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Sociological Forum, Vol. 22, No. 1, March 2007 (? 2007) DOI: 10.HH/j.1573-7861.2006.00002.x

Trust Networks in Transnational Migration

Charles Tilly1

The sheer volume of migrant remittances to relatively poor countries, inclu

ding those of Latin America and the Caribbean, nicely dramatizes the genu

inely transnational social ties created by long-distance migration. The evidence underlines that migration flows are serious business, not only for the individuals and families involved, but also for whole national economies.

Thinking about remittances also allows us to identify some crucial social

processes of which most migrants and first-hand students of migration are

well aware, but for which we have neither well-established theories, carefully crafted concepts, nor extensive evidence. I mean the creation, use, and trans

formation of interpersonal trust networks within migration streams.

KEY WORDS: trust; networks; transnational; migration.

INTRODUCTION

My friend and former student Alex Juica migrated to New York City from Huanuco, Peru, after a long intermediate stay in Lima. He tells vivid

tales of his struggles to get an education in Peru, his achievement of an

economics Ph.D. in the United States, his appointment as an economic

affairs officer at the United Nations, and his efforts to help family members both in Peru and in New York. Speaking of another Peruvian

immigrant he met in New York, Alex reports that:

This paper revises my Mead Lecture, University of Connecticut, September 2005. I have

adapted a few paragraphs from Charles Tilly, Trust and Rule. Cambridge: Cambridge Uni

versity Press, 2005, and a few other paragraphs from Viviana A. Zelizer and Charles Tilly, "Relations and Categories" pp. 225-255 in Arthur Markman and Brian Ross, eds., Cate

gories in Use. The Psychology of Learning and Motivation, Advances in Research and Theory, Volume 47, Amsterdam: Elsevier.

1 Department of Sociology, Columbia University, 514 Fayerweather Hall, New York, New

York 10027-6902; e-mail: [email protected]

3

0884-8971/06/0300-0031/0 ? 2007 Blackwell Publishing Ltd



4 Tilly

Today I will send the remittance in kind to my mother, poor woman, she will be

needing it. 'La Cholita' would say, on one of the occasions on which she sent en

comiendas to her family. Even grandparents, who often had helped parents to raise

the kids, are subject to attention from Peruvian immigrants, who send them remit tances when not sponsoring them to come to 'Los Estados Unidos.

'

Alex continues:

Sometimes remittances flow the other way and parents use their skills to help their

grown children. For example, when parents who are construction workers might help to build or improve their children's homes, either in Lima or in New York City. Maria

invited her father to New York City on a tourist visa so that he could visit her and his

grandchildren but also assist in the construction of the sewage system for her new

house. 'Here it is different,' her father told me. 'The parts are generally plastic, not like

in Peru, where they are usually metal. But some of the parts might be interchangeable, so I am taking a few back to Peru to use with my clients' (Juica, 2001:251).

In a recent talk, immigrant become migration analyst, Alex Juica points out that 75% of all remittances to Latin American and Caribbean countries come from the United States, that the vast majority of recent migrants to

the United States from the Dominican Republic, Mexico, and Ecuador send

remittances regularly, and that undocumented migrants send remittances more regularly than their documented paisanos (Juica, 2005).

The United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs for

which Alex works reports that during the 1990s remittances passed over

seas development assistance as a source of external funds for developing countries; by the early twenty-first century officially counted remittances alone were running about US$60 billion per year. Unofficially transmitted

money and goods surely added billions more. By 2004, remittances had

well surpassed international development assistance and started approach

ing foreign direct investment as sources of external financing in developing countries. Officially counted worldwide remittance flows then amounted to

some US$182 billion, of which 69% went to developing countries. Infor

mal flows surely pushed the grand total of remittances well above foreign direct investment itself in many poorer countries (Maimbo and Ratha,

2005:3-4). Remittances have sometimes amounted to more than 60% of

international monetary inflows to El Salvador and Nicaragua (United Nations, 2004:106). In 2002, the roughly 27 billion dollars officially sent

to Latin America and the Caribbean accounted for about a fifth of the

world total of official remittances and equaled 1.6% of the entire region's gross domestic product (United Nations, 2004:107).

