jsp?id=h-1091

PART III: CARLOS

TIMESTAMP

CAPTION NARRATION AUDIO VIDEO IMAGE MAP TIMELINE

CONTEXT FOOTNOTE PERMISSIONS MISCELLANEOUS

4:15-4:18

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3 sec

RESPECT Youtube 4:17-4:22, Sec 257-262 (5 sec)

Throughout this remix, we are attempting to understand local instances of activism, whereby local university students attempted to enact change through the circulation of discourse about race and racism in this context. We offer three case studies of local African American student activists who attempted to “go public” (see Warner) with ongoing racial injustices in area. The first case study involves John Carlos, former ETSU student and member of the ETSU track team best known for his participation in the silent protest with sprinter Tommie Smith atop the medal stand at the 1968 Olympics in Mexico City. The year before Carlos attempted to “go public” with the persistence of racism and injustice across the globe he had attempted to do the same in the local context under discussion. Thus, after exploring the complexities of communication in 1968, we will turn our attention first to the global demonstration for social justice that occurred at the Mexico City Olympics in October 1968 and, next, to the more local demonstrations in which Carlos was involved just one year earlier.

The second case study focuses on former ETSU student Joe Tave and his involvement in the formation of the Afro-American Student Society of East Texas (ASSET) on the night of MLK’s assignation in April 1968, especially their “Declaration of Rights” (also in April 1968), which likewise called attention to the persistence of racism in this local context. ASSET’s “Declaration of Rights” and related work were able to force a series of significant changes at ETSU, which we will discuss in the final section of “A Clear Channel: Part I.”

The third case study appears in “A Clear Channel: Part II.” In it, we focus on former ETSU student MacArthur Evans and his involvement in the formation of the Norris Community Club (NCC) in 1973, a university-community partnership designed to call attention to the racial injustices experienced by local citizens in Norris, the historically segregated neighborhood.

In each case, the activists involved help illustrate the ways in which, as Michael Warner insists, “One doesn’t ‘go public’ simply as an act of will – neither by writing, nor by having an opinion… The context of publicness must be available, allowing these actions to count in a public way, to be transformative.”

* * *

To listen rhetorically is to negotiate. We begin this section with the notion of “listening” during a particularly complex period in our recent history: 1968. We suggest throughout that “noise” complicated the desired communication and enabled the establishment of new channels necessary for that communication. On some levels, very little true communication took place. Yet it seems that on far more significant levels, communication about race and racism had never been more present than it was during those difficult months of 1968, and inasmuch as we were able to “negotiate our always evolving standpoints, our identities, with the always evolving standpoints of others” (Ratcliffe 34), the communication that occurred across the nation enabled future negotiations across difference in unprecedented ways. In the sections that follow, we will offer two local examples of those very negotiations—in Part I, the establishment of the local activist group ASSET (Afro-American Students Society of East Texas) in 1968, and the unprecedented changes ASSET accomplished in a few short years, and (in Part II), the establishment NCC (Norris Community Club) in 1973, a partnership between African American students and local citizens on behalf of Norris, the historically segregated neighborhood in town. In a few short years, they, too, would accomplish unprecedented change that drew upon the elements of rhetorical listening and established local publics as Michael Warner would define them—through the circulation of texts (Publics and Coutnerpublics), as we will explain.

Bibliography

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Warner, Michael. Publics and Counterpublics. Zone Books, 2005.Ratcliffe, Krista. Rhetorical Listening: Identification, Gender, Whiteness. Southern Illinois UP, 2005. Print.

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258-263

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He who is reluctant to recognize me opposes me.” Frantz Fanon (1952)

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Frantz Fanon. Photograph. “Frantz Fanon’s Afterlife: On the 50th Anniversary of His Death.” Michael Keating. African Arguments. Royal African Society. Dec. 22, 2011. Web. July 2012.

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Algeria

4:20-4:22Sec 260-262 (2 sec)1952

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Frantz Fanon (1925-1961), a Franco-Algerian philosopher, revolutionary, and author, became influential in post-colonialism, critical theory, and Marxism. Fanon, who was born on Martinique, at the time a French colony, experienced French racism during the Second World War both when living in Martinique, as French naval troops were blockaded on the island, and when serving in the French army, when he and his fellow Caribbean soldiers were transferred from their regiment to another locale so that the media would only portray white Frenchmen liberating their nation.

In 1952, Fanon wrote Black Skin, White Masks, which analyzes the psychological effects of colonialism on blacks. Black Skin presents both Fanon’s personal experiences living as a black intellectual in a white world, and discusses how the colonizer/colonized relationship is rendered normal in psychology. According to Fanon, cultural racism harms the psychological wellbeing of blacks.

Trained as a psychologist, Fanon ended up practicing in Algeria, then a French colony fighting a war of independence. Fanon, scarred by his experiences of racism both in a French colony and in France itself, came to support the revolutionaries, as evidenced in The Wretched of the Earth (1961), which argues that colonized people have the right to use violence in their struggle for independence.

His works have influenced anti-colonial and national liberation movements, and The Wretched of the Earth influenced Ali Shariati in Iran, Steve Biko in South Africa, Malcolm X in the United States, and Ernesto “Che” Guevara in Cuba.

Bibliography

Poulos, Jennifer. "Frantz Fanon." Frantz Fanon. Emory University, 1996. Web. July 2012. <http://www.english.emory.edu/Bahri/Fanon.html>.

Nicholls, Tracey. "Frantz Fanon." Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy. University of Tennessee, 29 Sept. 2011. Web. July 2012. <http://www.iep.utm.edu/fanon/>.

4:20-4:22Sec 260-262 (2 sec)Fanon, Frantz. Black Skin, White Masks. Grove Press, 1952. 218.

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Joshua, Black Boy of Harlem (1969)

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ContinuedMusic - Original -- Adam Sparks, Garage Band, 2012

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Joshua, Black Boy of Harlem . (0:56-1:07). Prod. Bert Salzman. 1969. Academic Film Archive of North America. Archive.org. Web. June 2011.

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Harlem, NY

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1969

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We use this short film about a young man leaving his home in Harlem, NY, for a track scholarship at a university in Texas as a way to introduce John Carlos, also from Harlem, NY, leaving home for a track scholarship at East Texas State University in 1966. Like Carlos, Joshua appears confident, ready to face whatever unknown. In this scene, his friend asks him if the college is giving him a scholarship. “They better,” Joshua responds,” something about a full, free ride.” Young Carlos, too, was confident. He was already well aware of his prowess as a sprinter. He knew ETSU needed him, and he was eager to take that next step. Carlos was understandably concerned about racial problems in the South and worried that Texas might be likewise.as the rest.

Unable to find out anything about the filmmaker, but with so many similarities between John Carlos (from Harlem) and “Joshua,” “Black Boy of Harlem,” coupled with the timing of the film (in 1969, one year after Carlos took the global stage alongside Tommie Smith at the 1968 Olympics), it seems safe to assume this film is inspired on some level by Carlos’s life.

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President JFK, arriving in Dallas(1963)

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“JFK Arrives in Dallas, Texas, on November 22, 1963” (1:41-1:50; 2:55-3:02; 5:03-5:12) YouTube. March 17, 2010. Web. June 2012.

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Love Field

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Dallas, TX

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November 23, 1963

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President John F. Kennedy won election in 1960 in one of the closest presidential elections of the 20th century. The pro-Civil Rights platforms of Kennedy and challenger Richard Nixon angered the segregationist South, and Kennedy carried Texas by a mere 46,000 votes, almost certainly due to the presence of Senator Lyndon Baines Johnson on the ticket as the Vice Presidential candidate.

As president during the modern Civil Rights Movement, Kennedy was constantly confronted with a public relations nightmare as the South stubbornly refused to jettison racial discrimination. Like his predecessor, President Dwight D. Eisenhower, Kennedy was often faced with concerns over the international response to violent, pro-segregationist reactionaries. Just as “Ike” was forced to respond to attempts to block federal orders and Supreme Court judgments requiring desegregation to reduce anti-American rhetoric abroad, so Kennedy was forced to act in response to segregationists like Sheriff Jim Clark and Commissioner Bull Connor. Kennedy’s reluctant support of Civil Rights meant that his popularity across the South plummeted, especially with the passage of a Civil Rights Bill looming ahead. To try to garner support for the upcoming 1964 general election and to smooth over frictions in the Democratic Party, Kennedy and his advisers planned a trip to Texas for November 1963. Stops were planned for San Antonio, Houston, Fort Worth, Dallas, and Austin.

Bibliography

Byrne, Jeb. "The Hours before Dallas: A Recollection by President Kennedy's Fort Worth Advance Man." Prologue Magazine. The National Archives and Records Administration (NARA), Summer 2000. Web. July 2012. <http://www.archives.gov/publications/prologue/2000/summer/jfk-last-day-1.html>.

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“JFK Assassination Motorcade from Love Field to Dealey Plaza on to Parkland Hospital 22 Nov 1963” (5:50-5:55). YouTube. Nov 20, 2010. Web. June 2012.

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Dallas, TX

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November 25,

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In Dallas, President Kennedy was joined by his wife, First Lady Jacqueline Bouvier Kennedy, Governor John Connally, and Connally’s wife Nellie, in a presidential motorcade. Kennedy was assassinated in Dallas’ Dealey Plaza, by Lee Harvey Oswald, who was himself shot and killed before he could come to trial.

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1963

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Shotgun

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JFK and Tanner

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Washington D.C.

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June 11, 1903

1963

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The modern Civil Rights Movement was noted for its ability to command national and international headlines. Blessed with the charismatic Dr. King, the fight for African American political equality in the face of violent opposition galvanized international criticism about the United States’ rhetoric on democracy clashing with the realities displayed at home. President Kennedy, therefore, was being forced to respond, just as his predecessors Truman and Eisenhower, were forced to respond.

Kennedy, an upper-class northerner with little firsthand experience of de jure segregation, remained cautious on the issue of civil rights, especially as he sought re-election in 1964 and needed a recalcitrant South to have any chance of victory. We know now that Kennedy would not live to see the 1964 general election, but during his first (and only) term in office, Kennedy consistently positioned himself with an eye on winning a second term, leading to some fairly tentative responses to national crises and fairly radical responses to international situations such as the Bay of Pigs, Cuban Missile Crisis, and Vietnam War.

While no major civil rights legislation was enacted during Kennedy’s term, the 1964 Civil Rights Act and 1965 Voting Rights Act were pushed through Congress by his successor, Lyndon Baines Johnson, who had a long record of civil rights support in his native Texas.

Bibliography

JFK & Civil RightsTimeCivil Rights QuandaryNEH Kennedy & the Civil Rights Movement

"Civil Rights Movement." John F. Kennedy Presidential Library & Museum. Web. July 2012. <http://www.jfklibrary.org/JFK/JFK-in-History/Civil-Rights- Movement.aspx>.

Dallek, Robert. "The Lessons of J.F.K.: His Cautious Path to Civil Rights." Time Specials. Time.com, 21 June 2007. Web. July 2012. <http://www.time.com/time/specials/2007/article/0%2C28804%2C1635958_1635999_1634940%2C00.html>.

