from immigrant to trans migrant theorizing transnational migration

8/6/2019 From Immigrant to Trans Migrant Theorizing Transnational Migration

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From Immigrant to Transmigrant: Theorizing Transnational MigrationAuthor(s): Nina Glick Schiller, Linda Basch, Cristina Szanton BlancSource: Anthropological Quarterly, Vol. 68, No. 1 (Jan., 1995), pp. 48-63Published by: The George Washington University Institute for Ethnographic ResearchStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3317464

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FROMIMMIGRANTTO TRANSMIGRANT:THEORIZINGTRANSNATIONALMIGRATIONNINA GLICK SCHILLER

University of New HampshireLINDA BASCHWagner College

CRISTINA SZANTON BLANCColumbia UniversityContemporary immigrants can not be characterized as the "uprooted."Many are trans-migrants, becoming firmly rooted in their new country but maintaining multiple linkagesto their homeland. In the United States anthropologists are engaged in building a transna-tional anthropology and rethinking their data on immigration. Migration proves to be animportant transnational process that reflects and contributes to the current political con-figurations of the emerging global economy. In this article we use our studies of migrationfrom St. Vincent, Grenada, the Philippines, and Haiti to the U.S. to delineate some of theparameters of an ethnography of transnational migration and explore the reasons for andthe implications of transnational migrations. We conclude that the transnational connec-tions of immigrants provide a subtext of the public debates in the U.S. about the merits ofimmigration. [transnationalism, immigration, nation-state, nationalism, identity]

In the United States several generations of re-searchers have viewed immigrants as persons whouproot themselves, leave behind home and country,and face the painful process of incorporation nto adifferent society and culture (Handlin 1973[1951];Takaki 1993). A new concept of transnational mi-gration is emerging, however, that questions thislong-held conceptualization of immigrants, sug-gesting that in both the U.S. and Europe, increas-ing numbers of immigrants are best understood as"transmigrants." Transmigrants are immigrantswhose daily lives depend on multiple and constantinterconnections across international borders andwhose public identities are configured in relation-ship to more than one nation-state (Glick Schilleret al. 1992a; Basch et al. 1994). They are not so-journers because they settle and become incorpo-rated in the economy and political institutions, lo-calities, and patterns of daily life of the country inwhich they reside. However, at the very same time,they are engaged elsewhere in the sense that theymaintain connections, build institutions, conducttransactions, and influence local and nationalevents in the countries from which they emigrated.Transnational migration is the process bywhich immigrants forge and sustain simultaneousmulti-stranded social relations that link togethertheir societies of origin and settlement. In identify-

48

ing a new processof migration, scholarsof transna-tional migration emphasize the ongoing and contin-uing ways in which current-day immigrantsconstruct and reconstitute their simultaneous em-beddedness in more than one society. The purposeof this article is to delineate the parameters of anethnography of transnational migration and usethis anthropologyto explore the ways in which thecurrent debate on immigration in the U.S. can beread as a nation-state building project that delimitsand constrains the allegiances and loyalties oftransmigrants.Once we reframe the concept of im-migrant and examine the political factors whichhave shaped the image of immigrants as the up-rooted, a whole new approachto understanding m-migrants and the current debate about immigrationbecomes possible.

Three vignettes of discontinuities we have ob-served between the transnationalpracticesof immi-grants and common assumptions about immigrantsmade by scholars, members of the public, the me-dia and public officials experts illustrate the myopicview of immigrants demonstrated in much publicdebate. The vignettes point to the need to redefineour terminology and reformulate some of our basicconceptualizations of the current immigrantexperience.