The point of this article is not to bludgeon readers with statistics on

the economics and demography of transnational migration. I do mean,

however, to challenge popular images of immigrants as one-way travelers,

desperate for work or welfare in a richer country, who cut home ties as

soon as possible in order to take advantage of their new country. The



Trust Networks in Transnational Migration 5

sheer volume of migrant remittances to relatively poor countries, including those of Latin America and the Caribbean, nicely dramatizes the genu

inely transnational social ties created by long-distance migration. It under

lines that migration flows are serious business not only for the individuals

and families involved, but also for whole national economies.

Thinking about remittances also allows us to identify some crucial

social processes of which most migrants and first-hand students of migra tion are well aware, but for which we have neither well established theor

ies, carefully crafted concepts, nor extensive evidence. I mean the creation,

use, and transformation of interpersonal trust networks within migration streams. Trust networks play central parts in the organization, mainten

ance, and transformation of long-distance migration streams across much

of the world. Within them, remittance flows reinforce commitments

among all participants in the stream.

'Interpersonal trust networks' may strike you as a mysterious term.

Out of all the various networks that connect people, it helps to single out

those that involve unusual amounts of mutual trust. People rely especially on those networks when they are carrying on long-term, crucial enterprises such as procreation, child rearing, religious or political commitment, long distance trade, and, of course, migration. In those networks, members bet

valued outcomes on the likelihood that other people will meet their

responsibilities competently. Trust networks include some religious com

munities, political conspiracies, webs of ethnic traders, and kinship

groups. For thousands of years, trust networks have performed an enor

mous range of political, economic, and spiritual work for human beings,

especially those human beings who could not rely on governments to pro vide them with sustaining services. But here we concentrate on trust net

works' place in long-distance migration. This brief essay can do no more than open the door on trust net

works and transnational migration. Here are the six main points:

1) Within the wide range of interpersonal networks that play some part in

long-distance migration, trust networks figure importantly in solidarity between people at the origins and destinations of migration streams.

2) Members of such networks typically acquire long-term rights and obli

gations binding themselves to each other, which mean that the networks

operate simultaneously as sites of social insurance and of social control.

3) For that very reason, migration streams attached to trust networks

tend to concentrate in relatively specialized economic, geographic, and

social niches as compared with all streams of migration.

4) The operation of migrants' trust networks creates and depends on

boundaries that separate members from outsiders; as a result, membership



6 Tilly

inhibits assimilation of migrants at the destination and poses sharp choices for the second and later generations. 5) In the longer run, the survival of transnational trust networks through the second generation and beyond depends heavily on the social segrega tion or integration of the immigrant stream at the destination, whether

segregated through self-selection or exclusion, segregated immigrant com

munities more frequently maintain transnational trust networks.

6) That segregation, however, generally confines members of trust net

works to a relatively narrow range of opportunities for work, housing, sociability, and welfare. If those opportunities connect members with rich

rewards, the network prospers. If not, it often suffers.

The Stakes of Trust Networks

Experts on migration will recognize immediately that these arguments mix familiar facts with risky speculation. I hope they will stimulate discus

sion, criticism, research, and new reflection on fundamental social proces

ses, including the generation of trust. Many students of political processes,

including me, believe that well-functioning democracy depends on substan tial integration of interpersonal trust into public politics. If so, we are

talking not merely about the lives of migrants, but about the quality of democratic life at large. As students of western democracies often fret about the impact of recent immigration on public life, we touch a sensitive

junction between migration and politics.2 What is trust? We can think of trust as an attitude or as a relation

ship with practices attached. For the purpose of studying migration, it

helps to concentrate on the relationship, leaving open what sorts of atti tudes might motivate, complement, or result from a relationship of trust.