Dallek, Robert. "President John F. Kennedy's Civil Rights Quandary." American History Magazine Aug. 2003. President John F. Kennedy's Civil Rights Quandary. 12 June 2006. Web. July 2012. <http://www.historynet.com/president-john-f-kennedys-civil-rights-quandary.htm>.

"JFK, Freedom Riders and the Civil Rights Movement | EDSITEment." EDSITEment. National Endowment for the Humanities, 17 Nov. 2010. Web. July 2012. <http://edsitement.neh.gov/lesson-plan/kennedy-administration- and-civil-rights-movement>.

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“Civil Rights March on Washington DC” 1963 Aug. 28. Photograph. Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Division. Washington DC. LC-U9-10364-37. Web. Feb. 2012.

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Commerce TX

YouTube 5:00-5:02, Sec 300-302 (2 sec)April 5, 1968

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The modern Civil Rights Movement was noted for its ability to command national and international headlines. Blessed with the charismatic Dr. King, the fight for African American political equality in the face of violent opposition galvanized international criticism about the United States’ rhetoric on democracy clashing with the realities displayed at home. President Kennedy, therefore, was being forced to respond, just as his predecessors Truman and Eisenhower, were forced to respond.

Kennedy, an upper-class northerner with little firsthand experience of de jure segregation, remained cautious on the issue of civil rights, especially as he sought re-election in 1964 and needed a recalcitrant South to have any chance of victory. We know now that Kennedy would not live to see the 1964 general election, but during his first (and only) term in office, Kennedy consistently positioned himself with an eye on winning a second term, leading to some fairly tentative responses to national crises and fairly radical responses to international situations such as the Bay of Pigs, Cuban Missile Crisis, and Vietnam War.

While no major civil rights legislation was enacted during Kennedy’s term, the 1964 Civil Rights Act and 1965 Voting Rights Act were pushed through Congress by his successor, Lyndon Baines Johnson, who had a long record of civil rights support in his native Texas.

JFK & Civil RightsTimeCivil Rights QuandaryNEH Kennedy & the Civil Rights MovementDowd Hall, Jacquelyn. "The Long Civil Rights Movement and Political Uses of the Past." The Journal of American History March 91.4 (2005): 1233-263. Web. 3 Aug. 2012.

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YouTube 5:02-5:04, sec 302-304 (2 sec)“No Need for Worry About Apathy.” East Texan. April 10, 1968. 2. Commerce: Texas A&M-Commerce Special Collections. Commerce, Texas.

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Commerce TX

YouTube 5:02-5:04, sec 302-304 (2 sec)April 5, 1968

YouTube 5:02-5:04, sec 302-304 (2 sec)The day after Martin Luther King, Jr. was assassinated, the students atETSU gathered in front of the Sam Rayburn Student Center to form animpromptu assembly led by United Students Senator Joe Tave who led a marchacross the campus with approximately 350 African American and Caucasianstudents. Tave reminisced about the event in an interview taken in June2012 where he remembered staying up all night to write the speech he gavetThat morning. In it, he called for unification, love and a non-violentresponse to King's murder. During this extremely turbulent period on thecampus in Commerce, many African American students were in distress andthey turned to Tave for leadership just as the nation had previously turnedto Dr. King.

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Walter Cronkite (CBS), 1963

Begins 5:19319Music: Scott P. Schreer, BMI, “Soul Longing,” Freeplaymusic, freeplaymusic.com

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“Walter Cronkite Announces Death of JFK” (5:02-5:17) YouTube. March 27, 2009. Web. June 2012.

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New York

YouTube 5:05-5:20, sec 305-320 (15 sec)November 22, 1963

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For the fourth time in the United States’ history, the nation lost its leader to a violent assassination. Unlike the earlier assassinations of Lincoln, Garfield, and McKinley, however, the Kennedy assassination occurred in the age of television, thereby allowing immediate accessibility to millions in America and around the world.

A world endlessly fascinated by Kennedy and the promise of Camelot remains fascinated by his grisly end, leading to the continuous stream of questions surrounding an alleged conspiracy, and security mistakes that combined to end the presidency of an elusive and enigmatic figure. We have no way of knowing how Kennedy would have responded to the events of the second half of the 1960s; we cannot presume his would-be response to ever-louder calls for equality; we cannot know whether he would have left Vietnam. The image of Camelot – and that’s what it was, an image, masterfully crafted by none other than his widow, Jacqueline Kennedy Onassis in the immediate aftermath of her husband’s assassination – has taken a beating in the following decades as information about questionable morals, possible drug abuse, and criminal illegality now surround Kennedy, but he remains one of the presidents in power during the heady days of the Civil Rights Movement.

Kennedy’s assassination has become one of the touchstones in American lives. Just as countless Americans can recall where they were when “we put a man on the moon,” they can recall where they were when they got the news that Kennedy was slain.

Ironically, President Johnson, who was never able to command Kennedy’s popularity, though he was infinitely more effective at accomplishing his domestic policy goals, forced through the very civil rights legislation that stalled under Kennedy. Johnson’s administration, however, became dominated by the debacle that was the Vietnam War and violent race riots across the nation.

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Less than an hour’s drive from Dallas where JFK would breathe his last breath in 1963,

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Narration: Carter (continued)

Music: Scott P. Schreer, BMI, “Soul Longing,” Freeplaymusic,

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arcgis

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Northeast Texas

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1963

YouTube 5:21-5:28, Sec 321-328 (7 sec)To suggest the close proximity to this defining event—close in both time and space.

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past the sign that hung in the rural community of Greenville from 1921 until the late 1960s,

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“Greenville Sign.” Huey, Brenda. The Blackest Land, the Whitest People: Greenville, Texas. Bloomington, IN: AuthorHouse, 2006.

YouTube 5:28-5:35, Sec 328-335 (7 sec)Greenville, TX

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1921

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Greenville is widely regarded by anyone who has heard of it as “that racist town.” To remedy this is the specific goals of another counter public, established in 2001 as the Corporation for Cultural Diversity.

This sign hung over the rural town of Greenville Texas for approximately 40 years until the late 1960’s when protests from local citizens demanded the sign be removed. Because it hung on the busiest street in the city, Lee Street, directly between the train station and the bus station, travelers from across the country became aware of its existence. Obviously a provocative and racist slogan, city officials and community members claimed that the slogan referred to the rich black soil of this Northeast Texas area known for its cotton production and the wholesome family values of the citizens. However, this area of the country was also well known for its deep rooted racism that was born in the cotton plantations that relied upon slave labor since the eighteenth century.

The city of Greenville, TX, is, unfortunately, also well known for the brutal lynching that took place in the town square in 1908. Accused of assaulting a young woman, Ted Smith was taken from the custody of the local police by a mob that beat him and burned him alive in the town square. The mob poured kerosene on him and created a bon fire using boxes, barrels and kindling. At one point, they decided they needed more kindling for the fire so they passed a hat around to raise $10 to purchase a cord of wood to add to the pyre. They burned Smith’s body until there was nothing

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left but ashes.

Heuy, Brenda. The Blackest Land The Whitest People: Greenville, Texas. Bloomington: AuthorHouse, 2006.

5:35-5:40 ETSU students and local citizens felt the ripple of social justice

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Here again we insist the audience explore this concept of communication about race and racism after the process of desegregation began. One key area of concern is the violent response to the first students (often just children) attempting to enter the schools after segregation was declared unconstitutional.

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just as profoundly as they felt the sting of Jim Crow.

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Youtube 5:40-5:44 Sec 340-344 (4 sec)Little Rock Central HS

Image: Associated Press

“Little Rock Central High School.” Little Rock, Arkansas.

Rally at State Capitol--race mixing iscommunism Dorothy Counts

“School Dilemma—Youths in Charlotte, N.C. taunt Dorothy Geraldine Counts, 15, as she walks to enroll at the previously all-white Harding High School.” 1957 Sept. 4. Photograph. Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Division. Washington DC. LC-USZ62-117236. Web. Feb. 2012.

Youtube 5:40-5:44 Sec 340-344 (4 sec)Charlotte, North Carolina Little Rock, Arkansas

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Minutes (start), end September 4,1957September 4,1957

Youtube 5:40-5:44 Sec 340-344 (4 sec)We see this narrative play itself out time and again throughout the nation.

In 1957, Dorothy Counts was one of the first African American students to enroll at Harding High School, a previously segregated school in Charlotte, NC. White members of the community put up intense resistance towards the integration of Dorothy and engaged in a verbal, physical and emotional assault on the fifteen year old girl that included threatening phone calls to her family’s home. Encouraged by their parents, the students threw rocks at her, spit on her, called her names and ransacked her locker while the teachers simply ignored her. After four days of vicious harassment, Dorothy’s parents withdrew her from the school in fear for her safety. Counts eventually moved to Pennsylvania where she attended and integrated school in Philadelphia. It was this photograph of Counts that reached James Baldwin in Paris, France, that motivated him to return to the U.S. and become an active leader in the Civil Rights Movement.

North Carolina is a predominately conservative state that became part of the focal point during the Civil Rights Movement in 1960 when Greensboro became one of the first cities to hold a sit-in at a lunch counter. Protesting Jim Crow Segregation, four African American students sat at the white’s only lunch counter and ordered coffee. They were refused and asked to leave but, the following day, an even larger crowd attended along with the local press. Sit-ins became part of the non-violent protest movement that eventually led to the desegregation of public spaces.

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Desegregation changed everything.

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Charlotte, NC

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Desegregation changed much of our nation, yet far too little. Dorothy Counts, in her attempt to attend Harding High School in Charlotte, NC was harassed to the point of withdrawing from school. The community was against integration and met her with hostility, fear and hatred. One of the key community members who spoke out against Counts was the wife of John Z. Warlick, a member of the White Citizens Council. Mrs. Warlick encouraged the students to verbally and emotionally assault Dorothy.

The White Citizens Council was a white supremacist organization that formed in 1954 in response to the law that forwarded desegregation, Brown vs. Board of Education. The leader of the organization was Robert B. Patterson, a former plantation manager who led a campaign using economic and political action against African American activists. Tactics such as calling in mortgage loans, denying loans and credit and boycotting black owned businesses were commonly used by the group. Medgar Evers, an African American activist who sought to undermine the organization’s hostile actions by interviewing blacks who had been intimidated by it but, was ultimately assassinated by one of its members on June 12, 1963.

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Desegregation changed nothing.

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Dorothy Counts

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Charlotte, NC

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Desegregation ultimately changed very little if judged in terms of the ultimate eradication of racism in America. Racism persists nonetheless. In theory, Brown vs. Board of Education was a landmark win in the fight for civil rights. However, just as the city of Charlotte, NC was resistant to integration; Little Rock, Arkansas was the focal point for a showdown between Governor Orval Faubus and President Dwight D. Eisenhower. In 1957, nine African American students attempted to enroll in Little Rock Senior High School. Escorted inside the building by local police, they were harassed by a group of 1000 protestors. The protest escalated to the point where the police eventually removed the students from the building, fearing for their lives.

The next day, President Eisenhower ordered 1200 troops from the 101st Airborne Division to escort the students into the school building. He also federalized the 10,000 troops of the Arkansas National Guard in order to remove them from Governor Faubus’ control. Federal troops patrolled the inside and outside of the campus for the remainder of the year. This event was an important moment in the implementation of Brown vs. Board of Education and the Civil Rights Movement.