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FROM IMMIGRANTTO TRANSMIGRANT 49Towards a Transnational Anthropology

A large numberof Filipinohouseholdsare transnationalwith individuals,resources,goods, and servicesmovingbackand forthbetween the U.S., the Philippines, nd other coun-tries.Decisions hat affect the dailylivesof householdmembersare made across nationalborders.Yet Szanton Blancnoted,while participatingwith censusorganizersand Filipino mmi-grants ivingin New York in discussions hatprecededhe ad-ministrationof the 1990 U.S. Census,that censusquestionsabout householdsdid not reflect the transnationalism f thesepopulations.1 he questionsassumed hat all Filipinosresidedin the U.S. permanently, avingcut their ties with their coun-tries of origin.The partialcharacterof manyof the Filipinohouseholds ocatedin the U.S. that participatedn the censusinterviewwas not recognized.The frequency f travelbetweenthe twocountries,he ongoingrelationships etweenhouseholdmembers iving in both locations markedby a constantex-changeof funds and resources,and the organization f activi-ties across borderswere not examined.Hence,officialsof gov-ernmentaland civic institutionsoften formulatepoliciesandprogramsbased on census data that inadequately apture hestructureand mode of operationof manycontemporarymmi-granthouseholds.

I****

At a dinnerrecentlyGlick Schiller istenedwhile interna-tionaldevelopmentxpertsdebated he degree o which andinthe Haitiancountrysidewas cultivatedby squatters.Thesespe-cialistsdid not consultwith the onlyHaitianat the table.Theydid not expecthimto be familiarwithquestions f land tenurein Haiti because he was an authorityon Haitiancosmologywho had beenlivingin the U.S. since he was a teenager.Whatthey did not consider was that the Haitian scholar and hisbrotherowned and in Haiti and that the two brothershad ne-gotiateda working elationshipwith the squatterswholivedonthat land. Like so many Haitians in the U.S., the Haitianscholarrelatesto Haiti throughdiverseandongoing ocial andclass relationshipshat influencehis stance towardsdevelop-ment in Haiti. Expertson Haiti routinely gnore he impactoftransnationalmigrationon all aspectsof Haitiansociety, in-cludingHaiti's relationshipo the U.S.

At Expo1993,a trade and cultural air in Brooklynpon-soredby the CaribbeanAmericanChamber f Commerce hatBaschattended,one of the panelsexploredhe extent to whichthe curriculum n New YorkCity schoolsgivesvoice to Afri-can-Caribbeannd African-Americanxperiences. t soon be-came clear that many mmigrantamiliesoptto sendtheirchil-dren to privateWest Indianschools in New York wherethecurriculum eflectsbothCaribbeanand U.S. experiences,pre-paringchildren o live a transnationalxistence.Indeed,manyWest Indianyoungsters re sent home to the West Indiesforpart of their educations.However,publicofficialsengagedincurriculum evelopmentften do notrecognizehat thesociali-zation of many transmigrant hildren akesplace in an inter-connected social space encompassingboth the immigrants'West Indianhomesocieties and the U.S.

In the 1960s the word "transnational"was widelyused by students of economic processes to refer tothe establishment of corporate structures with es-tablished organizational bases in more than onestate (Martinelli 1982). In a separate intellectualtradition several generations of scholars had beenusing the adjective "transnational" to signal anabatement of national boundariesand the develop-ment of ideas or political institutions that spannednational borders;it is this usage that can be foundin standard dictionaries. For example, Webster'sThird New International Dictionary, defining theterm as "extending or going beyond nationalboundaries" (1976: 2430), provides two examples.The first from the New Republic magazine speaksof the "abatement of nationalism and the creationof transnational institutions which will renderboundaries of minor importance."In the second ci-tation Edward Sapir reports that "by the diffusionof culturally importantwords transnational vocabu-laries have grown up."The recent use of the adjective "transnational"in the social sciences and cultural studies draws to-gether the various meanings of the word so that therestructuringof capital globally is seen as linked tothe diminished significance of national boundariesin the productionand distribution of objects, ideas,and people. Transnational processes are increas-ingly seen as part of a broader phenomenon ofglobalization, marked by the demise of the nation-state and the growth of world cities that serve askey nodes of flexible capital accumulation, commu-nication, and control (Knox 1994; Knight and Gap-pert 1989). In anthropology2there has been a re-newed interest in the flows of culture andpopulation across national borders, reviving, in anew global and theoretical context, past interests incultural diffusion.3Many contributors to this schol-arly trend see it as part of an effort to reconfigureanthropological thinking so that it will reflect cur-rent transformations in the way in which time andspace is experienced and represented (Appadurai1990, 1991; Gupta and Ferguson 1992; Kearney1991a, 1991b; Hannerz 1989, 1990). Appaduraihas stated that ethnography now has the task ofdetermining "the nature of locality, as lived experi-ence, in a globalized, deterritorialized world"(1991: 196). He has further argued that there is aneed to reconceptualize the "landscapes of groupidentity," a need that flows from the current world

