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Two Sides of a Similar Coin A common origin hypothesis in Honam region percussion band music/ dance The question Nathan Hesselink Illinois State University I t is commonly assumed in Korean musicology and folklore studies that geographical and economic conditions of the Honam region of South Korea (North and South Crolla provinces) have influenced corresponding musical and philosophical characteristics of this same area, both in traditional instrumental and vocal musical genres. 1 Western plain counties, the so-called "right side/way" (udo), are contrasted with the predominantly mountainous eastern counties, the so-called "left side/way" area (chwado).2 This distinction is officially recognized by the Ministry of Culture/Office of Cultural Assets in its granting of Important Intangible Cultural Asset status to two local percussion bands (nongak/p'ungmul) of the Honam region, one from the right side or udo tradition (Iri Nongak) and one from the left or chwado (Imshil P'ilbong Nongak).3 From 1995-96 I lived in North CMlla province, conducting field research II wish to express my sincere gratitude to Dr. Hwang Jun-yon at Seoul National University for the invitation and opportunity to participate in the conference that led to the formation of the following paper. Very personal thanks are extended as well to Dr. Chae Hyun-kyung for the support and hard work that made the event such a rewarding experience. 2These seemingly opposite designations are most likely the product of a Seoul-centered perspective: looking south from the capital, "right" equals the west, "left" the east. 3A general introduction to the cultural asset system and its internal workings in English is provided in Yang Jongsung 1994, Howard 1990: 241-62, and Office of Cultural Properties 1990: 3-7. A more specific regional investigation of Iri Nongak and Imshil P'ilbong Nongak is found in Hesselink 1998a.

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Two Sides of a Similar Coin A common origin hypothesis in Honam region

percussion band music/ dance

The question

Nathan Hesselink Illinois State University

I t is commonly assumed in Korean musicology and folklore studies that geographical and economic conditions of the Honam region of South

Korea (North and South Crolla provinces) have influenced corresponding musical and philosophical characteristics of this same area, both in traditional instrumental and vocal musical genres.1 Western plain counties, the so-called "right side/way" a~ea (udo), are contrasted with the predominantly mountainous eastern counties, the so-called "left side/way" area (chwado).2 This distinction is officially recognized by the Ministry of Culture/Office of Cultural Assets in its granting of Important Intangible Cultural Asset status to two local percussion bands (nongak/p'ungmul) of the Honam region, one from the right side or udo tradition (Iri Nongak) and one from the left or chwado (Imshil P'ilbong Nongak).3

From 1995-96 I lived in North CMlla province, conducting field research

II wish to express my sincere gratitude to Dr. Hwang Jun-yon at Seoul National University for the invitation and opportunity to participate in the conference that led to the formation of the following paper. Very personal thanks are extended as well to Dr. Chae Hyun-kyung for the support and hard work that made the event such a rewarding experience.

2These seemingly opposite designations are most likely the product of a Seoul-centered perspective: looking south from the capital, "right" equals the west, "left" the east.

3A general introduction to the cultural asset system and its internal workings in English is provided in Yang Jongsung 1994, Howard 1990: 241-62, and Office of Cultural Properties 1990: 3-7. A more specific regional investigation of Iri Nongak and Imshil P'ilbong Nongak is found in Hesselink 1998a.

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; 0 Seoul

II = chwado 0 = udo • = Kochang Nongak

Figure 1. Regional map of North ChOlla province

for my doctoral dissertation on Korean percussion band music/ dance. The left/right distinction at that time was not only real in the abstract but in the flesh - most performers from the udo tradition had nothing to do with their chwado counterparts, and vice versa. While both groups lived in very close physical proximity to each other (some even occupying the same city or village), each camp claimed a distinct performing lineage, complete with distinguishing costuming, rhythmic constructions, and performance philosophies.4 The brave few who were interested in and had access to learning both styles like myself had to do so in secrecy. Many a time did I feel as if I had taken on the rather uncomfortable role of a spy or double agent. This was a position, interestingly enough, imposed on me by teachers and confidants from both traditions who felt responsible for the safety of my reputation and status as a foreign researcher.

A small but vocal minority among nongak/p'ungmul performers I worked with, however, felt that the differences in style of presentation and execution were a relatively modern phenomena.5 While they held no tangible proof in the form of recordings or historical documents to the contrary, they

4This "official" line is reinforced by numerous local scholars (ChOng Py6ngho 1994: 207-8; Han'guk hyangtosa 1994: 13-14; No Poksun 1994: 27; Ch'oe T'aey611984: 73; ~ng Chaehy6ng 1984: 89-90; Hong H}\'\nshik et a11967: 116-17).