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James Baldwin (1963)

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“Take This Hammer” (0:47-1:14). James Baldwin. Sept. 24, 2011. Prod. KQED, National Educational Television (NET). WNET. San Francisco Bay Area Television Archive. Web. March 2012.

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“Take This Hammer” (0:47-1:14). James Baldwin. Sept. 24, 2011. Prod. KQED, National Educational Television (NET). WNET. San Francisco Bay Area Television Archive. Web. March 2012.

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We return to James Baldwin throughout the remix as his work offers a particularly vital framing for our key arguments. Race is a rhetorical construct that has very little (and ultimately everything) to do with the individuals involved. As Powell notes decades later, the amazing thing about whiteness in a racist society is that an individual can benefit from (or suffer) the privileges of whiteness without being a racist himself.

James Baldwin (August 2, 1924 – December 1, 1987) was an American writer and social critic who wrote poetry, novels, essays and plays that explore race, class, sex and social issues. Living in Brooklyn, NY, Baldwin realized that, as a writer, he needed to free himself from the social constraints imposed on him by American society. Seeking an audience for his work that could view it beyond the context of “African American” he moved to Paris during the late 1940’s. There, he lived on the Left Bank among intellectuals, artists and writers who shared his ideology.

Although he lived in Paris for most of his life, he returned to the United States in 1957 after viewing the photograph of Dorothy Counts as she attempted to attend school in Charlotte, NC. Once in the U.S., Baldwin aligned himself with the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) and the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC). Traveling the country, he interviewed people across the nation and wrote several articles about the Civil Rights Movement. In 1963 he conducted a lecture tour for CORE, traveling across the Deep South to Louisiana and North Carolina.

During the summer of 1963, in the midst of the Birmingham Riots, Baldwin met with Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy, along with several black leaders and pressed him to take action and blamed the chaos in Birmingham and Selma directly on the shoulders of the Director of the FBI J. Edgar Hoover and President Kennedy. He pointed to their lack of action over the chaos and the violence that was occurring at the hands of white police officers.

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Sen. Robert F. Kennedy(1968)

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“Robert Kennedy Announcing the Assassination of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. in Indiana 1968” (0:13-0:18). YouTube. Nov. 13, 2009. Web. July 2012.

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“Robert Kennedy Announcing the Assassination of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. in Indiana 1968” (0:13-0:18). YouTube. Nov. 13, 2009. Web. July 2012.

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Indianapolis, Indiana

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April 4, 1968

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Senator Robert F. Kennedy (D-NY) was running for the Democratic nomination for President of the United States. Kennedy, the younger brother of President Kennedy, had become famed for his civil rights work both in America and around the world. In 1966, Kennedy traveled to South Africa, where he chided the Apartheid government for its racist policies, while also speaking pointedly about the racial issues in the United States.

Elected to serve in the Senate in 1966, Kennedy used the media interest that came with his name to highlight many of the same issues that concern King in his final years, namely the crisis of poverty and the unwinnable war in Vietnam. Kennedy, unlike his brother, openly backed the modern Civil Rights Movement, and was scheduled to speak on the night of April 4, 1968, in Indianapolis, Indiana’s African American ghetto. Despite fears for his safety, Kennedy delivered to the audience news of the civil rights leader’s slaying.

Day of Affirmationhttp://www.rfksafilm.org/html/speeches/speechrfk.phphttp://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yp81OYCjXtU

Kennedy, Robert F. "Day of Affirmation Address." John F. Kennedy Presidential Library & Museum. 6 June 1966. Web. July 2012. <http://www.jfklibrary.org/Research/Ready-Reference/RFK-Speeches/Day-of-Affirmation-Address-news-release-text-version.aspx>.

Shore, Larry. "Robert Kennedy's Speeches in South Africa." Speech. South Africa. 6-8 June 1966. RFK in the Land of Apartheid: A Ripple of Hope. PBS, June 1966. Web. July 2012. <http://www.rfksafilm.org/html/speeches/speechrfk.php>.

Andygw87. "Robert F. Kennedy - Day of Affirmation Speech [A Tiny Ripple of Hope]." YouTube. YouTube, 07 Jan.

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2012. Web. July 2012. <http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yp81OYCjXtU>.

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“King is Dead” (1968)

“Noise” continued to challenge meaningful communication across difference.

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“King is Dead”(1:45-1:49; 1:01-1:07). Jimmie Mannas. 1968. A/V Geeks Collection. Archive.org. Web. June 2012.

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Harlem, New York

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1968

Martin Luther King, Jr., the iconic leader of the modern Civil Rights Movement, was assassinated on April 4, 1968, as he stood on the balcony of the Lorraine Motel in Memphis, Tennessee. In his final years, King had turned his attention from focusing solely on issues of political equality to questioning American imperialism and foreign policy, confronting the evils of capitalism, and condemning American for being both the wealthiest nation in the world and a nation racked by poverty.

King was killed as he was leading the Poor People’s Campaign, an effort to gain economic justice and fair housing. Like earlier campaigns, the Poor People’s Campaign was open to people of all races and ethnicities; leaders hoped to build a multi-racial movement to force “an indifferent and unconcerned nation [to] rise from lethargy and subpoena its conscious to appear before the judgment seat of morality” on the issue of poverty.

Though he preached that, “Negroes are still impoverished aliens in an affluent society,” King saw the problem of American injustice as one that crossed racial lines, calling upon his fellow SCLC members to,

“honestly face the fact that the movement must address itself to the question of restricting the whole or American society. There are forty million poor people here, and one day we must ask the question, ‘Why are there forty million poor people in America?’ And when you begin to ask that question, you are raising a question about the economic system, about a broader distribution of wealth…you begin to question the capitalistic economy…we must come to see that an edifice which produces beggars needs restructuring…”

The death of King led to riots in more than 100 cities across the country, and 1968 became one of the most turbulent years in American history.

MLK Final CrusadePoor People's CampaignIll-Fated Second Phase of the Civil Rights MovementDissident Voicehttp://www.informationclearinghouse.info/article2564.htmWhere Do We Go From Here?

Blake, John. "King's Final Crusade: The Radical Push for a New America." CNN. Cable News Network, 29 Dec. 2008. Web. 26 July 2012. <http://www.cnn.com/2008/US/04/01/mlk.final.crusade/>.

"The Poor People's Campaign." The Poor People's Campaign. Web. July 2012. <http://www.poorpeoplescampaignppc.org/>.

To All Souls. "The Ill Fated Second Phase of the Civil Rights Struggle." Web log post.To All Souls. Blogger.com, 8 Apr. 2007. Web. July 2012. <http://toallsouls.blogspot.com/2007/04/ill-fated-second-phase-of-civil-rights.html>.

Cohen, Jeff, and Norman Solomon. "The Martin Luther King You Don't See on TV."Dissidentvoice.org. Dissident Voice, 5 Apr. 2007. Web. July 2012. <http://www.dissidentvoice.org/Apr07/Cohen-Solomon05.htm>.

King, Jr., Martin Luther. "A Time to Break Silence." A Time to Break Silence: By Rev. Martin Luther King. Information Clearing House, 4 Apr. 1967. Web. July 2012. <http://www.informationclearinghouse.info/article2564.htm>.

King, Jr., Martin Luther. "Where Do We Go From Here?" Speech. 11th Annual SCLC Convention. Atlanta, GA. 16 Aug. 1967. The Martin Luther King, Jr. Research and Education Institute. Stanford University, Aug. 1967. Web.

July 2012. <http://mlk-kpp01.stanford.edu/index.php/encyclopedia/documentsentry/

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where_do_we_go_from_here_delivered_at_the_11th_annual_sclc_convention>.

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Primer” (1953))

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A Communications Primer (2:39-2:50).Charles Eames. 1953. IBM. Prelinger Archives. Archive.org. Web. June. 2012.

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A Communications Primer (2:39-2:50).Charles Eames. 1953. IBM. Prelinger Archives. Archive.org. Web. June. 2012.

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USA

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1953

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We return here and throughout to this notion of noise.

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Rivers of Blood(1968)

Noise from the past and fear about our very futures distorted signals transmitted from all sides.

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“Rivers of Blood” (3:08-3:10; 3:11-3:17). White. BBC. 2008.

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John Enoch Powell, MBE, was a British politician who served as a Member of Parliament from 1950 through 1987. He is most famed for his Rivers of Blood speech, where he famously spoke against immigration from the United Kingdom’s former colonies to the UK.

Powell delivered the speech in a hotel in Birmingham, to a meeting of the Conservative Political Centre, on April 20, 1968, in opposition to the Race Relations Act 1968, which itself made illegal the refusal of public services to a person on the grounds of color, race, ethnic or national origins. The Act served to amend the Race Relations Act of 1965, which forbade discrimination on the grounds of color, race, or ethnic or national origins in public places.

In it, Powell highlighted the difficulty in a nation adapting to meet the needs of all of its citizens, including its new residents, and argued for curbs on immigration, especially of children and the unwed. The Conservative Party removed

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Powell from the Shadow Cabinet and publicly distanced themselves from him, while many white Britons openly and privately agreed with his speech.

Text of SpeechPress Reaction to PowellBBC Rivers of Blood

Powell, Enoch. "'Rivers of Blood' Speech." Speech. Conservative Association Meeting. UK, Birmingham. 20 Apr. 1968. The Telegraph. 6 Nov. 2007. Web. July 2012. <http://www.telegraph.co.uk/comment/3643823/Enoch- Powells-Rivers-of-Blood-speech.html>.

Sterling Times. "Rivers of Blood Speeches by Enoch Powell." Press Reaction to Powell. Sterling Times: the Virtual Scrapbook of British Nostalgia, 22 Apr. 1968. Web. July 2012. <http://www.sterlingtimes.co.uk/powell_press.htm>.

BBC News. "Rivers of Blood, The Real Source." 1968 - Myth or Reality? BBC News, Mar. 2008. Web. July 2012. <http://www.bbc.co.uk/radio4/1968/riversofblood.shtml>.

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“Rivers of Blood” (3:29-3:38). White. BBC. 2008.Or“Dark Immigrants” (1968).

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In 1948, the British Nationality Act gave British nationality to all people living in the Commonwealth, along with full rights of settlement and residency in Britain. Many from the Caribbean were attracted to the higher standard of living in the “mother country” and duly immigrated. Britain, however, was traditionally a nation of emigrants, and was facing, for the first time, immigration by large numbers of non-whites, who did not blend as easily with the overwhelming white British population.

Parliament recognized the racial issues developing in the nation and passed the Commonwealth Immigrants Act of 1962 that restricted immigration, and later further restricted immigration to those who held work permits. Despite limiting the number of immigrants who could settle from its Commonwealth, Britain did little to integrate these new Britons into society. Black Britons were effectively consigned to the ghettoes of major English cities, and racial tolerance in certain areas of the United Kingdom, especially Northern Ireland which boasts a non-white population of a mere .66%, remains an issue.

BBC, prod. 1976: White Rule in Rhodesia to End. On This Day. BBC, 24 Sept. 1976. Web. July 2012. <http://news.bbc.co.uk/onthisday/hi/dates/stories/september/24/newsid_2537000/2537969.stm>.