FROM IMMIGRANT TO TRANSMIGRANT 49


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50 ANTHROPOLOGICAL QUARTERLYconjuncture in which "groups are no longer tightlyterritorialized, spatially bounded, historically un-selfconscious, or culturally homogeneous" (p.191).4Migration is one of the important meansthrough which borders and boundaries are beingcontested and transgressed (Kearney 1991a; Rouse1991, 1992). Anthropologists who work with mi-grants have much to contribute to our understand-ing of a new paradox:that the growth and intensifi-cation of global interconnection of economicprocesses, people, and ideas is accompanied by aresurgence in the politics of differentiation. Whenwe study migration rather than abstract culturalflows or representations, we see that transnationalprocesses are located within the life experience ofindividuals and families, making up the warp andwoof of daily activities, concerns, fears, andachievements.Reasons for Transnational MigrationThree conjoining potent forces in the current globaleconomy lead present day immigrants to settle incountries that are centers of global capitalism butto live transnational lives: (1) a global restructur-ing of capital based on changing forms of capitalaccumulation has lead to deteriorating social andeconomic conditions in both labor sending and la-bor receiving countries with no location a secureterrain of settlement; (2) racism in both the U.S.and Europe contributes to the economic and politi-cal insecurity of the newcomers and their descend-ants; and (3) the nation building projects of bothhome and host society build political loyaltiesamong immigrants to each nation-state in whichthey maintain social ties.

Capitalism from its beginnings has been a sys-tem of productiondependent on global interconnec-tions between the people of the world. Today weare facing a reconstitution of the structure of ac-cumulation so that not only are profitsaccumulatedglobally, but all parts of the world have been incor-porated into a single system of production, invest-ment, communication, coordination, staffing, pro-duction, and distribution (Sassen 1994). In thisglobal context there is less incentive to invest in en-tire national economies. It has become more profit-able to base global operations in certain cities andregions that are emerging as centers of communi-cation and organization (Sassen 1991). Capital isbeing channeled into key sectors and regions while

the infrastructure of transportation, education,health services are stripped away from those coun-tries, and sections of countries and cities, definedassuperfluousto the newly defined circuits of wealthand power. Attacks on the infrastructuretake theform of structural adjustment programs in debtorcountries and calls for reduced taxes and publicspending in capital exporting countries such as theU.S.

The conditions for migration in a myriad ofeconomically peripheralstates have been set by theintensive penetration of foreign capital into theeconomy and political processes of "post-colonial"countries in the 1960s and 1970s, and the subse-quent massive growth of indebtedness and eco-nomic retrenchment. Faced with wide-spreaddete-rioration in their standards of living, professionals,skilled workers, unskilled workers, merchants, andagricultural producersall have fled to global citiesor to countries such as the U.S. that still play cen-tral roles in capital accumulation. However,once inthese countries, immigrants confront a deepeningeconomic crisis that often limits the economic pos-sibilities and security many are able to obtain.Moreover, those sectors of the current immigrantpopulation who find themselves racialized as "His-panic," "Asian," or "Black" find that even if theyobtain a secure position, they face daily discrimina-tion in the pursuit of their life activities.

Observing the permeability of borders andboundaries signaled by this form of migration,some observers have begun to speak of the demiseof the nation-state's ability to form and disciplineits subjects (Kearney 1991a). However, the task ofcreating capitalist subjects, and the task of gov-erning populationswho will work in and accept theworld of vastly increased inequalities of wealth andpower, continues to reside primarily in differentand unequal states. Financial interests and transna-tional conglomerates continue to rely on the legiti-macy and legal, fiscal, and policing structures ofthe nation-state.5 There are, however, changes pre-cipitated by this emerging form of migration. Weare entering an era in which states that can claimdispersed populations construct themselves as"deterritorialized nation-states" (Basch et al.1994); states that continue to be bases of capitalrather than the homeland of migrants respond inways that tighten rather than transgress territorialboundaries. The hegemonic political ethic of theU.S. continues to demand that citizens, both nativeborn and naturalized, swear allegiance only to the

