values of urban aboriginal parents: food before thought

INTRODUCTION

As health professionals, occupational therapists have anobligation to ensure that indigenous people have an acces-sible and culturally appropriate service (Fergusson, 1995;World Health Organization, 1978). Despite increasingawareness of Aboriginal health issues among Australianhealth agencies, informal discussions with several urbanoccupational therapists have indicated that very fewAboriginal children are referred to or attend paediatricoccupational therapy services in Brisbane. There is littleoccupational therapy research to explain this phenomenon,

leaving the researcher with several questions. Is occupa-tional therapy service delivery appropriate for, or valuedby, Aboriginal families? If not, how might occupationaltherapy services more closely match the needs and valuesof Aboriginal parents? Indeed, what are the values ofurban Aboriginal parents?

To understand these issues, the researcher engaged ina qualitative inquiry to examine the values of Aboriginalparents in Brisbane regarding the development of theirchildren. This paper reports a portion of this projectincluding a review of relevant literature, an outline of thequalitative methodology used and pertinent results

Australian Occupational Therapy Journal (2000) 47, 28–40

F e a t u r e A r t i c l e

Values of urban Aboriginal parents: Food before thought

Al ison Nelson and Heather Al l ison

Department of Occupational Therapy, University of Queensland, Brisbane, Australia

Using qualitative methodology, this study investigated values of urban Aboriginal parents, particularly withrespect to parenting and child development. Data were collected from five urban-dwelling Aboriginal parentsaged between 25 and 55 years. Participants were parents of children aged between 18 months and 25 years. Allparticipants were also employed in the fields of education or health where they had frequent involvement withother indigenous parents through welfare support or school or health programs. Each informant participated ineither an individual interview or focus group. Supplemental data were also collected from participant observationin a kindergarten setting. Descriptions of Aboriginal parents’ values and parenting styles are reported. The mainvalues included an emphasis on maintaining social relationships and cultural identity with an overriding need forsurvival and security. Implications for occupational therapy practice and further research with urban Aboriginalfamilies are suggested.

K E Y W O R D S Aboriginal, culture, parenting, qualitative research, values.

Alison Nelson BOccThy; Clinical Educator, Life Skills Clinic for Children, Department of Occupational Therapy, The University of Queensland.Heather Allison BOccThy, MOccThy; Clinical Educator, Life Skills Clinic for Children, Department of Occupational Therapy, The University ofQueensland.Correspondence: Alison Nelson, Life Skills Clinic for Children, Department of Occupational Therapy, The University of Queensland, Brisbane,Qld 4072, Australia.Accepted for publication October 1999.

regarding the values of Aboriginal parents with respect totheir parenting role.

One factor that influenced the decision of some partic-ipants to be involved in this study was the probability thatthis research could be used by them to benefit Aboriginalhealth and education. The aim of the researcher was toincrease the body of occupational therapy literatureregarding Aboriginal perspectives on particular healthcare and education issues and to suggest specific strategiesto meet the needs of Aboriginal people in an urbansetting.

The researcher has worked as a clinician in both ruraland urban settings in acute hospital and community-basedservices but has had limited professional contact withAboriginal people, largely due to the aforementionedinfrequency with which Aboriginal people are bothreferred to and attend so-termed ‘mainstream’ services.However, the researcher has a 20-year history of involve-ment in cross-cultural projects, particularly withAboriginal people.

There is some controversy surrounding the role andrights of non-Aboriginal researchers to write aboutAboriginal people (Nyoongah, 1992; Rhydwen, 1996). Itwas anticipated that by using a qualitative methodology,the personal perspectives and experiences of the indige-nous participants would provide the data rather thanissues being predetermined by the researcher (Patton,1990). To quote Rhydwen, ‘I claim no special insight andwrite simply about my observations, my experiences andmy interpretation of interactions with Aboriginal people’(p. viii).

As well as recent published and unpublished academicpapers, the following literature review also draws on per-sonal communication with selected Aboriginal peopleworking in the fields of health care and education.

History of contemporary Aboriginalsociety

The health and social status of Aboriginal Australians iswell below that of other Australians (Aboriginal deaths incustody, 1992; Bennett, 1988; Glynn, 1993; Saggers &Gray, 1991; Saggers, 1993; Shannon, 1994). Saggers notedthat the poor health status of Aboriginal people ‘is a directconsequence of the historical relationship betweenAboriginal and non-Aboriginal Australians, so under-standing some of that history is vital for effective health

Urban Aboriginal parents: Food before thought 29

strategies’ (p. 153). The history of contemporary

Aboriginal society also provides a context in which to

understand Aboriginal parenting.