Labels such as kinsman, compadre, paisano, fellow believer, and comember of a craft provide a first indication of a trust relationship. But we know a

trust relationship more surely by the practices of its participants: If you trust me, do not just tell me so; let me take charge of your children's edu

cation, lend me your life's savings for investment, take medicines I give you, or help me paint my house on the assumption that I will help you

2 For networks in political processes, see Auyero, 2000; Bates et al, 1998; Bandelj, 2002;

Bandy and Smith, 2004; Bob, 2005; Cook, 2001; Davis et al, 2005; Diani, 1995, 2003; Edelman, 1999, 2003; Elster, 1999; Elster et al., 1998; Farah, 2004; Forment, 2003; Fox, 1992, 1994, 1996; Gould, 1999, 2003; Keck and Sikkink, 1998, 2000; Knoke, 1990; Lang

man, 2005; Levi, 1997; Levi and Stoker, 2000; Ngai, 2004; Ostrom, 1990; 1998; Passy, 1998, 2001; Paxton, 1999, 2002; Raggio, 1990; Riles, 2000; Singerman, 1995, 2004; Skocpol,

2003; Skocpol and Fiorina, 1999; Solnick, 1998; Tarrow, 2005; Tilly, 2004, 2005a.




paint yours. If you do not trust me, prove it by doing none of these things and nothing like them.

Trust consists of placing valued outcomes at risk to others' malfea

sance, mistakes, or failures (Tilly, 2005a). Trust relationships include those

in which people regularly take such risks.3 Although some trust relation

ships remain purely dyadic, for the most part they operate within larger networks of similar relationships. Trust networks, then, consist of ramified

interpersonal connections, consisting mainly of strong ties, within which peo

ple set valued, consequential, long-term resources and enterprises at risk to

the malfeasance, mistakes, or failures of others.

How will we recognize a trust network when we encounter or enter

one? First, we will notice a number of people who are connected, directly or

indirectly, by similar ties; they form a network. Second, we will see that the

sheer existence of such a tie gives one member significant claims on the

attention or aid of another; the network consists of strong ties. Third, we

will discover that members of the network are collectively carrying on major

long-term enterprises such as procreation, long-distance trade, workers'

mutual aid, practice of an underground religion, or, of course, maintenance

of a long-distance migration stream. Finally, we will learn that the configur ation of ties within the network sets the collective enterprise at risk to the

malfeasance, mistakes, and failures of individual members.

Networks reach into every corner of social life (Watts, 2003, 2004). Social networks include any set of similar connections among three or more

social sites. Connections include communication, mutual recognition, and

shared participation in some activity, flows of goods or services, transmis

sion of diseases, and other forms of consequential interaction. Network sites

may be individuals, but they can also be organizations, localities, or social

positions. A network of connections among people you do not know and

who mostly do not know each other brings you your morning newspaper. Another transmits political information. Still others lend invisible structure

to flows of money, disease, and linguistic innovation.

3 For surveys of trust-sustaining practices, relations, and institutions, including their involve

ment in migration (whether or not the analysts themselves use the language of trust), see

Alapuro and Lonkila, 2004; Anderson, 1974; Anthony and Home, 2003; Bayon, 1999;

Besley, 1995; Biggart, 2001; Biggart and Castanias, 2001; Buchan et al, 2002; Burt and

Knez, 1995; Castren and Lonkila, 2004; Curtin, 1984; Darr, 2003; DiMaggio, 2001;

DiMaggio and Louch, 1998; Feige, 1997; Fontaine, 1993; Gambetta, 1993; Granovetter,

1995; Guinnane, 2005; Guiso et al, 2004; Haber et al, 2003; Havik, 1998; Heimer, 1985;

Landa, 1994; Ledeneva, 1998, 2004; Light and Bonacich, 1988; Lonkila, 1999a,b; Marques et al, 2001; Morawska, 1985, 1996, 2003; Muldrew, 1993; 1998, 2001; Ostergren, 1988; Pastor et al, 2002; Piipponen, 2004; Postel-Vinay, 1998; Powell, 1990; Powell and Smith

Doerr, 1994; Raddon, 2003; Rotberg, 1999; Shapiro, 1987; Stark, 1995; Tilly, 1990, 1998;

Tsai, 2002; Uslaner, 2002; Warren, 1999; Weber and Carter, 2003; White, 2002; Wuthnow,

2004; Yamagishi and Yamagishi, 1994; Zelizer, 2004, 2005b.