51 have intentionally withheld the names of these individuals to prevent any backlash or professional harm this paper might cost them.

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Two Sides of a Similar Coin 177

nonetheless held the deep conviction that percussion band music/dance in the Crolla provinces ultimately came from a common source. What if this was true, that perhaps originally only minor variations over time slowly became accentuated and were then finally frozen (rather artificially) by the cultural asset system? While admittedly the idea of unilinear paths of development moving away from a single source naturally overlooks the very real possibility of cross-fertilization that has and continues to occur in the region, the proposition challenges the status quo in ways that seriously call into question the role of a state-sponsored preservation system.

A closer look

Before the seed of this provocative idea was consciously planted in my mind, I began to notice at even a cursory level in my beginniil.g lessons a number of commonalities between the udo and chwado performance styles. One of my principal mentors who was rather unusual in his specialized knowledge of both sides confirmed my initial impressions, yet it wasn't until after a nongak performance I attended in March of 1996 that timid curiosity was replaced by genuinely concerted interest. The following is a rough account of what I witnessed that early spring.

A number of my fellow drumming students at the institute where I was officially studying had seen a flyer advertising a gate ritual performance (mun kut in Korean - this refers to an all-day event, part ritual, part entertainment) to be held in Kochang county (kun), Taesan subcounty (myon), Slngnam village (Ii; see Figure 1). The troupe sponsoring the event was named Kochang Nongak, a self-proclaimed udo group that in the past was commonly engaged in performing ritual offerings to the household gods in return for money and/or rice (nang kOllipp'ae in Korean).6 In addition to various types of food and drink, the organizers sold booklets which contained a brief history of the nongak troupe, a lengthier description of their repertoire, and a complete score in traditional notation of their entire entertainment-oriented performance (p'an kut). It is this score that holds the most interest for me, yet I must first provide some important background details to help properly frame the discussion that will follow.

I begin with a compositional comparison of nongak cultural asset troupes by movement. A movement, or madang, in an entertainment-oriented nongak

6Kochang Nongak was originally called Yongmujang Nongak because it represented nongak/p'ungmul of Yonggwang, Mujang and ChangsC'mg counties (take the first syllable of each place name), in addition to that of Kochang (Pak Yongha 1996: 2). These counties' either border are to the near south of Kochang county.

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Udo (Iri Nongak)

Introduction 1. Ochae chilgut 2.0bangjin 3. Hohogut 4. Kaein nori

Chwado (lmshil P'ilbong Nongak)

1. M6rigut 2. Oemachi chilgut 3. Ch'aegut 4. Hohogut 5. P'ungnyugut 6. Panguljin'gut 7. Mijigi 8. Y6ngsan

Figure 2. Compositional comparison of nongak cultural asset troupes by movement (madang)

performance represents an essentially self-contained unit comprised of a set order of rhythmic patterns and accompanying dance steps. The udo tradition, officially represented by Iri Nongak, begins with an unnamed introductory segment and then continues with four named movements. The chwado tradition, represented by Imshil P'ilbong Nongak, has eight named movements. Certain surface parallels are readily apparent (see Figure 2). Kochang Nongak matches the cultural asset troupe Iri Nongak on the basic compositional level in every detail (see Figure 3).7 If we stopped our investigation here rather prematurely, we could happily assume that Kochang was indeed an udo troupe, as their literature so proudly claimed. If we dig deeper to the level of rhythmic pattern, however, some interesting new developments arise.

Figure 4 provides the first three movements of the chwado performance side by side with the first two movements of Kochang's performance. Here distinctions begin to become fuzzy. You will now see that Kochang has incorporated a number of rhythmic patterns (at least in name) from the rival

Udo

Introduction 1. Ochae chilgut 2.0bangjin 3. Hohogut 4. Kaein nori

Kochang

lpchanggut 1. Ochaegut 2.0bangjin 3. Hohogut 4. Ku~ng nori

Figure 3. Compositional comparison of udo troupe and Kochang troupe by movement

7 Apparent discrepancies in terminology are due only to linguistic variation: Ipchanggut refers to an introductory movement, Ochaegut is an abbreviation of Ochae chilgut, and Kupng nori and Kaein nori are synonymous terms for a movement featuring virtuosic dances of individuals or individual instrument families.