Smith, Ian. "Unilateral Declaration of Independence." Speech. Rhodesia. BBC. 11 Nov. 1965. Web. July 2012. <http://news.bbc.co.uk/olmedia/710000/audio/_711975_udi1965.ram>.

Regclarke. "Ian Smith - A Bit of a Rebel." YouTube. YouTube, 16 Mar. 2007. Web. July 2012. <http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=M_x9jRYU1JU>.

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7:14-7:20434-4406sec“…the black man will have the whip hand over the white man.”Enoch Powell,(1968)

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“Rivers of Blood” (4:00-4:09). White. BBC. 2008.

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Birmingham, England, UK

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Apr 20, 1968

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Ian Smith served as a politician in Southern Rhodesia (modern Zimbabwe), who opposed black majority rule. In 1962, the United Kingdom was exiting its’ colonial empire and granting its colonies their independence. Mindful of the nightmare enveloping its former colony of South Africa, the British government, however, insisted on black majority rule before independence would be granted.

In April 1964, Smith became Southern Rhodesia’s Prime Minister, and began his war of words with the United Kingdom, which continued to refuse to grant the country its independence until a black majority rule government was installed. On November 11, 1965, Smith and his Cabinet issued a Unilateral Declaration of Independence (itself modeled on America’s Declaration of Independence), which was duly unrecognized by the United Kingdom.

The country descended into a civil war, known as the Rhodesian Bush War, as two black national movements, namely the Zimbabwe African National Union and the Zimbabwe African People’s Union, fought each other and the Rhodesian government. The Bush War lasted until December 1979, when the British government, Rhodesian government, and the Patriotic Front, a unity group of the African nationalist movements, agreed to hold free and fair elections in March 1980.

Bibliography

On This DayUDIA Bit of a Rebel

BibliographyRivers of Blood part 14:00-4:09JimmyGB. "Enoch Powell - Rivers of Blood Part 1." YouTube. YouTube, 25 Mar. 2008. Web. July 2012. <http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HP7fETsKYkA>.

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Sen. Robert F. Kennedy(1968)

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“The Shooting of RFK” (0:53-1:00). ABC News. Patak, Manpowerwedfilms. YouTube. April 14, 2011. Web. Retrieved June 2012.

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“The Shooting of RFK” (0:53-1:00). ABC

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RFK tourImage over audio till 7:24

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Kentucky

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February 13-14, 1968

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Senator Kennedy’s participation in this tour and related moments have been described as of concern for many Americans, particularly those most in support of segregation.

Bibliographyhttp://republicanracism.blogspot.com/2012/01/how-did-blacks-become-democrats-and.html

Phillips, Michael. "How Did African Americans Become Democrats and Republicans Racists? Part II." Web log post. The Internet Republican Racism Database. Blogspot.com, 27 Jan. 2012. Web. July 2012. <http://republicanracism.blogspot.com/2012/01/how-did-blacks-become-democrats-and.html>.

LyfeMmhMaphosa. "Zimbabwe - Smith Comment on Black Majority Rule 1966.VOB." YouTube. YouTube, 22 Apr. 2010. Web. July 2012. <http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=k4CKgjHjZYc>.http://republicanracism.blogspot.com/2012/01/how-did-blacks-become-democrats-and.html

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“The Shooting of RFK” (0:53-1:00). ABC News. Patak, Manpowerwedfilms. YouTube. April 14, 2011. Web. Retrieved June 2012.

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“The Shooting of RFK” (1:20-1:27; 1:28-1:34). ABC News. Patak, Manpowerwedfilms. YouTube. April 14, 2011. Web. Retrieved June 2012.

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Los Angeles, CA

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We draw forward a series of terrible moments like the assassination of Robert Kennedy just months after the assassination of Martin Luther King. As the commentator says, “Is that possible?” 1968 will go down in history as a year of almost unprecedented tragedy.

Robert F. Kennedy (RFK) was the brother to President John F. Kennedy and served under him as the U.S. Attorney General from 1961 – 1964. Nine months after his brother’s assassination in November 1963, RFK resigned from his position. Soon after, he became the U.S. Senator for the state of New York.

As an activist in the Civil Rights movement, RFK went on national and international speaking tours. One of his most famous speeches occurred in South Africa, in 1966, where the country was embroiled in apartheid. He gave an earth shaking speech to college students at the University of Cape Town where he said, “Each time a man stands up for an ideal, or acts to improve the lot of others, or strikes out against injustice, he sends forth a tiny ripple of hope…”

He was in South Africa for five days, where he met activists and expressed his support. The South African government felt forced to allow RFK in to their nation as they “didn’t want to have a bad relationship,” with him if he was to become the next President of the United States of America.

In 1968, Senator Kennedy went on his infamous “poverty tour,” spanning for 200 miles in southeastern Kentucky. He traveled around to homes, businesses, and schools to research Americans undergoing poverty. Later, Presidents Nixon and Clinton would travel to Eastern Kentucky, yet the locals still believe that RFK’s visit gave them the most hope from any politician.

In the mid-1960s, Kennedy began his campaign for the Democratic nomination. His platform held a variety of views popular to many of those who would turn to violent protests after his assassination. One of those was his staunch anti-Vietnam War stand. RFK was able to obtain many of the support that had been with his brother eight year prior to his announcement that he would campaign. His popularity sent President Johnson into questioning his re-election bid to the point that he dropped out of the race entirely.

Norris, Michele. "Remembering RFK's Visit To 'The Land Of Apartheid'" Audio blog post. NPR News. National Public Radio, 12 Aug. 2011. Web. July 2012. <http://www.npr.org/2011/08/12/139449268/remembering-rfks-visit-to-the-land-of-apartheid>.

Bibliography

Clarke, Thurston. "The Last Good Campaign." Vanityfair.com. Vanity Fair, June 2008. Web. July 2012. <http://www.vanityfair.com/politics/features/2008/06/rfk_excerpt200806>.

LyfeMmh Maphosa. "Zimbabwe - Smith Comment on Black Majority Rule 1966.VOB." YouTube. YouTube, 22 Apr. 2010. Web. July 2012. <http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=k4CKgjHjZYc>.

RFK in EKY. "RFK in EKY: About Robert F. Kennedy's 1968 Tour." The Robert F. Kennedy Performance Project. N.p. , n.d. Web. July 2012. <http://www.rfkineky.org/project/1968-tour.htm>.

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7:34-7:40454-4606sec“Civility functions to hold in check agitation against a social order that is undemocratic in access to decision making power and unequal in distribution of wealth.”Nancy Welch(2012)

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USA

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As Nancy Welch explains, “Civility functions to hold in check agitation against a social order that is undemocratic in access to decision making power and unequal in distribution of wealth.” We return throughout to this notion of “civility” as we unpack similar sentiments throughout history. In 1852, for example, in Fredrick Douglas’s speech to hall, for July 4th.(2012)

Bibliography

Welch, Nancy. “Informed, Passionate, and Disorderly: Uncivil Rhetoric in a New Gilded Age.” Special Issue on “Writing Democracy.” Shannon Carter and Deborah Mutnick, Guest Editors. CLJ (September 2012), forthcoming. Print.

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It is difficult to overstate the role played by these terrible tragedies in any attempt to communicate across difference in 1968 and the surrounding years.

On June 5, 1968, Robert F. Kennedy won the California Democratic Primary. On his way out of the hotel, he was shot in the head by a Palestinian extremist Sirhan Sirhan.1 RFK’s body was transported by train to Washington D.C., on June 8, 1968 after his funeral in New York. Approximately a million Americans lined the tracks to show their respect for the fallen leader. Many mourned his death, and by the showing of those who lined the tracks from New York to Washington, RFK’s death meant a great deal to supporters and civil rights activists.2

Overall, RFK was a symbol to many who had desired change on the issue of civil rights. Not only did he fight internationally, but he did also nationally. He would ally with Martin Luther King Jr. in the eyes of my in the fight for Civil Rights. King applauded Kennedy’s anti-war rhetoric and found Kennedy as a voice of reason in the tumultuous 1960s. RFK stood as a symbol for peace and unity during a violent era of American history. It was after the assassination of this iconic civil rights/peace symbol that lead to the events at the Democratic National Convention, and the chaos that followed. With witnessing RFK’s popularity, and coming off of his brother’s legacy, many wonder if he could have defeated Nixon and what would the world have been like under a President Robert F. Kennedy.

National Public Radio, 12 Aug. 2011. Web. July 2012. <http://www.npr.org/2011/08/12/139449268/remembering-rfks- visit-to-the-land-of-apartheid>.

RFK in EKY. "RFK in EKY: About Robert F. Kennedy's 1968 Tour." The Robert F. Kennedy Performance Project. N.p. , n.d. Web. July 2012. <http://www.rfkineky.org/project/1968-tour.htm>.

Clarke, Thurston. "The Last Good Campaign." Vanityfair.com. Vanity Fair, June 2008. Web. July 2012. <http://www.vanityfair.com/politics/features/2008/06/rfk_excerpt200806>.

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1 Clarke, Thurston. "The Last Good Campaign." Vanityfair.com. Vanity Fair, June 2008. Web. July 2012. <http://www.vanityfair.com/politics/features/2008/06/rfk_excerpt200806>.2 Stevenson, James. "R.F.K., R.I.P., Revisited." The New York Times. The New York Times, 01 June 2008. Web. July 2012. <http://www.nytimes.com/2008/06/01/magazine/01RFKtext-t.html?_r=1>.

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In 1968, noise filled the airwaves around the world. Everything we thought we knew about ourselves and one another seemed to unravel with the assassinations of MLK and Bobby Kennedy and riots in major cities around the globe. Campus unrest everywhere hit a crescendo as losses suffered in Vietnam became increasingly intolerable and the promises of civil rights legislation appeared increasingly unlikely.

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Music: Derek R. Audette, “Creepy Egypt,” http://derekaudette.ottawaarts.com/music_bumper.php

Betty Fykes, “If You Miss Me from the Back of the Bus,” Bernice Johnson Reagon, 1997.

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7:47-7:49467-469CBS Reports 1968 pt. 1 Newscenter WJW 0:10 – 0:12

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7:50-7:51470-471CBS Reports 1968 pt 1 “CBS Reports: 1968” (0:14-0:15). Newscenter WJW Cleveland. Dec. 22, 1993. YouTube. Jan. 17, 2010. Web. June 2012

7:51-7:54471-474Black Panthers1968. Prod. Agnes Varda (French). Community Video. Archive.org. Web. July 2012.7:54-7:56474-476“CBS Reports: 1968” (0:16-0:18). Newscenter WJW Cleveland. Dec. 22, 1993. YouTube. Jan. 17, 2010. Web. June 2012

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7:58-8:02478-482“Black Panthers.” 1968. Prod. Agnes Varda (French). Community Video. Archive.org. Web. July 2012.

8:02-8:03482-483CBS Reports 1968 pt 1“CBS Reports: 1968” (0:24-0:26). Newscenter WJW Cleveland. Dec. 22, 1993.