8 Tilly

Although segments of such networks may overlap with or even con

stitute trust networks, taken as wholes they do not qualify as trust net

works. They do not qualify because their participants do not generally

place their major valued collective enterprises at risk to malfeasance, mis

takes, or failures by other members of the same networks. In that precise sense, members do not trust each other. Most or all members of trust net

works, in contrast, place major valued collective enterprises such as the

preservation of their faith, placement of their children, provision for their

old age, and protection of personal secrets at risk to fellow members' mal

feasance, mistakes, or failures. Accordingly, trust networks constitute only a tiny subset of all networks.

Over thousands of years, nevertheless, ordinary people have commit

ted their major energies and most precious resources to trust networks not

only migration streams, to be sure, but also religious solidarities, lineages, trade diasporas, patron-client chains, credit networks, societies of mutual

aid, youth groups, and some kinds of local communities. We participants in kinship and other trust networks usually take them for granted. But

they pose important mysteries: How do they maintain cohesion, control,

and, yes, trust when their members spread out into worlds rich with other

opportunities and commitments?

Their limiting cases, isolated communes and religious communities, seem easier to explain because their very insulation from the world facili tates continuous monitoring, mutual aid, reciprocity, trust, and barriers to

exit. But geographically dispersed trust networks somehow manage to pro duce similar effects, if not usually at the emotional intensities of isolated communities. Maintaining the boundary between "us" and "them" clearly

plays an important part in trust networks' continued operation (Tilly,

2005b). Trust networks figure in many migration streams, especially those

organized in continuous chains linking limited origins to limited destina

tions. In fact, chain-linked long-distance migration provides a privileged

laboratory for study of transformations in trust networks.4 Long-distance

migration poses serious risks. Those risks dispose potential migrants who

4 Amuedo-Dorantes and Pozo, 2005; Bodnar, 1985; Borges, 2003; Conway and Cohen, 1998; Cordero-Guzm?n et al, 2001; Curran et al, 2005; Curran and Cope Saguy, 2001; Durand et al, 1996; Le Espiritu, 2003; Fussell and Massey, 2004; de la Garza and Lindsay Lowell,

2002; Georges, 1990; Gordon, 2005; Grasmuck and Pessar, 1992; Green, 2002; Grimson,

1999; de Haas and Plug, 2006; Hagan and Rose Ebaugh, 2003; Heer, 1996; Hodagneu Sotelo and Avila, 2002; Hoerder and Page Moch, 1996; Kamphoefner, 1987; Kamphoefner et al, 1991; Kurien, 2002; Massey et al, 1998; McKeown, 2001; Meisch, 2002; Moch,

2003; Mooney, 2003; Parre?as, 2005a,b; Poros, 2001; Portes, 1995, 1996; Portes and Rum

baut, 1990, 2001; Roberts and Morris, 2003; Sanders, 2002; Singh, 2005; Smith, 2000, 2003,

2005; Tilly, 1990; 2000; VanWey, 2004; Vertovec, 2003; Waldinger, 1996; Waldinger and

Bozorgmehr, 1996; Winters et al, 2001.




do not have extensive professional connections or official sponsors to rely on members of their trust networks for information and advice. The same

risks inhibit potential migrants who lack the mediation of trust networks

from migrating at all. Instead of a broad distribution across destinations

as a function of economic opportunities at those destinations, chain

migration channels long-distance moves into a few origin-destination streams; large numbers of people from the same village end up in the same towns or urban neighborhoods thousands of miles away.

Networks persist in the process, but change structure and geographic distribution. As participants generally rely on strong ties to others with

whom they are carrying on consequential long-term enterprises and pla

cing those enterprises at risk to the malfeasance, mistakes, or failures of

others, the networks in question commonly qualify as trust networks.