European settlement resulted in the disruption of

traditional Aboriginal lifestyles and kinship structures, the

dispossession of Aboriginal people from their land and the

introduction of new diseases. This caused a breakdown in

social systems and Aboriginal people struggled to main-

tain their cultural identity. In a government effort to

assimilate Aboriginal people into non-Aboriginal society,

many children, particularly those classified as ‘half-caste’,

were taken from their mothers well into the latter half of

this century (Behrendt, 1996; Franklin & White, 1991;

Gray, Trompf & Houston, 1991; Smallwood, 1995). Even

today, a lack of involvement of Aboriginal people in policy

and decision-making processes has had a dramatic and

deleterious impact on Aboriginal health and well-being

(Bennett, 1988; Hollinsworth, 1992; Mobbs, 1991; Saggers

& Gray, 1991; Saggers, 1993; Shannon, 1994).

This history has resulted in an understandable suspi-

cion and reluctance among Aboriginal people to embrace

non-Aboriginal health, education and family support

strategies (Mobbs, 1991; Mulcahy, 1992; Saggers, 1993).

Modern Aboriginal society has thus been characterized by

a breakdown in kinship systems, the emergence of depen-

dency on welfare systems, high unemployment and an

increase in lifestyle diseases such as diabetes, alcohol

abuse and stress-related conditions (Franklin & White,

1991; Saggers & Gray, 1991). Many urban-dwelling

Aborigines experience similar economic and social prob-

lems as very poor non-Aboriginal people (Gray et al.,

1991).

Contemporary Aboriginal cul ture

Culture can be described as the learned and shared pat-

terns of perceiving and adapting to the world which are

reflected in the beliefs, attitudes and behaviours character-

izing a population (Fitzgerald, Mullavey-O’Byrne &

Clemson, 1997). Due to the heterogeneity among

Aboriginal people, there is no universal definition of

Aboriginal culture (Helman, 1994; Hollinsworth, 1992;

Fergusson, 1995; Sayers, 1993; Shannon, 1994). Helman

(1994) and Gilroy (cited in Hollinsworth, 1992) have

emphasized that cultures are constantly adapting and

changing as they are influenced by other groups around

them, although Fitzgerald et al. (1997) suggest they main-tain a sense of coherence within this change.

It has been suggested that only those indigenouspeople living in a ‘traditional lifestyle’ have maintainedtheir culture (Shannon, 1994). However, the Aboriginalpeople of urban and rural areas still identify with a culturethat is very ‘non white-Australian’ (Rigby & Black, 1993;Shannon, 1994). In order to more fully understand theimpact of culture on occupational therapy practice, it isimperative that we understand the influence of our ownculture and that of the occupational therapy profession(Fitzgerald et al., 1997; Helman, 1994). We must also gainan awareness of the myriad of factors that impact onAboriginal parents and how this shapes their values andbehaviours.

Values and motivators

Values are described as personal beliefs about what isright and wrong, good and bad, and important and unim-portant (Kielhofner, 1985). The Canadian Model of Occu-pational Performance (CMOP) provides a framework tounderstand the impact of our environment, personal quali-ties and abilities and our culture on our behaviour(Townsend, 1998). It portrays occupational therapy ideol-ogy as well as an occupational perspective on humans inthe context of daily life (Townsend, 1998). The CMOPconsiders the physical, cognitive and emotional make-upof each person. It portrays the individual as being indynamic interaction with their environment, with occupa-tion emerging from this interaction (Townsend, 1998).Spirituality is depicted as the core of the CMOP as it iscentral to the person, shaped by the environment andgives meaning to occupation (Townsend, 1998).

Some occupational therapists are now describing occu-pation broadly as everything people do in life to occupythemselves (Townsend, 1998). The CMOP suggests thatoccupations can fall into three main areas, that is, self-care, leisure and productivity (Townsend, 1998). Occupa-tional tasks may cross these boundaries depending on themeaning that task has for the individual at any given time.For instance, a parenting task such as playing with a childmay sometimes be seen as a productivity activity andother times as leisure. The meaning ascribed to theseoccupations is in part shaped by the individual’s personalvalues and beliefs but also by their cultural, social, institu-tional and physical environment.

Another theoretical framework, which helps to con-ceptualize the values and motivating factors of individuals,is Maslow’s hierarchy of needs (1954). This theory hasbeen used in the fields of psychology, education, businessand social studies over the past 40 years (Maslow, 1987).

Maslow suggests that there are five levels of need,which motivate a person’s behaviour. These are physiolog-ical needs such as food and water, the need for safety andsecurity, including freedom from fear, anxiety and chaos,the need for belongingness and love, esteem needs, includ-ing the desire for competence, achievement and freedom;and self-actualization where one desires to reach theirhighest potential (Maslow, 1954). It is hypothesized that aperson is motivated by his/her needs and that unless amore basic need is met, higher order needs will be less of aconcern or a motivating influence in an individual’s behav-iour.