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1968

April 1968

April 4-6, 1968

April 6-14, 1968

The year 1968 was a chaotic and extraordinarily turbulent period in history. Violence erupted across the nation as anti-war protests escalated across college campuses. The nightly news footage of the mounting American deaths and the seemingly endless war in Vietnam caused growing outrage and a call for peace. Violence defined this year when in February, the North Vietnamese began the Tet Offensive and soon after, the front page of the New York Times published a photograph showing the execution of a Vietcong prisoner of war by a South Vietnamese official created shockwaves around the world and caused Americans to question everything they had previously believed about their allies, the South Vietnamese. Further enraging the nation, one month later, the My Lai massacre occurred in which hundreds of innocent women, children and elderly Vietnamese were murdered by American troops. This event was a watershed moment in the history of the war when it became clear that the war was completely out of the of control of American officials.

One month later, towards the end of March, Martin L. King Jr. led a march in Memphis, Tennessee that turned violent when a 16 year old African American boy was killed while 60 people were injured and over 150 were arrested. Less than one week later, on April the 4th, King was assassinated at the Lorraine Hotel where he was planning the Poor People’s March on Washington.

That evening, as Robert F. Kennedy, who had recently announced his plans to run for President, was about to deliver a speech in Indianapolis, IN, was informed of King’s assassination. He gave an impromptu eulogy for Dr. King and called for reconciliation and unity. However, when the rest of the nation heard of King’s death, riots broke out in Baltimore, Boston, Chicago, Detroit, Kansas City, Newark, Washington D.C. and many other cities.

Towards the end of April, students at Columbia University staged a protest where they occupied five university buildings for seven days. The students were protesting the university’s connections to the Institute for Defense Analysis as well as a segregated gymnasium that was proposed to be constructed in Morningside Park. On the seventh day of the occupation, the police stormed the buildings and forcibly removed the students. Approximately 150 students were injured and taken to hospitals and more than 700 arrests were made.

In May, protests in Paris, France erupted as tens of thousands of protestors filled the city streets. The Wild cat strikes involved over 11 million workers and brought the nation to a near standstill. “Bloody Monday” marked one of the most violent days of that month when 5000 students marched through the Latin Quarter and riots broke out between the protestors and the police. These student’s protests nearly brought down the de Gaulle administration as they challenged the balance of power.

The following month, Robert Kennedy was assassinated at the Ambassador Hotel in San Francisco after giving a campaign speech. Tensions across the nation were at an all-time high when the Democrats held their National Convention in Chicago during August. Demonstrations outside of the convention were peaceful for the first two days and then violence broke out when the police, under the direction of Mayor Daley, began assaulting protestors, beating many unconscious and sending over 100 to the emergency room.

Just two weeks before the Summer Olympic Games in October, student protests in Mexico City led to hundreds of deaths. Known as the Tlatelolco Massacre, the protestors challenged the political regime that had suppressed labor unions, farmers and workers. The regime’s response to the peaceful protests was to bring in Mexican troops with helicopters and snipers on rooftops to shut down the protests. Their goal was to quiet the “noise” of the country so as to create a peaceful appearance to the rest of the world during the Olympic Games. The noise of the Tlatelolco Massacre was soon overshadowed by the voices of Tommie Smith and John Carlos who raised their black clad fists in the Black Power Salute in solidarity with African Americans back home. They were sent home by their U.S. coach and criticized for bringing politics into the Olympics. However, as the IOC President, Avery Brundage criticized the black athletes for standing for human rights, he deemed this type of rhetorical action acceptable during the 1936 Olympics when African American Gold Medal winner Jesse Owens stood on the platform next to a German giving the Nazi salute.

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YouTube. Jan. 17, 2010. Web. June 2012.

8:04-8:05484-485Rivers of Blood pt 11:39-1:40“Rivers of Blood” (1:39-1:40). White. BBC. 2008.

8:05-8:07485-487CBS Reports 1968 pt 10:36-0:38

8:08-8:12488-492“Black Panthers.” 1968. Prod. Agnes Varda (French). Community Video. Archive.org. Web. July 2012.

8:12-8:13“CBS Reports: 1968” (0:42-0:43). Newscenter WJW Cleveland. Dec. 22, 1993. YouTube. Jan. 17, 2010. Web. June 2012CBS Reports 1968 pt 1

8:14-8:18Our Demands: Columbia University

Bibliography

A succinct listing of the six demands made by striking students who had occupied Hamilton Hall on the first day of the protests (April 23rd). (source: University Protest & Activism Collection, Box 11, f.41, Columbia University Archives, 1968)

Bibliography

Alabama Journal. "œTo the Montgomery Public." The Martin Luther King, Jr Research and Education Institute. Stanford University. Web. July 2012. <http://mlk-kpp01.stanford.edu/index.php/encyclopedia/documentsentry/to_the_montgomery_public/>.

Alabama Journal. "œTo the Montgomery Public." The Martin Luther King, Jr Research and Education Institute. Stanford University. Web. July 2012. <http://mlk-kpp01.stanford.edu/index.php/encyclopedia/documentsentry/to_the_montgomery_public/>.

"Columbia Crisis -- Digitization Policy and Image Samples." History in the New Media. Wikidot.com, 25 Feb. 2009. Web. July 2012. <http://historynewmedia.wikidot.com/columbia-crisis-digitization>.

Cruz, Frank Da. "Columbia University 1968." Columbia University 1968. Columbia University, Jan. 2008. Web. July 2012. <http://www.columbia.edu/cu/computinghistory/1968/68-r1.html>.

"Murder in the Name of War - My Lai." BBC News World Edition. N.p., n.d. Web. 3 Aug. 2012. <http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/asia-pacific/64344.stm>.

Striking Columbis Students. Our Demand: Columbia University. Digital Image. Columbia Crisis. Digitization Policy and Image Samples. Columbia University Archives, 1968. Web. July 2012

Wood, Linda, Sharon Schmid, and David Reville. "1968: A Timeline of Events." 1968: A Timeline of Events. Brown University, n.d. Web. 03 Aug. 2012. <http://www.stg.brown.edu/projects/1968/reference/timeline.html>.

Striking Columbia Students. Our Demand: Columbia University. Digital image.Columbia Crisis -- Digitization Policy and Image Samples. Columbia University Archives, 1968. Web. July 2012. <http://i640.photobucket.com/albums/uu125/Zuzu_Petals/1968%20Columbia/OurDemands.jpg>.

http://mlk-kpp01.stanford.edu/index.php/encyclopedia/documentsentry/to_the_montgomery_public/

MUNDANE TEXTS

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1968_Chicago_riots

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______________________________________

____

8:19499-528

8:22-8:24502-504Mexico City(1968)

In 1968, at the Mexico City Olympics, sprinters John Carlos and Tommie Smith called global attention to the persistence of racism by taking full advantage of the means of persuasion available to them as black athletes representing the nation to the world.

Seconds (start)500, (end) 516

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Mexican TV News1:16 – 1:32And 1:36-1:49Seconds (start) 499, (end)528

Minutes (start) 8:19, end 8:48“Mexico 68 Olympiads ‘Black Power” (1:16-1:32; 1:36-1:49). Mexican TV News. YouTube. Sep. 14, 2008. Web. June 2012.

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Mexico City

Seconds (start) 499, (end)528

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October 16, 1968

Seconds (start) 499, (end)528

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Bibliography

Shannon

Seconds (start) 499, (end)528

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61. .

8:48-8:52528-532

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Avery BrundagePresident, International Olympic Committee (1952-1972)

Avery B. “They do not understand...”

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Seconds (start ) 528, (end) 532

Minutes (start), 8:48 end 8:52

“Mexico 68 Olympiads ‘Black Power” (14:13-14:18). Mexican TV News. YouTube. Sep. 14, 2008. Web. June 2012.

Seconds (start ) 528, (end) 532

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Lausanne, Switzerland

Seconds (start ) 528, (end) 532

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1936-1972

Seconds (start ) 528, (end) 532

Minutes (start), 8:48 end 8:52

BibliographyShannon

Seconds (start), (end)

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8:53-8:56533-536

Seconds (start) 533, (end) 536

Minutes (start) 8:53, end 8:56

Music: Robert Mann, “Elevate,” Freeplaymusic www.freeplaymusic.com

Seconds (start) 533, (end) 536

Minutes (start) 8:53, end 8:56

“Mexico 68 Olympiads ‘Black Power” (14:13-14:18). Mexican TV News. YouTube. Sep. 14, 2008. Web. June 2012.

8:56-8:58536-538A Communications Primer

Seconds (start) 533, (end) 536

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Jesse Owens

Seconds (start) 533, (end) 536

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Berlin, Germany

Seconds (start) 533, (end) 536

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1936

Seconds (start) 533, (end) 536

Minutes (start) 8:53, end 8:56

"I remember seeing Hitler coming in with his entourage and the storm troopers standing shoulder to shoulder like an iron fence," Owens said about Germany's leader entering Olympic Stadium. "Then came the roar of 'Heil, Hitler!' from 100,000 throats. And all those arms outstretched. It was eerie and frightening."

"When I came back to my native country, after all the stories about Hitler, I couldn't ride in the front of the bus," Owens said. "I had to go to the back door. I couldn't live where I wanted. I wasn't invited to shake hands with Hitler, but I wasn't invited to the White House to shake hands with the President, either."

http://espn.go.com/classic/biography/s/Owens_Jesse.html

http://www.nytimes.com/2012/05/01/arts/television/jesse-owens-on-pbss-american-experience.html

"The Americans should be ashamed of themselves, letting Negroes win their medals for them. I shall not shake hands with this Negro.......do you really think that I will allow myself to be photographed shaking hands with a Negro?"

Balder von Shirach claimed Hitler said this after the 100m victory of Jesse Owens.http://www.historylearningsite.co.uk/1936_berlin_olympics.htm

Four years later in his 1972 book I Have Changed, he moderated his opinion:

I realized now that militancy in the best sense of the word was the only answer where the black man was concerned, that any black man who wasn't a militant in 1970 was either blind or a coward.

Bibliography

http://espn.go.com/classic/biography/s/Owens_Jesse.html

http://www.nytimes.com/2012/05/01/arts/television/jesse-owens-on-pbss-american-experience.html

http://www.historylearningsite.co.uk/1936_berlin_olympics.htm

Zirin, Dave. "After Forty-four Years, It's Time Brent Musburger Apologized to John Carlos and Tommie Smith." The Nation. 4 June 2012. Web. 24 July 2012. <http://www.thenation.com/blog/168209/after- forty-four-years-its-time-brent-musburger-apologized-john-carlos-and-tommie-smith>.

"Brent Musburger." Wikipedia. Wikimedia Foundation, 22 July 2012. Web. July 2012. <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Brent_Musburger>.

Davis, David. "Olympic Athletes Who Took a Stand." Smithsonian.com. Smithsonian Institution, Aug. 2008. Web. July 2012. <http://www.smithsonianmag.com/people-places/indelible-olympics- 200808.html>.

Petchesky, Barry. "Should Brent Musburger Apologize For Calling John Carlos And Tommie Smith "Black-Skinned Storm Troopers" 44 Years Ago?"Deadspin.com. Gawker Media, 6 June 2012. Web. July 2012. <http://deadspin.com/5916321/should-brent-musburger-apologize-for-calling-john-carlos-and- tommie-smith-black skinned-storm-troopers-44-years-ago>.