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Chwado Kochang

1. Mi'lrigut Ipchanggut orumgut -----------i1chae hwimori insagut

hwimori orumgut insagut

2. Oemachi chilgut

ichae insagut

kilgut ------------chilgut mlrin kaenjigaen samchae hwimori insagut

3. Ch'aegutB 1.0chaegut ochae chilgut ----------ochaegut pparun kaenjigaen toen ochaegut hwimori p'ungnyugut

yangsando ~ngbri samchaegut no~gantm karak ichae

179

Figure 4. Compositional comparison of chwado troupe and Kochang troupe by rhythmic pattern (karak/changdan)

chwado tradition (lines connect the related patterns). By looking finally at the rhythmic patterns stroke by stroke below, we will see Kochang Nongak blurring the udo/chwado boundaries even further.

In Figure 5 I have provided the first three movements of Kochang's p'an kut performance, identifying which style the particular rhythmic pattern belongs to. Patterns belonging to the chwado tradition have a capital C placed next to them on the left, those patterns resembling the udo tradition having a capital U placed to their right. A number of rhythmic patterns are played in both traditions, which is noteworthy in its own right, but more importantly the first two movements of Kochang (Ipchanggut plus the movement titled Ochaegut) are with minor modifications an essentially chwado performance! From the movement Obangjin on there is no confusion we are in udo territory, yet the Kochang repertoire as it is notated (and this

8A ch'aegut movement opening with ochae chilgut (literally, "five strike road ritual") as I have listed here is admittedly an older performance practice. Most chwado bands today choose a combination of one through seven stroke patterns (ilchae through ch'ilchae) omitting ochae.

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c c c c c

c

c

c c c

Ipchanggut iJchae insagut ichae insagut chilgut samchae insagut

1.0chaegut ochaegut toen ochaegut p'ungnyugut yangsando pt'\ngori samchaegut nOmOganun karak ichae

2.0bangjin obangjin chin obangjin samchae maeji samchae maeji

Figure 5. Kochang troupe rhythmic patterns by style (C: chwado; U: udo)

U U U U

U

U

U

U U U U

U U

will become an important distinction later on in this paper) in the self­published booklet suggests an event that is overtly challenging the status quo of the region, particularly as defined by the cultural asset committee. It is necessary now to examine these rhythmic patterns at the micro level to ground this last assertion with more substantive evidence.

The notation

From 1971-79 Kochang Nongak was investigated by the folk scholar Pak Yongha. He recorded their history and rhythmic patterns as dictated by the group's then lead soe (small gong) player Hwang Kyoon (b. 1920).9 This information was, for the most part, kept within the village until the 1990s, when it was then published and sold to audiences who carne from the

9Hwang Kyoon and Kochang Nongak were later studied again in the 19905 (Kim Iktu et al 1994: 170-77).

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outside to see Kochang Nongak perform at the beginning of the agricultural cycle (hence my acquisition). The movements in question in terms of udo or chwado-ness - Ipchanggut and Ochaegut - are rendered below in modified box notation (cMngganbo; refer back to Figure 5 as a reference point). Each box represents an individual unit of time; "beats" are marked off by thicker dark lines (boxes are read from top to bottom). Kochang's patterns occupy the middle column of each page; chwado patterns containing a similar order of strokes are positioned in the left column (when they exist), udo patterns in the right (when they exist). While a p'ungmul/nongak group represents at the minimum three to four different percussion instruments playing at anyone time, I have for the sake of clarity provided only the small gong (soe) part. lO For this particular exercise, the soe line reveals similarities which would not be caught if looking at the other instrumental parts. The key to the symbols used in this notation is provided in Figure 6.

We could stop our examination here with enough open-ended questions to fill a small book. One to consider here is: Does Kochang Nongak represent a group out of the glare and influence of the Office of Cultural Assets, perhaps implying if not proving a link back to a past when Chblla

symbol explanation

pre-damped: 0 a strong stroke preceded by a quick damping with the fingers

'0 above stroke preceded by a grace note

~ a weaker stroke preceded by a quick damping with the fingers

~ above stroke preceded by a grace note

~ stroke two above preceded by two grace notes

post-damped: .J damping with the fingers after a stroke (J quickly damp with fingers and thumb after initial striking

undamped: 0 a strong stroke 0:> a weaker stroke

fully damped: • a strong stroke

• a weaker stroke 0:> an undamped stroke followed by a fully damped one •

(other) a "rest" - a silent subdivision of the beat

Figure 6. Key to soe symbols used in notation

lOFor those wishing to compare the full notations of each band, see Pak Yongha 1996: 11-30 for Kochang Nongak, Hesselink 1998b: 361-445 for Iri Nongak (udo), and Hesselink 1998b: 446-93 for Imshil P'ilbong Nongak (chwado).