Chain migration organized around trust networks contributes to the "seg mented assimilation" that Alejandro Portes and Rub?n Rumbaut see as

characteristic of recent migration to the United States (Portes and

Rumbaut, 1990). Without using the term, my former colleague Robert Smith has

amply documented the importance of trust networks in the connections

migrants form between Mexican villages and New York City. His 15 year

participant observation of the migration stream connecting the Puebla vil

lage, he calls Ticuani to mainly Mexican concentrations within New York

documents both creation of a far-reaching network of trust and deep transformation of the network as a result of interaction among people

moving back and forth between the two locales (Smith, 2005). By now,

roughly 60% of all living people born in Ticuani live in the United States,

mostly in New York (Smith, 2002:147). Many New York-based Ticuanen

ses, including those born in New York, actually returned frequently to

Mexico and spent significant portions of their time in Ticuani. Modest

incomes in New York made it possible to cut fine figures in Mexico.

Remittances within Trust Networks

At the same time, remittances from New York money earners to

Ticuanense relatives, building of vacation houses in Ticuani, participation of returning emigrants in public ceremonies, direct intervention of emi

grants (whether returned or not) in Ticuani politics, establishment of New

York-style youth gangs in Ticuani, and entrusting of New York-born chil

dren to their grandmothers in Mexico all help transform social structures

connecting New York with Puebla. These changes have triple effects:



10 Tilly

Deeply altering the organization of power and wealth in Ticuani.

Reshaping the lives of Ticuanenses in both locales.

Creating a new transnational set of trust networks.

Without a continuous flow of earnings from mostly modest occupa tions in New York, the continuously changing system would collapse. But

fed by those resources and by new generations of migrants in both direc

tions, the process sustains boundaries between Ticuanenses and others,

shapes relations across those boundaries in both Mexico and the United

States, and increases the relative prominence of network segments closely connected to the Ticuanense population in New York. In the medium

run, then, the partial success of chain migration has reinforced the viabil

ity of trust networks at its core.

Smith objects strongly to analyses of transnational migration that

treat it primarily as an assault of globalization on receiving countries.

Instead, he insists on the degree to which continuous flows in both direc

tions transform sending communities as well as connections between ori

gin and destination. He also stresses the importance of descending from

the national to the local level. As he declares,

Transnational life if lived, in intimate experience, not as 'transcendence' of

national borders but, rather, as a maintenance of links between one's own or one's

parents' hometown, and what it comes to represent, via concrete practices or com

mon imaginings. These evolve, like all cultural practices, in relation to their chan

ging material and institutional contexts. Transnational practices and institutions are thus, in the proximate sense, products of other locally lived processes and cus

toms. In the cases I have studied, transnational life is both quotidian?mailing or

receiving remittances or phone calls?and also dramatic, attending feasts and dan ces and fighting in the hometown, building a school in the hometown, and

demanding recognition and political power from hometown authorities (Smith,

2000:205).

Smith shows, among other things, that a hometown association oper

ating from New York City regularly intervenes in Ticuani's local affairs to

the extent of financing the water supply and backing candidates for public office.

Since the 1970s, in fact, many Ticuanense New Yorkers fulfill their

village work obligations, or faenas, by means of financial contributions

channeled to Mexico through a powerful New York-based committee of

emigrants. Smith tells the story of accompanying committee members to

JFK airport in 1993 as they went off to consult with Ticuani authorities

and contractors about a new water system for the village. For this, he

reports,

the largest Ticuani project ever, the Committee raised more than two-thirds of the

$ 150,000 cost of the project, exceeding the Mexican federal, state, and local contri

butions combined. The Committee has also become involved in Ticuani politics




helping to fashion a set of rules and practices for participating in transnational

public life. Fund raising in New York by Ticuanenses has become increasingly

important in Ticuani electoral politics (Smith, 2005:3).

In New York, the Committee had assessed each household in New

York or Ticuani it judged able to pay a $300 tax they called a "cooper ation," threatening delinquents that their Ticuani houses would not

receive water; almost everyone paid, regardless of how long they had been

away from Ticuani (Smith, 2000:212). By competing with local Mexican

authorities, the New York Committee's activity was undermining the old

structure of local power. It was also converting a segment of the migra tion-formed trust network into a transnational political institution.