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8:57-9:14537-554

9:00-9:02540-542British Broadcasting Company(1968)

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Music: Robert Mann, “Elevate,” Freeplaymusic www.freeplaymusic.com

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Minutes (start) 8:57, end 9:14

“Mexico 68 Olimpiadas ‘Black Power” (41:53-42:10). Mexican TV News. YouTube. Sep. 14, 2008. Web. June 2012.

9:12-9:14552-554A Communications Primer

Seconds (start) 537, (end) 554

Minutes (start) 8:57, end 9:14

Mexico City

Seconds (start) 537, (end) 554

Minutes (start) 8:57, end 9:14

October 16, 1968

Seconds (start) 537, (end) 554

Minutes (start) 8:57, end 9:14

Shannon

Bibliography

"The Olympics: Black Complaint." Time 25 Oct. 1968: 62-63. Print.

Seconds (start) 537, (end) 554

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64.

9:14-9:16554-556

continuedMusic: Robert Mann, “Elevate,” Freeplaymusic www.freeplaymusic.com

9:14-9:16554-556Jesse Owens

9:14-9:16554-556

Berlin, German

9:14-9:16554-556

1936

9:14-9:16554-556

Shannon

Bibliography

Moore, Kenny. "A Courageous Stand." Sport Illustrated 5 Aug. 1991: 64-81. SI Vault. Sportsillustrated.cnn.com/. Web. July 2012. <http://sportsillustrated.cnn.com/vault/article/magazine/MAG1139998/2/index.htm>.

Take This Hammer. Dir. Orville Luster. Perf. James Baldwin. KQED News, 1963. Film. San Francisco Bay Area Television Archive. San Francisco State University, 24 Sept. 2011. Web. Mar. 2012. <https://diva.sfsu.edu/bundles/187041>.

9:14-9:16554-556

65.

9:16-9:16 556-559

continuedMusic: Robert Mann, “Elevate,” Freeplaymusic www.freeplaymusic.com

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Minutes (start) 9:16, end 9:19

“Mexico 68 Olimpiadas ‘Black Power” (40:00-40:04). Mexican TV News. YouTube. Sep. 14, 2008. Web. June 2012.

Seconds (start) 556, (end)559

Minutes (start) 9:16, end 9:19

USA

Seconds (start) 556, (end)559

Minutes (start) 9:16, end 9:19

1946-1972

Seconds (start) 556, (end)559

Minutes (start) 9:16, end 9:19

How long was he racing horses

Shannon

Bibliography

Antihostile. "Malcolm X: By Any Means Necessary." YouTube. YouTube, 15 Apr. 2010. Web. July 2012. <http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hhg6LxyTnY8>.

Seconds (start) 556, (end)559

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9:20-9:27560-567

The world was watching. The message they tried to transmit through that global channel was one of black resistance.

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Minutes (start 9:20-9:27)

original

Seconds (start) 560, (end) 567

Minutes (start 9:20-9:27)

San Jose, California

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Minutes (start 9:20-9:27)

Origin date of OPHR

Seconds (start) 560, (end) 567

Minutes (start 9:20-9:27)

Shannon

That single iconic image of two African Americans, black-gloved fists raised and heads bowed as the national anthem played and millions booed, remains indelibly etched in our collective memory. Until recently, however, the message they intended, like the meaning behind much of the rhetoric of black power, was rewritten and then altogether silenced by the racist politics the movement opposed.

Bibliography

The NationBrent MusburgerSmithsonianDeadspin

Bibliography

Seconds (start) 560, (end) 567

Minutes (start 9:20-9:27)

67.

9:27-9:43567-583

9:27-9:30567-570John Carlos(1968)

All we ask for is an equal chance to be a human being…

continuedMusic: Robert Mann, “Elevate,” Freeplaymusic www.freeplaymusic.com

9:27-9:43567-583“Mexico 68 Olimpiadas ‘Black Power” (44:00-44:15). Mexican TV News. YouTube. Sep. 14, 2008. Web. June 2012.

9:27-9:43567-583

9:27-9:43567-583October 1968

9:27-9:43567-583ShannonBibliography

Joshua, Black Boy Of Harlem. Dir. Bert Salzman. Joshua, Black Boy Of Harlem. Academic Film Archive of North America, 1969. Web. July 2012.<http://archive.org/details/salzman_joshua>.

9:27-9:43567-583

68.

9:43-9:50583-590 It was

not a gesture of hate, Tommy Smith explained, it was a gesture of frustration.”

Music: Robert Mann, “Elevate,” Freeplaymusic www.freeplaymusic.com

9:43-9:50

583-590Why Run in Mexico?

9:43-9:50583-590

9:43-9:50583-5901991

9:43-9:50

583-590

In July 1968, as the country prepared to support the United States Olympic Team in the Mexico City games, Sports Illustrated magazine published a series of articles under the headline, “The Black Athlete – A Shameful Story,” that investigated the “problems and attitudes of the black athletes whose performances all of us sports fans cheer so enthusiastically but about whom we know so little.” 3 The series was the result of four months of painstaking research by national correspondents who performed background interviews with athletes, coaches, educators, and prominent people in the black community. Armed with their reports, Jack Olsen, a Sports Illustrated reporter who, during his period at TIME magazine covered the crisis in Little Rock in a dozen cover stories, began conducting his own interviews, a process which took a month. Olsen and the other SI correspondents were amazed to find that the black athletes were eager to tell their stories to a white audience, “and had almost never had a chance.”4

The first installment of the five part series was subtitled “The Cruel Deception.” It begins by asking whether “sport in America deceived itself” and noting that black athletes at the time were increasingly “saying that sport is doing a disservice to their race by setting up false goals, perpetuating prejudice and establishing an indisiousinsidious bondage

9:43-9:50583-590

69.

3 Letter from the Publisher: Garry Valk, Pg 4. July 1, 1968 Sports Illustrated.4 Valk, p 4

Page 44 of 59

all its own. Now, when Negro athletes are shaking numerous college administrations with their demands and a boycott of the 1968 Olympics is no idle threat, SI explores the roots and validity of the black athlete’s unrest–and finds them well founded.” The five part series covered the issues of, “the shockingly frustrating life of the black college athlete, the vast gulf between black and white sportsmen, how a Southwestern university treats the Negroes who are making it famous, black-white problems among the pros and what racism has done to one NFL team,”.5

July 8, 1968. John Underwood. “The Non-Trial Trials” about the planned Boycott and the US Olympic trials. Sports Illustrated.

Part 2: The Black Athlete: pride and prejudice.” P 18-31. Jack Olsen. In the second installment of the series, Olsen studied how black athletes were “recruited into a society for which [they had] no cultural or educational preparation, and isolated by its unwritten codes,” and came to discover, “an immense gap between [themselves] and the college community.”6 P 19.

July 15, 1968. Part 3: The Black Athlete: In An Alien World.” Jack Olsen. Sports Illustrated. 28-43. Analyzes the situation at UTEP where blacks made up less than 250 out of almost 10,000 students. “The University of Texas at El Paso is a tough place for a blacblack man, but it is not easy to tell where the prejudice originates, because – perhaps like a lot of the rest of America – everybody is busy attributing it to everybody else.”7 Olsen summed up the situation at UTEP, writing that, “the black athlete is there to perform, not to get an education, and when he has used up his eligibility he is out.”8 Amazingly quotes Athletic Director George McCarty who states, “’One of our biggest detriments or handicaps with the nigger athlete right now is the shortage of, you know, girls. It’s their normal field just like everybody else. … I’ll tell you what we try to do when they try to start dating white girls. It’s my opinion we try to be real objective with ‘em. I have set and talked with ‘em before, and I’m saying that society per se in this country is really not ready for this and really it’s not accepted on either side….”9 This despite the fact that McCarty felt the blacks on campus actually liked him.

July 22, 1968. Part 4: The Black Athlete , In the Back of the Bus. P 28-41. Sports Illustrated. Jack Olsen.

Addresses the issue of racism in professional sports and begins with “The world of professional sport has offered great opportunity to the Negro in recent years, but it has not offered him equality. He still gets less for doing more on behalf of a white athletic establishment that appreciates him most when he knows his place.”

July 29, 1968. Part 5: The Black Athlete, The Anguish of a Team Divided. SI. Jack Olsen, p 20-35. The effect of racism on the St Louis Cardinals of the NFL.

Bibliography

Valk, Garry. "Letter from the Publisher." Editorial. Sports Illustrated 1 July 1968: 4. Print.

Olsen, Jack. "Part 5: The Black Athlete, The Anguish of a Team Divided : The Effect of Racism on the St Louis Cardinals of the NFL." Sport Illustrated 29 July 1968: 20-35. Print.

Olsen, Jack. "Part 3: The Black Athlete: In An Alien World." Sport Illustrated 15 July 1968: 28-43. Print.

Underwood, John. "“The Non-Trial Trials” about the Planned Boycott and the US Olympic Trials." Sport Illustrated 8 July 1968: n. pag. Print.

5 Jack Olsen, SI, “The Black Athlete - A Shameful Story” p. 12. Whole article is pg 12-27.6 Jack Olsen, SI Black Athlete Pride And Prejudice. P 19.7 Jack Olsen, SI, in an alien world, p 31.8 Alien World, 31.9 Alien World, 34.

Page 45 of 59

9:50-9:56590-596

9:51-9:54590-596Malcolm X “By Any Means Necessary”

continue

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Seconds (start), (end)

Minutes (start), end

Malcolm X, By Any Means Necessary

9:51-9:54590-596

Harlem, NY

9:51-9:54590-596

1964

9:51-9:54590-596Shannon

Bibliography

Carlos, John. "Dr. John Carlos at Red River Region Business Incubator, Paris, TX." Interview. Reel Texas Digital Collection. Texas A&M University-Commerce Library, 8 Nov. 2011. Web. July 2012. <http://dmc.tamu-commerce.edu/cdm/singleitem/collection/p15778coll6/id/25/rec/15>.

9:51-9:54590-596

70.

9:57-10:00597-600

1966Commerce, Texas

9:58-

Music – Adam Sparks, “Garage Band/ Final Cut Express” 2012

Shannon

Bibliography

71.

10:01-10:10601-610

10:02-10:04602-604“Joshua, Black Boy of Harlem” (1969)

Music – Adam Sparks, “Garage Band/ Final Cut Express” 2012

10:01-10:10601-610Joshua, Black Boy of Harlem . (1:30-1:39). Prod. Bert Salzman. 1969. Academic Film Archive of North America. Archive.org. Web. June 2011.

10:01-10:10601-610Harlem, NY

10:01-10:10601-6101969

10:01-10:10601-610ShannonBibliography

10:01-10:10601-610“You better chose your friends right at that college. Texas isn’t 118th street you know. …Yeah, I know Mom

72. (Corbett’s article,

10:11-10:27611-627

ETSU Track coach Delmar Brown recruited John Carlos from Harlem in 1966, just two years before this global demonstration of what Edward P.J. Corbett would call “The Rhetoric of the Closed Fist.” Carlos was highly attuned to racism’s complexity and ubiquity.

Music – Adam Sparks, “Garage Band/ Final Cut Express” 2012

10:11-10:27611-627arcgis

10:11-10:27611-627Commerce, Texas

10:11-10:27611-6271966-1967

10:11-10:27611-627Public RhetoricShannonBibliography

“People are likely to resort to coercive, non-rational, even violent tactics to gain their ends when they felt that the normal channels of communication are ineffectual or unavailable (Corbett)

As Lucas notes in his book (page 12-13):For many radical activists, the available choices had already been limited by (if not eliminated by) status-quo elites who had already determined the “proper channels” of rhetorical activity.”