50 ANTHROPOLOGICALUARTERLY


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FROM IMMIGRANTTO TRANSMIGRANT 51U.S. and define their politicalidentitywithinitsborders.Meanwhile, ominantorces n laborsend-ing states imaginetheir states to exist wherevertheiremigrantshave beenincorporated.Memoriesof ThingsPast: The Issue of Historyand Memory n Immigration tudiesIt is useful to recall the sociallyand historicallyconstructed atureof the conceptof nation-stateounderstand his aspectof transnationalmigration.Recentscholarship as madeit clearthat nation-states are relativelynew inventions hat can belinked o the developmentf capitalismandto thetype of politicaland economic oyaltiesthat servethe needs of dominantclasses and strata withinmodern centralized states (Hobsbawm 1990;Gellner 1983). Nation-stateswere constructedasclassesand elite strata,striving o maintain r con-tend for state power,popularizedmemoriesof asharedpastand usedthis historicalnarrative o au-thenticateand validatea commonality f purposeandnational nterests Anderson 991[1983]).Thisprocess of constructingand shaping collectivememories an be callednation-statebuilding.Keyto nation-statebuildingas a political processhasbeenthe construction f a myththat each nation-state containedwithin t a singlepeopledefinedbytheirresidence n a common erritory, heirundi-videdloyaltyto a commongovernment, nd theirsharedculturalheritage.In the past immigrantswereforced o abandon,orget,ordenytheirties tohome and in subsequent enerationsmemoriesoftransnationalonnectionswereerased.There is evidence hat in variouswaysand todifferentdegrees, dispersedpopulationswhethertheywerediasporas f Jews(Clifford1994),Pales-tinians (Gonzalez 1992), or "old world"immi-grants to the U.S. (Portesand Rumbaut1990),maintained etworks f interconnection.Manyim-migrants romEuropewhosettled n the late nine-teenth and early twentieth century maintainedfamilyties, sendingbothlettersandmoney(Metz-ker 1971;Thomasand Znaniecki1927). Italiansreturnedhome to land purchased hroughlaborabroad (di Leonardi 1984). The Czechs andSlovacks (Witke 1940), Hungarians (Vassady1982),and Irish(Highamand Brooks1978) wereamong the many immigratingpopulationswhobuiltstrongnationalistmovementsn Europe roma base in the U.S.These ties were discountedand obscuredby

the narratives f nation that wereprevalentuntilthe currentperiodof globalization.Assumptionsaboutthe uprootednessf immigrantsiltered heway in whichimmigranthistorywas recorded,n-terpreted,and remembered.6 t the heart of themetaphorof "Americathe melting pot" was amodel of immigrantsettlement in which immi-grantseschewedhe nationaldentityas well as thecustomsandlanguageof their birth.However,heruptureof home ties or their transformationntosentimentratherthanconnection s also a centralaspectof pluralistandmulticulturalmaginings fAmerica in which immigrantgroups are en-couragedto preserve heir culture,custom, andidentityyet be fullyembeddedn an Americanmo-saic (Glazer and Moynihan 1970[1963];Takaki1989,1993).Whether he imageryhas been one ofassimilation nto a newly emergentAmericancul-ture, or incorporationnto a culturallydiverseAmerica, n the U.S. the forgingof an Americannationality as been andcontinues o be theunder-lyingconcern hatunitedall discourse bout mmi-gration.7What hasbeenuniformly efined s unac-ceptable was a migration n which immigrantssettled permanentlyn their new countrywhilemaintaining ies to countriesthey still saw ashomelands.And yet this is an emergingpatternamongmany immigrantpopulations urrently et-tlingin the U.S.8A brief recountingof the Americanizationstudiescommissionedy the CarnegieCorporationin 1918 can serve to illustrateboth the types oftransnationaloliticalconnectionshat were main-tainedby previousgenerations f immigrantset-tled in the U.S. and the processesby whichtheseconnectionswerediscounted nd historically blit-erated. The studies were commissionedduringWorld War I becausethe home ties and politicalengagement f largenumbersof immigrantsromEuroperaisedquestionsabout the allegianceandloyalty of immigrants.9Researcherswere sur-roundedby and reported videnceof transnationalengagement f immigrantswith theirhomesocie-ties. Forexample,RobertPark,whosename s usu-ally linkedto the Carnegiestudies,only becamehead of the entireprojectwhenHerbertAdolphusMiller,whohad beenleading he studies,andwhowas Chairof the SociologyDepartmentt OberlinCollege n Ohio,resigned n orderto devotemoretime to organizinghe Leagueof CentralEuropeanNations(Rausenbush 979).Yet transnationalieswereonlynoted n passingandnegatively alued n