Members of the second generation born in New York, Smith reports, also maintain contact with Ticuani, with the young men importing New

York street gang styles, getting respect they cannot command in New

York, and adopting macho manners in the village their sisters and

girlfriends do not tolerate in New York. Nevertheless, on the average second- and third-generation Ticuanenses establish far broader connec

tions outside the hometown community than did their first-generation forebears (Smith, 2002).

In the longer run, we can speculate that further New York success of

Mexican emigrants will increase differentiation within the network, enhance involvement of New York emigrants in competing projects, reduce the average commitment of emigrants and their offspring to enter

prises operating in Ticuani, and thereby undermine the system. They will

probably multiply external connections with different segments of the

migrant population, erode the group boundary, reduce collective control over means of sustenance, and fragment internal relations. So far, how

ever, Ticuanense transnational trust networks remain viable.

Similarly, Sarah Mahler's ethnographic study of migration between El

Salvador and New York's Long Island suburbs documents the profound effect of remittances on sending communities, maintenance of transnational

ties into the second generation, the frequent care of U.S. born children by their relatives in El Salvador, and the investment of people at both ends of

the migration stream in maintaining their trust network. More numerous

than permanent return migrants, Mahler reports that Salvadorans:

Are who enjoy legal immigrant status in the United States and who return for

family and community events, such as marriages, baptisms, funerals, and village festivals. Increasingly visible are older returning migrants, generally men in their

forties to sixties who fled El Salvador during the war, leaving behind their spouses and young children. With limited education and skills for advancing economically on Long Island, many of these men desired to return home?indeed their families

begged them to return?but the families had also grown too dependent upon remittance income to forsake migration altogether. So, before returning, migrants



12 Tilly

first sponsor the migration of at least one child, grooming him or her in the basics

of migrant life?housing and job. The children ensure that remittances will con

tinue to flow homeward, cash that even highly self-sufficient farmers need to pur chase fertilizers and pay for clothing, medical care, and so on (Mahler, 2001a:

120-121; see also Mahler, 2001b; for the terrible toll of the Salvadoran civil war, see Brockett, 2005; Wood, 2003).

While in New York, moreover, Salvadoran immigrants maintain con

tinuous contact with their places of origin by means of letters, dollar

remittances, and gifts that flow in both directions. Specialized viajeros who travel frequently between the two countries, Mahler reports, play cru

cial parts in moving goods, money, and information between Long Island

and El Salvador (Mahler, 2001a: 117). Salvadorans' reliance on those inter

mediaries indicates that they connect via a trust network with the capacity to limit malfeasance, mistakes, and failures.

Clearly such trust networks go beyond simple means-end instrumental

ism. They engage their members in webs of rights and obligations. Unlike

the short-term contract with Western Union for the transmission of funds

from New York to a Salvadoran village, relations with a viajero typically last from one trip to the next. More important, they articulate with larger, longer-lasting networks of social insurance and social control, especially ties

among kin and friends at both ends of the migration stream.

Based on interviews with Hispanic migrants to Miami and Los Ange les in 2002, a Pew Hispanic Center study documents the centrality of remittances to connections between sending and receiving communities.

Almost all respondents reported sending remittances to support families back home. Most gave remittances priority over their bills and expenses in

the United States. "Before anything," Mexican emigrant respondent Marisela remarked, "I send them the money because they count on it. Then afterwards I pay the bills, my rent, but the first thing I do is send it" (Suro et al, 2002:7).

When it came to basic family expenses back home, most migrants left

budgetary control to their families. A Mexican emigrant, Eduardo, told

interviewers:

One part is for savings, the other part for the primary necessities like education. It

depends on my wife and the priorities she has. So I go ahead and send the money, and it just goes where she uses it (Suro et al, 2002:8).

When it came to investments such as buying land, however, remitting emigrants exercised extensive control over the money; they negotiated binding earmarks with their families in the home community. Each of these arrangements clearly involves mental accounting. In each, earmark

ing concerns budgeting of remitted funds into distinct categories of legit imate expenditure.