In Maslow (1987) it is acknowledged that there aremany determinants of behaviour other than needs anddesires. He recognized the influence of culture on shapingone’s desires, stating that ‘our needs are not completelyblind, they are modified by culture, by reality and by pos-sibility’ (p. 59). While he noted that his model was not ulti-mate or universal for all people, he proposed that it was inpart an attempt to account for unity behind apparentdiversity, suggesting that our fundamental desires are simi-lar but our ways of satisfying them can be differentaccording to our culture and background. He also sug-gested that people want things they know they have thepossibility to attain and therefore there may be differencesin motivations among different classes and cultures(Maslow, 1987).

Core values of contemporary Aboriginalsociety

The values reported here have been derived from thecomments and consistent patterns of behaviour ofAboriginal people (Coombs, Brandl & Snowdon, 1983).

Survival — physical , spi r i tual , emot ionalA primary goal for Aboriginal Australians is both physicaland spiritual survival (Coombs et al., 1983). Given thehistorical relationship between Aboriginal people andgovernment agencies, Aboriginal people have avoidedmainstream service providers, reflecting the need to pro-tect themselves or their families from what they perceive

A. Nelson and H. Allison30


may be potentially harmful or divisive intervention

(Mobbs, 1991).

Ident i f icat ion with the landAboriginal people have a strong relationship with their

traditional homelands (Bennett, 1988; Mobbs, 1991). As

well as physical sustenance, the land has traditionally pro-

vided Aboriginal people with a sense of identity and

belonging and held strong spiritual significance (Bennett,

1988; Mobbs, 1991; Smallwood, 1995).

Pr ior i t i zat ion of re lat ionships and fami lyCentral to Aboriginal social relationships is a respect for

the inherent dignity of the individual within the context of

their community (Coombs et al., 1983). There is much

value placed on social relationships and family, and at

times, this may appear to be at the expense of other

responsibilities. For example, keeping an appointment

may become secondary to an Aboriginal person’s social

responsibilities, such as helping a family member (C. Bray,

pers. comm., 1996; Shannon, 1994).

The emphasis on maintaining social relationships has

been reflected in parenting styles (Rigby & Black, 1993).

The role of the extended family in the daily responsibili-

ties of parenting and teaching of cultural and moral values

to Aboriginal children has been well documented, among

both traditional and urban communities (Ilyatjari, 1991;

Rigby & Black, 1993; C. Shannon, pers. comm., 1996).

However, there is also evidence of the breakdown of the

extended family function among some urban-dwelling

Aboriginal people (C. Bray, pers. comm., 1996).

Values specif ic to parent ing

Intui t ive parent ingLike other Australians, many Aboriginal parents appear

to intuitively encourage their child’s learning and develop-

ment from an early age, although the skills and informa-

tion taught may differ across cultures (Hughes, 1987).

Glynn (1993) has found that cultural values may be

reflected in parental choice of activities. For example,

some Aborigines have encouraged their children’s partici-

pation in outdoor, gross motor activities over fine-motor

skills.

Independence and responsibi l i t yAboriginal children are encouraged to be independent

and are afforded equality with Aboriginal adults from an

early age (C. Bray, pers. comm., 1996; Coombs et al., 1983;

West, 1994). With this responsibility, older children may

be expected to care for younger siblings and play may

occur with little adult structure or supervision (Ilyatjari,

1991). Discipline within the family often consists of teach-

ing by example or by the child experiencing the conse-

quences of his/her actions, rather than with harsh

discipline (Behrendt, 1996; Christie, 1984; Hughes, 1987;

Ilyatjari, 1991). Learning is largely based on experience,

listening and observing; strategies which reflect the oral

history of Aboriginal people (Behrendt, 1996; Hughes,

1987).

Importance of educat ionThe literature describes Aboriginal people wanting

greater opportunities for their children than they had, and

viewing education as a means to ‘get ahead’ (E. Barrett,

pers. comm., 1996; Behrendt, 1996; Henry, 1981; McIner-

ney, 1991; Perkins, Sanson-Fischer, Girgis, Blunden &

Lunnay, 1995; Smallwood, 1995; Watts & Henry, 1978).

The literature discusses many differences and similar-

ities between the values of Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal

people. However, there is little information specific to

urban Aboriginal parenting. This study aimed to discover

some of the values of Aboriginal parents living in

Brisbane and how these values impacted on their child-

rearing.