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i}rumgut - play through twice

o

o o o o o {5 o o o o o

insagut -play through once

(gong [ching] stroke)

Ipchanggut ilchae - play through once

ilchae - this is the second phrase of the udo rhythmic pattern (play through once)

o 0

o 0

a 0 o 0 o 0 o 0 o 0 o 0 o 0 o 0 o 0 o 0

insagut - play through once insagut - play through twice

(gong stroke) (gong stroke)

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hwimoir - repeat until cue ichae - repeat until cue ichae - repeat until cue

insagut - play through once insagut - play through once insagut - play through twice

(gong stroke) (gong stroke) (gong stroke)

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kilgut - repeat until cue

first phrase

(second phrase)

chi/gut - repeat until cue

(first phrase)

o o

(second phrase)

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(third pharse)

(this fourth phrase is played as an internal repeat before returning to the beginning)

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(third phrase)

(fourth phrase)

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samchae - this is the second phrase of the chwado rhythmic pattern (repeat both phrases until cue)

(first phrase)

insagut

samchae - repeat until cue (first phrase)

(second phrase)

insagut

samchae - this is the second phrase of the udo rhythmic pattern (repeat both phrases until cue)

(first phrase)

insagut

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1.0chaegut ochaegut - repeat until cue (first phrase)

(second phrase)

ochae chi/gut - repeat until cue (first phrase)

(second phrase)

187

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(third phrase)

(third phrase)

(fourth phrase)

(fourth phrase)

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(fifth phrase)

toen ochaegut - repeat until cue (first phrase)

189

(fifth phrase)

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(second phrase)

(third phrase)

o o o

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leilgut - repeat until cue (first phrase)

Two Sides of a Similar Coin

(fourth phrase)

p'ungnyugut - repeat until cue (first phrase)

191

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(second phrase) (second phrase)

(third phrase) (third phrase)

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yangsando - repeat until cue (first phrase)

(second phrase)

193

yangsando - repeat until cue (first phr ase)

(second phrase)

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(third phrase) (third phrase)

(fourth phrase) (fourth phrase)

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toen samchae - this is the second phrase of the chwado pattern (repeat both phrases until cue)

(second phrase)

Two Sides of a Similar Coin

pcmglJri samchae - repeat until cue (first phrase)

(second phrase)

195

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iUmsae - play through once

kaenjigaen - repeat until cue

nlimliganiin karak - play through once (first half of first phrase)

(second half of first phrase)

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iUmsae - play through once (second phrase)

hwimori - repeat until cue ichae - repeat until cue

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province bands shared a much more common repertoire? Kochang is not an isolated example: two sets of village ensembles I played with informally who were based near Chlnju, the capital city of the province, also mixed rhythmic patterns from udo and chwado quite indiscriminately and unknowingly.ll While we will never be able to prove concretely the answer to this query, I can with a little more certainty demonstrate more modern influences on Kochang Nongak.

It is important to reiterate the fact that the notation provided in Kochang's booklet was collected from 1971 to 79. Did Kochang Nongak in 1996 still perform in this somewhat stylistically ambiguous manner, or had changes occurred? Figure 7 provides the performance order of the first two movements (madang) as dictated by the notation, side by side with the order according to their 1996 performance. Changes had indeed taken place in somewhat dramatic fashion: most elements of the chwado structure had been eliminated or altered to an udo format.

1971-1979 1996

Ipchanggut Ipchanggut C ilchae U C ilchae U C insagut U C insagut U C ichae U C insagut U C chilgut

samchae C insagut U

1.0chaegut 1.0chaegut ochaegut U ochaegut U toen ochaegut toen ochaegut

C p'ungnyugut chwajilgut U yangsando U yangsando U

C p'Sngbri samchaegut C p.)ngl'lri samchae C IDIIDganiln karak C nI'lmbganiin karak C ichae C ichae

Figure 7. Comparison of performance orders over time (C: chwado; U: udo)

11The first group had no name; the second used the title Noin Nongaktan (Elder's nongak troupe). Udo rhythms are also found in movements generally considered solely within the chwado realm (Kim W6nho 1999: 404), and chwado rhythms are even found in uttari (Kybnggi and Ch'ungdvng provinces) p'ungmullnongak performances (Kungnip munhwajae y6n'guso 1996: 147-48). .