Latin American migrants to the United States commonly use wire

services to transmit money back home. A simple search of almost any American city's Latin American neighborhoods for stores with env

?os?remittances?among their advertised wares will verify the importance of wire services. Many migrants also use couriers (often known as viajeros or travelers) to carry money and other valuables. Finally, migrants who

return home for visits regularly carry not only money but also other gifts

including household appliances. Anyone who has ever taken an inexpen sive flight from a U.S. airport to the Caribbean or Latin America can tes

tify to the importance of hand-carried remittances.

To be sure, all such remittance relations mix good will with extensive

obligation. Relations between emigrants and households at the origin pro vide mutual support, as well as reinforcing the migrants' longer-term claims on membership in the sending community. Earmarked remittances

buttress the crucial relations as they assert the senders' power over those

relations. The boundary between faithful remitters and defaulters divides

upstanding family members from dishonorable exiles, but it also separates households that regularly receive support of their migrant members from

less fortunate households at the origin.

Reporting on his extensive fieldwork in the Caribbean island of

Montserrat as well as in London, Stuart Philpott describes a powerful sys tem of informal controls over remittances from migrants in Great Britain.

He remarks,

Children are impressed with the behavior expected from the migrants from a

fairly early age. These expectations are implicitly taught in the home through the

praise of migrants who send remittances and through the condemnation of the

'worthless-minded' kin who do not 'notice their families.' Stories such as one

about the migrant who returned from America with 32 trunk loads of gifts for

distribution to his family and friends and another about a woman who literally sent her brother a car from America in the days when the only other cars were

owned by the wealthiest estate owners have virtually become moral precepts

(Philpott, 1968:468).

Philpott documents children's trips to the post office in hopes of

retrieving money-bearing letters, children's visions of the future in which

they emigrate and send back support for their families, complex alloca

tions of money received among family members, reciprocity by sending of

homegrown products back to Britain, black magic employed to coerce

reluctant remitters, in short, a large array of controls backing up the gen eral understanding that honorable emigrants meet their obligations to

family and friends by means of remittances. The obvious consequence: Division of emigrants into the two categories of honorable and dishonora

ble (see also Roberts and Morris, 2003).



14 Tilly

At the United States end, such trust networks offer connections with

jobs, housing, sociability, and care all crucial forms of insurance for high risk migrants. At the Latin American end, they offer opportunities to return home after a U.S. stint, to receive respect that runs very short in

New York or Los Angeles, to secure care for young children born in the United States, and to integrate older versions of the same children into the rituals, routines, language, and interpersonal ties of the home culture

(Hodagneu-Sotelo, 2001; Hodagneu-Sotelo and Avila, 2002; Levitt, 2001a,b, 2004; Menjivar, 2000, 2002). All this depends on rights and reci

procity over the longer term.

Trust Networks as Obligation and Constraint

At the same time, membership in trust networks imposes stringent obligations. If you fail to help new arrivals in the United States, default in

your sending of promised remittances, or neglect fellow members of the

migrant stream in favor of newfound American friends, you are likely to

find yourself criticized or shunned. In trust networks, criticism and shun

ning regularly signal that if a wayward member does not reform, she will lose access to the social insurance ordinarily provided by the network.

Some of the strife and misunderstanding between first and second genera tions stems precisely from the attempt of older members to keep youngsters

within the web of mutual obligation. But differences by gender also arise, for example as wives discover that they actually enjoy the marital leverage that employment and city life give them, while their husbands resist the loss of their macho authority (Grasmuck and Pessar, 1992; Hirsch, 2003).

Members of migrant trust networks reinforce the rights and obliga tions built into those networks by traveling recurrently in both directions.

As a result, ideas, practices, and symbols also flow between the United

States and Latin America. Peggy Levitt describes the circulation of U.S. cultural artifacts between Jamaica Plain, Massachusetts, and the Domin ican town she calls Miraflores from which a nucleus of Jamaica Plain

Dominicans migrated:

In Miraflores, villagers often dress in T-shirts emblazoned with the names of busi nesses in Massachusetts, although they do not know what these words or logos

mean. They proudly serve their visitors coffee with Cremora and juice made from

Tang (Levitt, 2001a:2).

But, so to speak, these artifacts are merely the cream on the coffee.