METHODS

Researchers in the area of Aboriginal health have noted

that traditional methods of research have not been effec-

tive, due to a suspicion among Aboriginal people toward

mainstream service providers, the oral tradition of

Aboriginal people and the complexity of Aboriginal social

relationships (Achanfuo-Yeboah, 1995; Perkins et al.,

1995; Sayers, 1993). For example, the value placed by

Aboriginal people on preserving social harmony in rela-

tionships may result in Aboriginal people tending to agree

with someone for politeness’ sake, rather than disagreeing,

and avoiding responses to direct questioning. Aboriginal

people can be quite comfortable with long silences and

may answer with short responses without offering anyadditional information (Haig, 1993; Shannon, 1994).

Sayers (1993) has suggested the need for alternativeresearch methodologies involving ‘more flexible, albeitmore labour-intensive, approaches to information gather-ing, utilizing the increasing body of Aboriginal expertise’(p. 587). Specifically, the use of a more conversationalstyle of information gathering, complemented by observa-tion skills and the use of graphics and pictures rather thanwritten questions have been suggested as suitable forresearch in this area (Keats, 1986; Perkins et al., 1995;Shannon, 1994). For these reasons, a qualitative researchmethodology was chosen for this project, as theseapproaches allow the meanings and values of participantsto be revealed through descriptive data (Grbich, 1996).

Part ic ipants

The researcher sought to recruit Aboriginal parents asinformants. Participants were recruited by a ‘snowball’approach, beginning with an initial Aboriginal contactwith whom a trust relationship was already established.This seemed the most appropriate form of recruitmentgiven the history of Aboriginal suspicion towards ‘main-stream’ agencies (Mobbs, 1991; Mulcahy, 1992; Saggers,1993). Other Aboriginal participants were selected by theresearcher, according to past relationship, expertise andavailability. Families where the child was Aboriginal butthe primary care-giver was non-Aboriginal were excludedfrom the study.

The researcher sought participants with a variety ofexperiences, ages and backgrounds. There was a total offive participants, one man and four women aged between25 and 55 years. Each participant was a parent but alsohad regular contact with parents and children, throughtheir work in child care, education and health caresettings.

Initially, participants were contacted by telephone andthe nature of the study was briefly explained. At a follow-up appointment, a written and verbal explanation wasprovided, which outlined the aims of the study andexplained details about confidentiality. Each participantsigned a consent form that also included permission toaudio-tape interviews. No participant refused or withdrewfrom the study.

During participant observation in a kindergarten set-ting, one of the recruited participants acted as mediator


with the other Aboriginal parents in order to gain their

signed consent. Any questions or points of clarification

were addressed by the researcher.

Data col lect ion

Information was gathered from participants during a focus

group, individual interviews and participant observation.

An initial interview was conducted with an Aboriginal

woman who was both a mother and a teacher’s aide in a

local school. This enabled the researcher to gain useful

preliminary information and trial interview questions. This

participant then suggested several other appropriate

people who may have been willing to participate in a focus

group.

A focus group is a particularly appropriate procedure

to use when the goal of research is to explain how people

regard an event, experience or idea (Krueger, 1988). One

focus group, consisting of three Aboriginal participants,

was conducted. These participants were colleagues in the

fields of welfare and education. Whilst focus groups are

often conducted with people who are strangers, it was

decided that the existing relationships within this group

would enhance group discussion and decrease any feelings

of alienation from the researcher who may be perceived as

a representative of mainstream services.

One individual interview was conducted with an

Aboriginal woman working in the field of child health.

Finally, the researcher conducted a second interview with

the original participant in order to clarify and compare

issues raised by other participants.

There was opportunity for the researcher to observe

the members of the focus group during an activity at a

local kindergarten. This enabled the researcher to also

observe other Aboriginal parents interacting with their

children.

The focus groups and individual interviews were held

in the workplaces or home of the respective participants.

This was planned for the convenience of informants and in

order to minimize the disruption to work and daily rou-

tine. The average time taken was 1 h and discussions were

audio-taped for later transcription and analysis. The

researcher’s general perceptions about the reactions of

participants, appropriateness of responses and effects of

the physical environment on discussion were recorded in

field notes after each session.

Formulat ion of quest ions

Shannon (1994) has suggested the use of an informal andnon-direct approach to interviews with Aboriginal peoplein order to gain the most useful information. Participantswere invited to tell the story of their parenting experi-ences. An initial question was used to provide a broadframework for discussion: ‘What was important to you inbringing up your children?’

Participants were also asked to comment on theirobservations of those parents they saw in their work orfamily settings. Issues discussed in the initial interviewwere raised for comment and discussion in order toexplore the diversity of opinion among participantsregarding their values and views on parenting. Terms suchas child development and discipline were discussed andclarified.

Data analysis

Data analysis in qualitative research is ongoing and cumu-lative (Allison & Strong, 1994). This enables theresearcher to formulate and adapt questions in subsequentsessions based on participants’ responses. The rigour ofthis research was addressed by collecting data from a vari-ety of sources in a variety of settings and then using morethan one person to analyse the data. This is known assource and investigator triangulation (Patton, 1990).