Robert L. Scott and Donald K. Smith on antiwar protesters dismissed as being “uncivil” or “unreasonable”“A rhetorical theory suitable to our age must take into account the charge that civility and decorum serve as masks for the preservation of injustice, that they condemn the dispossessed to non-being, and that as transmitted in a technological society, they become the instrumentalities of power for those who ‘have’

Robert L. Scott and Donald K. Smith. “The Rhetoric of Confrontation. Quarterly Journal of Speech. 55 (1969): 8.

“Thus,” according to Lucas, “the rhetoric of the closed fist, in many ways, had to be used against the highly regulated rhetorics of the open hand controlled by powerful individuals.

Bibliography

Browne, Robert M. “Response to Edward P.J. Corbett, ‘The Rhetoric of the Open Hand and the Rhetoric of the Closed Fist.” CCC 21.2 (May 1970): 187-190. Print.Hawk, Brian. “Re-Opening Public Rhetoric: Corbett’s ‘The Rhetoric of the Open Hand and the Rhetoric of the Closed

10:11-10:27611-627

73.

Page 46 of 59

Fist.” Enculturation: A Journal of Rhetoric, Writing, and Culture. (May 2012).

10:28-11:00628-660

10:28-10:32628-632John Carlos (2011)

John Carlos voice over describing Love field rest rooms.

Music – Adam Sparks, “Garage Band/ Final Cut Express” 2012

Music – Andrew Yurievich Oudot, “Explosion,” Freeplaymusic, www.freeplaymusic.com

10:28-10:32628-632http://s3-media4.ak.yelpcdn.com/bphoto/R_EUVTd1-bRS4NDmZn8Opg/l.jpg 10:32-10:36632-636http://farm3.staticflickr.com/2160/2515673214_d8188c3c2f_m.jpg10:36-10:45636-645http://images2.bridgemanart.com/cgi-bin/bridgemanImage.cgi/400wm.PNP.2120520.7055475/247033.jpg10:45-10:54645-654Bus Segregation10:54-11:00654-660Lion Track Team

10:28-11:00628-660Dallas, Texas

10:28-11:00628-6601966

10:28-11:00628-660Shannon

Bibliogrphy

Stowers, Carlton. "Carlos Hits Prejudice East Texas Sprinter May Join Boycott."Dallas News [Dallas, TX] 3 Dec. 1967. Print.

10:28-11:00628-660

74.

11:00-11:13660-673

It was I this context that Carlos would become inextricably linked to the boycott that would change his life just two years later when at the Commerce post office in the fall of 1967 he picked up the latest issue of Track and Field.

Music – Andrew Yurievich Oudot, “Explosion,” Freeplaymusic, www.freeplaymusic.com

11:00-11:03660-663lion track team continued11:0411:08664-668OPHR11:08 - 11:13668-673SI Cover overlaid with Harry Edwards

11:00-11:13660-673Commerce, Texas

11:00-11:13660-673The Root: I read you first attended East Texas State but left after one year. When did you connect with professor Edwards and his OPHR movement?

John Carlos: I had been reading in Track and Field News about the Olympic Project for Human Rights since I was a student at East Texas State. Everything they were saying I agreed with. I'm saying to myself, these are the people I want to be affiliated with.

After leaving East Texas State, I was back in New York and I got a call from professor Harry Edwards, who invited me to a meeting at the Americana Hotel. In this meeting, Dr. King wanted to let professor Edwards, the SCLC and all those that were involved know that he was coming out in support of the Olympic boycott. After that, I got an offer from professor Edwards to matriculate at San Jose State.

Bibliography

http://www.theroot.com/views/john-carlos-qa

11:00-11:13660-673

75.

11:14-11:23

11:16-11:18666-668

John Carlos “I was living that at the same time that

Music: Robert Mann, “Elevate,” Freeplaymusic

11:14-11:23 11:14-11:23674-683

11:14-11:23674-683

11:14-11:23674-683

11:14-11:23 76.

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674-683 John Carlos(2011)

I was reading that…”

www.freeplaymusic.com

Black Power image

Commerce, Texas

1967 Shannon 674-683

11:24-11:32684-692

Almost immediately local reporters began flocking to black Olympic bound athletes around the nation many of whom like Carlos said they were eager to

Music: Robert Mann, “Elevate,” Freeplaymusic www.freeplaymusic.com

11:24-11:32684-692Carlos hits prejudice overlaid with Carlos hedges boycott

11:24-11:32684-692Commerce, Texas

11:24-11:32684-6921967

11:24-11:32684-692Shannon

11:24-11:32684-692

77.

11:33-11:37693-697

11:33-11:37693-697The Social climate here [in Commerce] for the Negro is discriminating and terrible.”John Carlos(1967)

participate in the boycott.

Music: Robert Mann, “Elevate,” Freeplaymusic www.freeplaymusic.com

11:33-11:37693-697Aerial View of East Texas State Teachers College. 1950. Photograph. Historic ET Collection. Northeast Texas Digital Collections. Texas A&M University-Commerce. Web. Sept. 2011.

11:33-11:37693-697Commerce, Texas

11:33-11:37693-6971967

11:33-11:37693-697Shannon

Bibliography

A Communications Primer. Prod. Charles Eames and Ray Eames. Prelinger Archives, 1953. Film. Moving Image Archive. Prelinger Archives / IBM, 1953. Web. June 2012. <http://archive.org/details/KingIsDead>.

11:33-11:37693-697

78.

11:37-11:41697-701

“If conditions don’t change, something is going to happen at ET.”John CarlosEast Texan (1967)

Music: Robert Mann, “Elevate,” Freeplaymusic www.freeplaymusic.com

11:37-11:41697-701Aerial View of East Texas State Teachers College. 1950. Photograph. Historic ET Collection. Northeast Texas Digital Collections. Texas A&M University-Commerce. Web. Sept. 2011.

11:37-11:41697-701Commerce, Texas

11:37-11:41697-70167

11:37-11:41697-701

Shannon

11:37-11:41697-701

79.

11:41-11:47701-707

In Commerce, such as elsewhere such public statements about racism were met with widespread local resistance.

Music: Robert Mann, “Elevate,” Freeplaymusic www.freeplaymusic.com

11:41-11:47701-707“Segregation at All Costs: Bull Conner and the Civil Rights Movement” (3:11-3:18). Eamon Ronan. National History Day documentary. YouTube. 2009. Web. June 2012.

11:41-11:47701-707USA

11:41-11:47701-70767

11:41-11:47701-707

As black southerners began agitating for their rights, their white counterparts resisted their calls and national calls for racial tolerance and equality. The Citizens’ Councils of America (formed as the White Citizens’ Council on July 11, 1954, in response to Brown v. Board of Education ) was a white supremacist organization. With a membership of around 60,000 people, mostly in the South, the group was famed for its opposition to desegregation during the 1950s and 1960s, when it employed economic boycotts and other means of intimidation against black activists. By the 1970s, its influenced had waned, and the Council of Conservative Citizens eventually succeeded it.

Senator Harry Byrd (D-Va) established the policy of Massive Resistance on February 24, 1956, to unite other white politicians and leaders in his home state to campaign for new state laws and policies to prevent the desegregation of the public schools after the Brown v. Board of Education decision. Though most laws created to implement Massive

11:41-11:47701-707

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Resistance were nullified by state and federal courts by January 1960, some policies and effects of the campaign against the integration of public schools continued in the state for many years. Many schools, and even a school system, shut down rather than integrate.

To coincide with local resistance to racial desegregation, politicians at the federal level signed the Southern Manifesto. The lack of support for civil rights bills in Congress was not a new phenomenon. In the 1940s and 1950s, the President and the Supreme Court led the way in pursuing the end to de jure segregation, even as Congress watered down the acts it did pass. It was only in the mid-1960s that Congress, effectively managed by longtime former colleague President Johnson, began to keep pace with the rest of the federal government.

11:48-11:51708-711

11:49-11:51709-711“Love it or Leave it”Delmer Brown(1967)

Music: Robert Mann, “Elevate,” Freeplaymusic www.freeplaymusic.com

11:48-11:51708-711Coach Delmer Brown

11:48-11:51708-711commerce

11:48-11:51708-711“Love it or leave it”Delmer Brown 1967

11:48-11:51708-711Texas

11:48-11:51708-711Shannon

11:48-11:51708-711

81.

11:51-11:55711-715

11:51-11:55711-715“We are not behind Carlos.”“Negro Athletes Refute Stalemates”East Texan (1967)

Music: Robert Mann, “Elevate,” Freeplaymusic www.freeplaymusic.com

11:51-11:55711-715Blank Screen

11:51-11:55711-715commerce

11:51-11:55711-715“We are not behind Carlos.”

11:51-11:55711-715Texas

11:51-11:55711-715Shannon

11:51-11:55711-715

82.

11:55-11:59715-719

Music: Robert Mann, “Elevate,” Freeplaymusic www.freeplaymusic.com

11:55-11:59

715-719A Communications Primer (2:35-2:36; 2:40-2:42; 2:48-2:50)Charles Eames. 1953. IBM. Prelinger Archives. Archive.org. Web. June. 2012.

11:55-11:59715-719USA

11:55-11:59715-7191953

11:55-11:59715-719Shannon

11:55-11:59715-719

83.

11:59-12:01719-721

11:59-12:01719-721“Segregation at All Costs: Bull Conner and the Civil Rights Movement” (0:10-0:12). Eamon Ronan. National History Day documentary. YouTube. 2009. Web. June 2012.

11:59-12:01719-721Black Screen

Shannon 84.

PART IV AASET

TIMESTAMP

CAPTION NARRATION AUDIO VIDEO IMAGE MAP TIMELIN CONTEXT FOOTNOTE PERMISSIONS MISCELLANEO

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E US

12:02 UNIFY Music:Brewer, Simon. “Memorial Park.” Freeplaymusic.com. BMI. Web. June 2012.

Why I am Opposed to the War in Vietnam

Vietnam

67Bibliography

85.

12:04 Don’t let anybody make you think that God chose America as his divine messianic force”Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. (1967)

Why I am Opposed to the War in Vietnam

Music:Brewer, Simon. “Memorial Park.” Freeplaymusic.com. BMI. Web. June 2012.

Vietnam 67 86.

12:15 1968Commerce, Texas

Music:Brewer, Simon. “Memorial Park.” Freeplaymusic.com. BMI. Web. June 2012.

Bibliography87.

12:19 Music:Brewer, Simon. “Memorial Park.” Freeplaymusic.com. BMI. Web. June 2012.

ET Apr10 1968 p2commerce68Bibliography

88.

12:23 Shotgun Malcolm XBibliography

89.

12:25 Shotgun MLKBibliography

90.

12:26 Shotgun RFKBibliography

91.

12:28 Music – Andrew Yurievich Oudot, “Explosion,” Freeplaymusic, www.freeplaymusic.com

Sylvania Radio Receiver Commercial (16:45-16:48).CBS Television. c1950. Classic TV Commercials. Archive.org. Web. June. 2012.