They register the regularity of contact within migrant networks. The same

Dominican villagers who display Boston-area gear also take care of the




emigrants' children, handle local business for them, and arrange lodging and entertainment for them when they return to the Dominican Republic.

Back in the United States, membership in trust networks facilitates

immigrants' lives in some regards, but it also tends to confine them to

niches created and inhabited by other immigrants. Even in the market-dom

inated U.S., most people acquire jobs, housing, and major consumer goods

through personal contacts (DiMaggio and Louch, 1998; Smith-Doerr and

Powell, 2005; Tilly, 1998; Tilly and Tilly, 1998; Chapter 9, Zelizer, 2005). If you live in a constricted network, your contacts confine you to a

limited range of opportunities. Patricia Fern?ndez Kelly and Richard

Schauffler describe the plight of a San Diego family from Michoacan,

Mexico, the Mendozas. The family had entered the United States in a car

trunk 14 years earlier but had since become legal residents in an amnesty

program. Fern?ndez Kelly and Schauffler report:

For the past 10 years, Mr. Mendoza has worked as a busboy in a fancy restaurant

that caters to tourists, a position he secured through a Mexican friend. He is a

hardworking and modest man who wants his son, Carlos, to study so that he can

get a good job: '(I want him) to be better than me, not for my sake but for his

sake and that of his own family.' Mrs. Mendoza irons clothes at a Chinese-owned

laundry and complains bitterly that her employers are prejudiced toward her and

other Mexicans.

Carlos is doing well in school; he was the only boy at Cabrillo junior

high to be elected to the honor society last year. He wants to become an

engineer and go back to Mexico. Life in San Diego has been hard on him; the gold chain his parents gave him as a gift was ripped from around his

neck by neighborhood toughs; his bicycle remains locked up inside the

house, because riding it would mean losing it to the same local bullies. His

younger sister, Amelia, is not doing as well in school and dresses like a chola

(female gang member), although she insists it is only for the style. Her par ents worry but feel helpless (Fern?ndez Kelly and Schauffler, 1996:38).

This account does not tell us, of course, to what extent the Mendozas

have maintained their membership in the trust network that brought them to the United States. But the family's limited opportunities and precarious survival in San Diego clearly depend in part on the narrowness of their

current networks. Even today, we affluent Americans are unsurprised

when we notice that the busboys in a fancy restaurant are Mexican, but

impressed when the waiter or waitress turns out to come from Mexico.

Niches based on trust networks help immigrants locate themselves in a

new land, all right. But they also channel opportunities into a relatively narrow range. If the opportunities include access to capital, advanced edu

cation, or stardom, network members often do well. If they concentrate in

low-wage labor, network members suffer the consequences.



16 Tilly

Precisely because they are shielding serious long-term enterprises simul

taneously from external pr?dation and internal failures, trust networks

always erect tougher, sharper us them boundaries than the blurred edges of

friendship and neighborhood. All such boundaries produce sharp implicit choices. On one side of the boundary lie security, solidarity, mutual aid, and

restricted opportunity. On the other side beckon new opportunities, more

extensive connections, and escapes from tyranny. Those who stick faithfully within trust networks generally reach new opportunities, fresh connections, and personal independence more rarely and slowly. They also suffer more

acutely from shunning and expulsion when those punishments occur.

Whether trust networks retain their vigor into the second and later

generations depends on the extent to which members of those generations continue to gain from membership. If the networks adapt, incorporate new connections, and facilitate members' opportunities at the migrant stream's destination, they more frequently survive and prosper. If they do

not adapt, incorporate new connections, and facilitate members' oppor tunities at the destination, then transnational ties decline in the long run.

Whether they survive or not, nevertheless, trust networks shape the lives

of successive immigrant generations. Here is another way of putting my main point: By sniffing out the

operation of trust networks, students of Latin American migration to and

from North America have a splendid opportunity to illuminate fundamen

tal social processes that go on throughout the world.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I am grateful to Alex Juica, Viviana Zelizer, and a delightful Storrs, Connecticut Latin American Studies audience for vetting of previous drafts.

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trust networks in transnational migration author(s): charles tilly

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