During transcription of the taped sessions, severalrecurring issues became apparent. Data were coded usingthe process of constant comparative analysis, whereby keypoints, words or phrases were identified and documented(Patton, 1990). Similar points were then grouped togetherinto emerging categories or themes and these werelabelled with a meaningful title, for ease of reference andorganization of the data.

There was no predetermined category system. Themost fitting language to describe the information was usedto label these categories. This emerged from constant con-tact with the data, from terms used by participants andfrom the researcher’s background knowledge of the litera-ture. Data within each theme were then organized intosubthemes for ease of reporting. For example, under thetheme of parenting, subthemes such as discipline andinstilling values emerged. These sections were furtherclassified, where appropriate. For example, instilling valueswas further divided to include morals and cultural values.


When developing the themes, an independent col-

league was asked to read all the transcripts and identify

the main themes. Points of difference were discussed and

further clarified. Once themes were finalized, the data

were coded. To further check the coding system, an inde-

pendent colleague was asked to read and code a transcript

using the derived coding system. Where there was dispar-

ity, the specific sections of data were discussed and coding

was modified where appropriate. In addition, the

researcher recoded 50% of the transcripts after a period

of 4 weeks, in order to determine intrarater reliability. A

high correlation was found between the coding attempts.

When analysis was completed, the themes and findings

were presented to a representative of the participants who

indicated that the themes identified were appropriate.

This process of member checking provided extra sup-

port for the appropriateness of the themes used.

RESULTS

From all the data collected, a set of core values held by

Aboriginal parents was derived. There were seven main

categories which closely reflected the literature. From

strongest to weakest representation in the raw data, they

included: parenting, education, culture, family and com-

munity, socio-economics, the impact of history, and health

care and disability. The information gathered in this study

is too voluminous and broad to report in its entirety in this

article. Therefore, for the purposes of this study, the core

values, with particular reference to parenting, will be

reported.

Where possible, the researcher has reflected the differ-

ences among participants. During the data collection, it

became apparent that there was a distinction between the

participants’ reported experiences and those of many of

the parents with whom they were involved through their

work situations. The participants acknowledged that,

while they had overcome many of the issues discussed,

there was an ongoing need to address these issues within

the Aboriginal community if the conditions which many

Aboriginal people experience were to improve. This

reflects the diversity in the range of Aboriginal people

represented in the literature.

Values of Aboriginal parents

The values reported in this paper were derived fromresponses to specific questions related to priorities or val-ues, and also as a result of discussion during which valuesof participants became evident. After careful examinationof the data, it became apparent that the values discussedseemed to reflect the social needs identified in Maslow’sHierarchy of Needs (Maslow, 1954, 1987; Gething, Papalia& Wendkos Olds, 1995). However, it should be acknowl-edged that this research does not emerge from the samehumanistic framework as Maslow’s hierarchy, where muchemphasis is placed on individuals’ subjective experiencesand their responsibility for themselves (Depoy & Kolod-ner, 1996). Participants in this study placed much value onthe role and responsibility of the sociocultural environ-ment in shaping children’s development.

The researcher also examined the use of an occupa-tional model such as the Canadian Model of OccupationalPerformance. Whilst this model aptly portrays the way inwhich the sociocultural environment is interlinked withthe person’s values and behaviours, it does not highlightthe hierarchical nature of the information reported by par-ticipants. Therefore, the data from this research will bereported in a format resembling Maslow’s hierarchy.

Maslow’s hierarchy is not invariant and where appro-priate, this will be illustrated in the results reported(Maslow, 1987; Gething et al., 1995).

Survival

Participants spoke of surviving day to day as the primaryfocus for many Aboriginal people who experienced a lowsocioeconomic status. ‘Yeah well see, in the Aboriginal sit-uation, they’re disadvantaged in the sense, because ofpoverty’ (Person 1). ‘It’s just a matter of going one day tothe next, just surviving on a limited income’ (Person 2).

Often this need to survive took precedence over otherconsiderations, such as education or day care for children.

‘You’re asking yourself the question, we’ve got no bread

on the table and we’ve got $2.20, are you going to send

your child to day care? What are you going to do? Stay

home today sister, eat a loaf of bread. You know, so it all

comes back to that’ (Person 2).

These responses reflect the literature regardingAboriginal people which indicates that throughout the

history of dispossession, poverty and ill-health, Aboriginalpeople have maintained an emphasis on survival (Coombset al., 1983). They also complement Maslow’s descriptionof this first stage which indicated that unless these needswere met, other needs would be neglected.

Safety

Participants spoke of the importance of keeping their chil-dren safe and secure. ‘I just felt that the baby was safercloser to my heartbeat for some reason and that’s wherethey slept’ (Person 1).