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12:31 Belford Page, ETSU (1968-1971)

Music – Andrew Yurievich Oudot, “Explosion,” Freeplaymusic, www.freeplaymusic.com

Belford Page 40:55-41:22Bibliography

93.

12:56 Joe Tave, ETSU (1966-1970)

Music – Andrew Yurievich Oudot, “Explosion,” Freeplaymusic, www.freeplaymusic.comMusic: Robert Mann, “Elevate,” Freeplaymusic www.freeplaymusic.com

3:34 Joe TaveBibliography

More on the pain/anguish felt

94.

13:00 Music: Robert Mann, “Elevate,” Freeplaymusic www.freeplaymusic.com

4:19—Joe Tave4:56: Joe Tave Bibliography

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13:13 Music: Robert Mann, “Elevate,” Freeplaymusic www.freeplaymusic.com

Music:Brewer, Simon. “Memorial Park.” Freeplaymusic.com. BMI. Web. June 2012.

Belford Page 96.

13:17 Amid the angst that fell across the nation following MLK’s assassination, that very night as the nation grieved, university students everywhere began planning their next steps.

Music:Brewer, Simon. “Memorial Park.” Freeplaymusic.com. BMI. Web. June 2012.

ET Apr10 1968 p2Bibliography

97.

13:27 I always call Joe Tave the MLK of East Texas State University.-John Carlos

Music:Brewer, Simon. “Memorial Park.” Freeplaymusic.com. BMI. Web. June 2012.

Black Screen 98.

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2012

12:32 Joe Tave Joe TaveMusic:Brewer, Simon. “Memorial Park.” Freeplaymusic.com. BMI. Web. June 2012.

Joe Tave AASSET'S Free BreakfastET April 10 1968

99.

13:45 The next day following the MLK march and demonstration he helped organize, Joe Tave delivered a rousing speech which, according to campus news was interrupted by applause several times. In it, Tave encouraged the students to unite and fight our sick white brothers with love and non-violence as Dr King would have us do.

Music:Brewer, Simon. “Memorial Park.” Freeplaymusic.com. BMI. Web. June 2012.

student marchJoe Tave 1students at rally

100.

“…as Dr. King would have us do.” Joe Tave, President, (ASSET), (1968)

Music:Brewer, Simon. “Memorial Park.” Freeplaymusic.com. BMI. Web. June 2012.

Bibliography101.

14:05 “A Communications Primer” (1953)

Communications Primer8:32-8:54But besides noise, there are other factors which can keep the information from reaching its destination intact. The background and conditioning of the receiving apparatus may so differ from that of the transmitter that it may be impossible for the receiver to pick up the signals without distortion

Bibliography102.

14:26 Distortion during such difficult times seems inevitable. Meaningful

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OriginalBibliography

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communication across difference is difficult even in the best of circumstances.

m

14:34 These were not the best of circumstances.

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OriginalBibliography

104.

14:42 Shortly after forming ASSET, student Joe Tave received a death threat.

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Black screen 105.

14:45 Joe Tave,ASSET President 1968-1970

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Joe Tave FBI 106.

15:05 Music: Robert Mann, “Elevate,” Freeplaymusic www.freeplaymusic.com

Communications Primer(2:48-2:50; 2:48-2:50)

107.

15:10 I, for one, believe that if you give people a thorough understanding of what confronts them and the basic causes that produce it, they’ll create their own programs…”

Music:Brewer, Simon. “Memorial Park.” Freeplaymusic.com. BMI. Web. June 2012.

Black Screen 108.

15:18 “And when you create a program, you get ACTION.”Malcolm X1964

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Black Screen 109.

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15:21 “Hear and Now” (1958)

Hear and Now Hear and Now 110.

15:31 Though the campus was largely isolated and the students overwhelmingly conservative, at least as compared to many public universities of its size, campus activism was on the rise nonetheless.

Robert Mann, “Alpine Resort,” Freeplaymusic.com, www.freeplaymusic.com

image of campus from air

black autonomy

Bibliography111.

15:44

In May 1968, one month after the formation of AASET and alongside several other student activist groups, the regional conference of the Students for a Democratic Society sent a field representative to E

Robert Mann, “Alpine Resort,” Freeplaymusic.com, www.freeplaymusic.com

student activismButton Change Bibliography

112.

15:57 “. . . not only are there people at ETSU ready for activism, but [there is] strong indication that this region is populated with hundreds of potentially radical students--and it is up to us to find them.”

What they found both surprised and excited the representatives, who suggested they’d witnessed on the ETSU campus “proof” that “not only are there people at ETSU ready for activism, but [there is] strong indication that this region is populated with hundreds of potentially radical students--and it is up to us to find them.

Robert Mann, “Alpine Resort,” Freeplaymusic.com, www.freeplaymusic.com

Button ChangeStudent activists

student protests

Bibliography113.

16:18 I think I can speak for the entire region in saying “Welcome”

Robert Mann, “Alpine Resort,” Freeplaymusic.com,

Black ScreenBibliography

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to our new brothers and sisters in Commerce.–SDS representative, May 1968

www.freeplaymusic.com

16:24 Against this backdrop local African American students were nevertheless able to establish a viable channel for communication with campus administrators.

Robert Mann, “Alpine Resort,” Freeplaymusic.com, www.freeplaymusic.com

OriginalBibliography

115.

16:35 With Joe Tave, who became the organization’s president on the night of MLK’s assassination, AASET presented university administrators with a “Declaration of Rights” that “included

Robert Mann, “Alpine Resort,” Freeplaymusic.com, www.freeplaymusic.com

Joe Tave FBI Joe Tave youngerOriginal image of DemandsJoe Tave 1968 Locust

Bibliography116.

16:45 Dr. David Talbot(1968)

rights to African American faculty

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TalbotBibliography

117.

16:47 Ivory Moore(1972)

and administrators,

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Ivory MooreBibliography

118.

16:49 Fair and equal housing, access to campus employment, and courses in African American studies.

Robert Mann, “Alpine Resort,” Freeplaymusic.com, www.freeplaymusic.com

housingAfrican studies

Across the country, developers and local governments made use of restrictive covenants to limit blacks’ ability to move in to certain neighborhoods. To address these racially motivated covenants, the Civil Rights Act of 1968 was enacted to provide for equal housing opportunities regardless of race, creed, or national origin. President Johnson signed the bill into law in the wake of the MLK assassination riots.

Stokely Carmichael once criticized the fact that legislation was needed to enforce civil rights, stating,

“Now we want to take that to its logical extension so that we can understand then what its relevancy would be in terms of new civil rights bills. I maintain that every civil rights bill in this country was

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passed for white people, not for black people. For example, I am black. I know that. I also know that while I am black I am a human being. Therefore I have the right to go into any public place. White people didn't know that. Every time I tried to go into a place they stopped me. So some boys had to write a bill to tell that white man, ‘He's a human being; don't stop him.’ That bill was for that white man, not for me. I knew it all the time. I knew it all the time.

… So that when you talk about open occupancy I know I can live anyplace I want to live. It is white people across this country who are incapable of allowing me to live where I want to live. You need a civil rights bill, not me! I know I can live where I want to live.

So that the failure to pass a civil rights bill isn't because of Black Power, isn't because of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, is not because of the rebellions that are occurring in the major cities. It is the incapability of whites to deal with their own problems inside their own communities. That is the problem of the failure of the civil rights bill.”

Bibliography

16:56 In a few short years, all of their demands would be met, setting in motion a series of key hires and other changes that made” future communication channels possible and locally meaningful.

Robert Mann, “Alpine Resort,” Freeplaymusic.com, www.freeplaymusic.com

Earth time lapseBibliography

120.

17:07 It wasn’t easy. Such things never are.”

Robert Mann, “Alpine Resort,” Freeplaymusic.com, www.freeplaymusic.com

Fade to black

The leaders of SDS (Students for a Democratic Society) sent a representative to the campus to assist ASSET in its demand for balance and equality. They discovered that the campus administration was cooperating fully with all of the demands placed. Black students, led by Tave were prepared to make as much “noise” as required in order to have their demands met. Not only were there students who were ready and willing to set fires across the campus but, there were at least two students who were prepared to take down the university’s computer system.

Tave held several meetings with Dr. Halliday during this period and he continued to stress the seriousness of the students. As the administration proved to be willing to work with ASSET’s demands, there was still a considerable backlash from students and the community at large. In an editorial in the East Texan on November 6, 1970, a sophomore wrote in regarding what many whites of the era referred to as “the racial problem”. He wrote, “It is really sad to me that these people are still fighting a battle that was over years ago. I hope that one day they will get enough White money from the White taxpayers to pay for the education they will receive from White institutions with White professors so they can learn just exactly what it is they are fighting against” (Helmsley).

Bibliography

Letter to the Editor. East Texan. November 6, 1970.

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17:11 “Struggle is par for the course when our dreams go into ACTION, but unless we have the SPACE to imagine a VISION of what it means to fully realize our humanity all of the protests and demonstration in the world won’t bring about our LIBERATION.”Robin D.G. Kelly (2003)

Robert Mann, “Alpine Resort,” Freeplaymusic.com, www.freeplaymusic.com

Black ScreenBibliography

122.

17:19 James Baldwin (1963)

James Baldwin's Who is the Nigger?(Take this Hammer)1:27-1:32 (. . . it isn’t me”

Bibliography123.

17:21 Crisis in Levittown . (2:37-2:42)Prod. Lee Bobker and Lester Becker. 1957. Dynamic Films. Academic Film Archive of North America. Archive.org. Web. Apr. 2012.

124.

17:26 James Baldwin (1963)

James Baldwin's Who is the Nigger?(2:29-2:34)(Take this Hammer) “You’re the nigger, baby.”

Race was never just a matter of how you look; it’s about how people assign meaning to how you look.” Robin DG Kelley, historian (http://www.pbs.org/race/images/race-guide-lores.pdf

The slick thing about whiteness is that you can reap the benefits of a racist society without personally being a racist.” John A. Powell, Legal Scholar (from above source)

“The slick thing about whiteness is that you can reap all the benefits of aracist society without personally being racist.”

— John A. Powell, Director, Kirwan Institute for the Study of Race and Poverty, Ohio State University.

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17:31 Crisis in Levittown . (17:50-17:52). Prod. Lee Bobker and Lester Becker. 1957. Dynamic Films. Academic Film Archive of North America. Archive.org. Web. Apr. 2012.

126.

Today the problem belongs to everyone.

127.

Nearly 50 years later, African Americans are “still writing in the spaces left and writing in the spaces jacked.”-Adam J. Banks(2011)

128.

remixed audio to make noise.

Story byShannon Carter

129.

remixed audio to make noise.

Script/Remix byShannon Carter, Jennifer Jones, Kelly Dent, and Adam Sparks

Video Editing byAdam Sparks

130.

remixed audio to make noise.

ResearchersKelly Dent, Jennifer Jones, Shannon Carter, Sunchai Hamcumpai

Technical Support bySunchai

131.

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Hamcumpairemixed audio to make noise.

Funded, in part, by a grant fromNational Endowment For the Humanities

132.

remixed audio to make noise.

Additional support provided by

133.

old movie reel old movie reel 134.

INTERMISSION 135.

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