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Final thoughts

At this point I can only speculate as to the reasons behind this transformation. A few key historical markers worth mentioning: as far as we know, Kochang performed as the notation suggests during the 1970s and most likely into the early 1980s.12 The Office of Cultural Assets recognized two nongak bands as intangible cultural assets in the mid- and late 1980s­Iri Nongak as the udo troupe in 1985 and Imshil P'ilbong Nongak as chwado in 1988. According to separate documentation, Kochang Nongak began competing in regional competitions around the late 1980s, winning a major competition in 1994 (see Kim Iktu et a11994: 171-72). If you consider that Kochang would have competed as an udo band - most competitions in the area were and are segregated in this way - and that the judges of these competitions tend to come from Iri Nongak (the cultural asset troupe), then one could guess that Kochang Nongak felt the need to at least modify their performance in order to make it to the next level of recognition. Recognition in the province through the winning of competitions not only fuels local pride or vanity, but can potentially lead to financial rewards as well in the form of high school and/or college students coming to the village to study during the winter and spring holidays.

This is admittedly still a very rough study of this subject and the local situation - I look forward to others' input and hope to provide in the years to come more researched conclusions.

References

Ch' oe T' aeyOl 1984 "CfWnbuk chwa-udo nongak mu-e kwanhan y6n'gu" [A study of "left side" and

"right side" style nongak dances in North CMlla province]. Master's thesis, Chungang University.

Chbng Pyongho

12By 1980, members of Kochang Nongak from the related troupe Y6nggwang Nongak (see footnote 6 above) had begun to perform with famous percussionists from the established udo regions of Puan and Chlmgllp counties, including most importantly the changgo (hourglass­shaped drum) player Yi TongOOn, the principal teacher of Kim Hy6ngsun (the current leader of the udo cultural asset troupe Iri Nongak). A field recording by the folk music scholar Yi Poh)6ng recently remastered on CD preserves this somewhat unusual lineup for posterity (Honam udo nongak "p'an'gut" [Korean traditional music: Honam udo nongak "p'an'gut"], Jigu HKYCD-02,1995).

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1994 [1986] Nongak. Seoul: Y6lhwadang. Han'guk hyangtosa yongu chOn'guk hyobUihoe [National Research Council on

Korean Local History] 1994 Han'guk iii nongak: Honam p'y6n [Korean nongak: Volume on ChOlla

provinces]. Seoul: SusOwon. Hesselink, Nathan

1998a "Of Drums and Men in ChOllabuk-to Province: Glimpses into the Making of a Human Cultural Asset." Korea Journal 38(3): 292-326.

1998b "A Tale of Two Drummers: Percussion Band Music in North Ch6lla Province, Korea." Ph.D. thesis, University of London, 2 volumes, 610 pages.

Hong Hyanshik, Kim Ch'6nlimg and Pak Honbong 1967 Honam nongak [ChOlla province nongak]. Muhy6ng munhwajae chosa pogosa

[Intangible cultural asset research] 33. Seoul: Mun'gongbu munhwajae kwalliguk.

Howard, Keith D. 1990 [1989] Bands, Songs, and Shamanistic Rituals: Folk Music in Korean Society.

Seoul: Royal Asiatic Society, Korea Branch. Kim Iktu, No Poksun, 1m My6ngjin, ChOn ChOnggu and Ch'oe Sanghwa

1994 Honam udo p'ungmulgut [ChOlla provinces "right side" p'ungmulgut]. ChOnju: CMnbuk taehakkyo ChOlla munhwa y6n' guso.

KimW6nho 1999 P'ungmulgut yan'gu [A study of p'ungmulgut]. Seoul: Hangminsa.

Kungnip munhwajae y6n'guso [Nationally established cultural asset research institute]

1996 Chungyo muhy6ng munhwajae che ll-na ho P'y6ngtaek Nongak [Important intangible cultural asset No. llb, P'y6ngtaek Nongak]. Seoul: Kungnip munhwajae y6n' guso.

NoPoksun 1994 Nongak. ChOnju: PongcMn ch'ulpansa.

Office of Cultural Properties 1990 Cultural Properties of the Republic of Korea: An Inventory of State-Designated

Cultural Properties. Seoul: Office of Cultural Properties, Ministry of Culture. Pak Yongha, editor

1996 Kochang nongak p'an'gut karakchip [A collection of Kochang county nongak rhythmic patterns]. Taesan: Honam udo Kochang Pangjang nongaktan.

SOng Chaehy6ng 1984 "Chwado nongak-kwa udo nongak-ui pigyo" [A comparison of "left side" and

"right side" nongak]. Master's thesis, Hanyang University. Yang Jongsung [Yang Chongsling]

1994 "Folklore and Cultural Politics in Korea: Intangible Cultural Properties and Living National Treasures." Ph.D. dissertation, Indiana University.

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