Maslow described the economically and socially disad-vantaged as often being at this stage (Maslow, 1987). Par-ticipants spoke of the potential threat to that safety andsecurity through extended family members or mainstreamservices.

‘I had a lot of interference from their father’s (non-

Aboriginal) mother too because she thought…. I wasn’t

feeding the baby properly, I wasn’t doing all the right

things so she kind of tried to take over. And then when I

became very anti towards her interference, she then got

the Welfare people onto me to check me out’ (Person 5).

This comment reflects the literature regarding the lackof security felt by many Aboriginal people towards main-stream services as a result of past policies of separation ofchildren from their families.

Social re lat ionships

Participants reported a very strong emphasis on the valueof social relationships and involvement within the family.

‘The biggest thing on their list is caring for family and

keeping that together. I mean as soon as someone dies,

those kids are gone (from school) two or three days

before the funeral and they’re waiting there while mum

and dad are still here and then they could be up another

couple of days after the funeral. It’s a big thing, you

know, when they lose somebody. It’s a really big thing —

that takes over’ (Person 1).

This comment reflects Maslow’s hierarchy, indicatingthat relationships could take precedence over other needssuch as education (Maslow, 1954). However, the next com-ment reflects the variance in Maslow’s hierarchy, in thatlove could be seen to have superseded even basic physio-



logical needs. ‘And we had nothing when we grew up as a

big family but we always had the love. You can go without

anything when you’ve got that love’ (Person 4).

Other variations such as the drive for creativeness

overriding the satisfaction of more basic needs have been

reported in Maslow (1987).

It was clear that social relationships influenced parent-

ing in several ways. Participants spoke of the impact of

their own upbringing on their parenting style.

‘So I was very strict and I relate that back to my own

upbringing because my uncle, he was very strict with me

so you sort of learn from experience. I can appreciate

now that I probably was too strict on my children. So

I was very strict and I had very high expectations’

(Person 2).

Participants also indicated that within an Aboriginal

family, people other than the parents have an identified

role. This was well described with respect to the role of

siblings and extended family members in aspects of raising

children. ‘I think it’s just that here in the urban situation,

they’re still using the extended family situation where

mum and dad aren’t the only ones who discipline kids or

look after them’ (Person 1).

‘… the same family had an auntie who was 12 years old

and there’s only four years difference between them and

she was the one who was responsible for these kids. And

if mum and dad went away then she was still responsible

for these kids, getting them on the train, getting them

home, seeing that they got their lunches, things like that’

(Person 1).

The role of the extended family was evident in the

identification of difficulties or potential problems with

children. ‘Mum picked up everything, things that I didn’t

even know. Quite a few things too’ (Person 3).

The priority to maintain harmony in social relation-

ships whilst ensuring safety was also reflected in parenting

styles. Some parents set few boundaries for their children

and encouraged early independence.

‘I haven’t got a set routine for my children. They just go

to bed when they want to go to bed and watch TV when

they want to … ’Cause otherwise, if I try and put him

down (to sleep) at a set time, he’s going to play up and

scream and run havoc, (or) whatever, so I don’t worry’

(Person 3).

‘There’s a dog down the back that’s a Rottweiler so when

she does want to go down the back we’ve gotta keep an

eye on her. So she’s virtually allowed to do what she

wants to do, within reason, as long as it doesn’t endanger

her life and it’s healthy’ (Person 2).

Participants identified that having a sense of cultural

identity was very closely tied to belonging to a social

group. ‘I think that’s the three things [that parents want

their children to know] Where they come from, who they

are and where they belong’ (Person 1). ‘I feel it’s impor-

tant for my children to know their ancestry and which

tribe they belong to’ (Person 2).

In fact, parents of children from mixed marriages

spoke of the difficulty in establishing that identity in their

children.

‘The only one who didn’t want to be known as an

Aboriginal was my eldest son. And it wasn’t until we

moved here to Brisbane in ‘88 that my children have, I

guess, gotten closer to the Aboriginal people, to their

own family. ‘Cause see, their only connection to Aborigi-

nality was through me to my family. That was it’ (Person

5).

Participants also spoke of the breakdown in commu-

nity and how that has impacted on their sense of cultural

identity.

‘You talk about social isolation. Well the Aboriginal and

Torres Strait Islander people suffer that a lot here in the

urban environment, which is why we tend to foster activi-

ties like NAIDOC (National Aboriginal and Islander

Day of Commemoration). And that’s fairly important for

the community because that’s the only way that we can

get the community to bond’ (Person 2).

Participants’ comments readily reflected the literature

which identifies the importance of social relationships to

Aboriginal people.

Esteem

Participants identified that having a strong sense of cul-

tural identity was the basis for healthy self-esteem.

‘So it’s very important to instil these cultural values in

these kids and make them aware of the importance of

their culture so that it adds to their self-esteem, it adds to

their confidence. They can use those, then, as a basis for

their own personal development. Because once we instil

those, then they’re not walking around saying “Oh shucks

I’m an Aboriginal person, I’m no good”, you know what I

mean’ (Person 2).

Parents placed value on children achieving and gainingrecognition. ‘I’ve been telling her every other day is to getin there and compete. Not only compete with the otherkids but to compete with herself’ (Person 1).

Achievement was also seen as tied closely to that senseof cultural identity on both a personal and communitylevel. ‘T will most probably become a very famous chefone day, who knows. If he pursues his goals and his goal isto become a chef and he’s not going to be ashamed to say“Well I’m Aboriginal.”’ (Person 5). ‘I’m a firm believerthat if you get some skills, surely there must be some wayyou can teach in the community even if it’s just a couple ofhours a week or something like that’ (Person 1).

Racism was identified as a factor which negativelyinfluenced an Aboriginal person’s ability to develop andmaintain a healthy self-esteem. ‘The racism or the fear ofracism is one of the biggest setbacks for our people’(Person 1).

This stage of Maslow’s hierarchy also describes thedevelopment of competence. This was recognized in someparents’ descriptions of rearing their children. There wasmuch evidence that Aboriginal parents engaged inintuitive parenting and this seemed to reflect a sense ofpersonal competence. ‘It wasn’t really a problem. I neversort of had to think about it you know’ (Person 3).

‘I was never really educated about how to be a parent,

how to provide for children. It kind of “happened”

through a lot of experiences in my life and I never really

had any role models to go by or anything like that’

(Person 5).

‘I talked to them straightaway. As soon as the baby was

born, we just naturally knew that you just talked to him

all the time, yeah. Just talked to them all the time, sing to

them, do whatever’ (Person 1).

Cognit ive needs

Cognitive needs are described as part of esteem needs.Participants’ responses identified that unless the other

stages were well developed, their own learning needs, andthose of their children, were neglected.

‘Because of their socio-economic status, they have other

priorities that they have in their lives (other) than day

care. And personal development of their children is not

one of them. That’s not to say that they don’t consider it

important’ (Person 2).

Participants felt that learning needed to happen in away which complemented their identity and maintainedtheir social relationships. ‘They want education but theywant their kids to remain Aboriginal and, I think, havingthat sense of identity’ (Person 1).

Some parents indicated that when they identified alack of knowledge in their parenting skills, or felt theylacked family support, they sought a more cognitiveapproach to learning about parenting, via classes or books.This again illustrates some variance in the hierarchy.‘I wouldn’t have known what I knew about my children ifI hadn’t have gone along to ante-natal clinic. This clinicthat’s run here is very important because of the informa-tion those women get’ (Person 5).

There was also acknowledgement by some informantsthat unless more basic needs were met, formal parentingeducation would be of little benefit.

‘I don’t think parenting (classes) would help a great deal.

(Aboriginal parents) have gone through, they’ve got an

education. They’ve gone through the school of hard

knocks. They know what life is all about. I don’t think

that would be an added benefit to them. I think that their

sole survival is the primary focus’ (Person 5).

Self-actual izat ion

Whilst Maslow suggests that this can occur only at a laterstage in life, participants reported encouraging the actual-izing of their child’s potential.

‘I put that into him, that no matter what you want inlife, if you really truly want it, you’ll have it. So that’s whatthey strive for’ (Person 5).

Parents spoke of the desire for their children to havemore than what they had and acknowledged that improv-ing on the past was possible due to the contributions ofother Aboriginal people. ‘I guess in my own life, I justthought that everything that I’d never had in my life I’mgoing to give to my children’ (Person 5).


‘If it wasn’t there for the people in J’s era when they

started fighting for justice and even those before that.

They were fighting way back in the forties for rights for

Aboriginal people, none of us would have the things we

have today’ (Person 1).

This latter comment reflects the corporate nature ofself-actualization which was identified as a need forAboriginal people as a cultural group. They reported thatthis needed to develop through a process of self-determi-nation. ‘It all comes back to the fact that Aboriginal andTorres strait Islander people want self-determination andself-management’ (Person 2).

DISCUSSION

Maslow’s hierarchy of needs is not necessarily conceptu-ally totally independent and there has been much discus-sion about the interrelatedness of each stage (Hall &Nougaim, 1968; Maslow, 1987). There has also been criti-cism of the assumption that personality processes affectour behaviour when these behaviours could also be influ-enced by situational or cultural factors (Hall & Nougaim,1968). It is hoped that whilst the results are reported in aformat resembling Maslow’s hierarchy, the inclusion of amore occupational performance model to highlight theinter-relatedness of our person and environment helps tobalance this for the reader.

The results reported offer several implications foroccupational therapy practice. From the literature and theinformation gathered, it is evident that many Aboriginalpeople exhibit different behaviours from other Australianswhich seem to reflect differences in values (Coombs et al.,1983). The literature also suggests that health profession-als acquire the ‘culture’ of their chosen career in the sensethat they develop a different perspective from those whoare outside the profession (Helman, 1994). The success ofthe interaction between therapists and their Aboriginalclients will therefore largely depend on an understandingof the values of both therapists and their Aboriginalclients, and how these values impact on communicationand behaviour.

In paediatrics, occupational therapists deal with chil-dren who have learning difficulties and self-esteem issues.The results from this study seem to suggest that the prior-ity and focus of many urban Aboriginal people is on much

more basic issues such as every-day survival and maintain-ing social relationships. In light of this, it is not surprisingthat there is a lack of utilization of occupational therapyservices by Aboriginal people who may view the goals ofoccupational therapy as important but currently are a lowpriority.

Based on the values expressed above, a number of keyissues for occupational therapists to address in order tomake occupational therapy services more accessible toAboriginal people are proposed.

Diversi ty of the Aboriginal community

The diversity expressed by participants is perhaps one ofthe most significant themes to emerge from both the liter-ature and this project. It is clear that intervention witheach Aboriginal person should be based on an approachwhich respects their individuality whilst appreciating thecommon themes which may impact on them as a result ofbeing Aboriginal.

Safety

Aboriginal families consulting health practitioners need tohave an environment where they can feel safe and secure.Perhaps the most appropriate place for intervention is anAboriginal setting such as a designated Aboriginal healthcentre. At the very least, the option of another Aboriginalperson with whom to liaise should be offered. Many of thelarger metropolitan hospitals now have a designated liai-son person for such purposes. In the absence of this, mostAboriginal communities would readily identify a familymember or other appropriate person whom they feelcould adequately perform this role. The environment inwhich an Aboriginal person is treated can be made moreculturally appropriate by including Aboriginal posters orreading matter.

Social re lat ionships

Aboriginal children are often accustomed to groupapproaches to learning and may avoid being singled out.In order to cater for the value placed on social relation-ships, the use of group strategies may be beneficial andpreferred.

The importance of social relationships and the oral tra-dition of Aboriginal people also raises questions of how


best to provide intervention for Aboriginal children withdelayed development. Many traditional perceptual-motortreatment methods employed for children with learning orschool-related difficulties focus on indoor, pencil andpaper tasks. This may not suit the learning style of someAboriginal children, who may respond better to the use ofpictures and outdoor activities. Given the greater involve-ment of speech pathologists in the school setting inQueensland, and given their oral techniques, perhapsintervention would best be in combination with them.

Self-determinat ion

It is also important to involve Aboriginal families in theplanning and implementation of intervention with theirchildren. This could happen both at a community levelwhere strategies for improving service delivery are dis-cussed, and on an individual level with each familyinvolved with occupational therapy.

CONCLUSION

Despite these strategies, it must be appreciated thatAboriginal people may continue to give a low priority tooccupational therapy due to the overriding need to bothsurvive physically and maintain social relationships andresponsibilities. Perhaps occupational therapists as healthprofessionals need to lend their voices to those in ourAboriginal community in advocating for the provision ofbasic necessities and access to an equitable and appro-priate service.

The research presented is based on information pro-vided by indigenous parents in Brisbane. Due to theheterogeneity of indigenous people and the qualitativenature of this study, any generalization to other locationsor indigenous parents should therefore be made cau-tiously. However, it should also be noted that while theparticipants were based in Brisbane, many of them wereoriginally from rural Queensland.

This research raises several possibilities for furtherstudy. Comparisons between the values and parentingstyles of non-Aboriginal and Aboriginal people in similarsocio-economic situations may be useful. Similarly, actionresearch to determine the effectiveness of occupationaltherapy service delivery within an Aboriginal service asopposed to mainstream services may be indicated.


The ethical implications of non-Aboriginal people con-

ducting research with Aboriginal people is a controversial

and sensitive one which may only be resolved through the

active recruitment of indigenous occupational therapy stu-

dents. This dilemma may in part be acknowledged by

working cooperatively with Aboriginal organizations and

acting on the needs and principles they identify. Indeed,

the success of occupational therapists’ interactions with

Aboriginal families lies in their cultural competence

including the acknowledgement of the impact of their cul-

ture and values on their Aboriginal clients.

Acknowledgements

The authors would like to acknowledge and thank the un-

named participants of this study for their openness and

willingness to contribute their personal experiences.

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