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52 NTHROPOLOGICALUARTERLYthepublishedtudies.The studiesdescribed nd as-sessed he progressmadetowardsncorporatingm-migrants nto U.S. society.These studies contrib-utedto the publicperceptionhat suchpopulationswere in fact immigrants;meanwhile,the publiccampaigns o insure that these immigrantswereloyalto the U.S. alsosought o diminish he contin-uation of home ties. In subsequentgenerationsthese connections enerallywere not rememberedor reportedby socialscienceresearchers. t is onlynow,and in the contextof the successfulncorpora-tion of pastgenerations f immigrants,hat a revi-sionisthistory n the U.S. is remembering ersist-ing transnationalonnections f pastgenerations fimmigrants. (See, for example, Portes andRumbaut1990.)Andyet we argue hat the current onnectionsof immigrantsreof a different rder hanpastim-migrant linkagesto home societies. The currentprocesses f restructuringnd reconfiguring lobalcapitalhave affected both internationalmigrationand nation-statebuilding n significantways. Thenewcircuitsof capitalprovidehe context n whichmigrantsand the descendantsof migrants,oftenfully incorporatedn the countriesof settlementsuch as the U.S., maintainorconstruct newtrans-national nterconnectionshat differ n theirinten-sity andsignificanceromthe hometies maintainedby past migrationsBaschet al. 1994).They alsoprovidethe context in which these linkagesareagain becomingvisible.Muchresearchremains obe done,but it wouldseem that the current ormsof capital accumulationand concomitantaltera-tions in the formation f all classes and strata in-terpenetratehe politicaland economicprocesses fnation-stateshroughouthe world.The increase ndensity, multiplicity, nd importance f the trans-nationalnterconnectionsf immigrantss certainlymadepossibleand sustainedby transformationsnthe technologies f transportationndcommunica-tion.Jet planes, elephones,axes,andinternet er-tainly facilitatemaintaining lose and immediateties to home. However,the tendencyof today'stransmigrantso maintain,build, and reinforcemultiple linkages with their countries of originseemsto be facilitatedrather hanproduced y thepossibilityof technologicallyabridgingtime andspace.Rather,immigrant ransnationalisms bestunderstoodas a responseto the fact that in aglobaleconomy ontemporarymigrantshave foundfull incorporationn the countries within whichtheyresettleeithernotpossibleor not desirable.At

the same time parties, actions,andleaderswithinmanycountrieswhichcan claimdispersedpopula-tionshavelooked o theirdiasporas s a globalre-source and constituency.Although hey seeminglyrupture boundariesand borders, contemporarytransnationalulturalprocessesand movements fpeople, deas,and capitalhavebeen accompaniedby an increase n an identitypolitics hat is a cele-brationof a nation.We arewitnessinghe simulta-neousgrowthof globalizingprocesses nd the pre-eminence of exclusive, bounded, essentializednationalisms Appadurai1993; Anderson1992).This is a moment n whichlargenumbers f peo-ple, no longerrooted n a singleplace, go to greatlengthsto revitalize,reconstruct, r reinventnotonly their traditionsbut their politicalclaimstoterritoryand histories rom whichthey havebeendisplaced.Moreoverhese"longdistancenational-ists" (Anderson1992: 12) insistthat theircollec-tive claimsto ancestral and bearwitnessto theiridentityas ancient,homogenous, eoples.Transna-tional processesseem to be accompaniedby the"re-inscription"f identityonto the territory f thehomeland Gupta 1992). The Portuguesegovern-ment, for example,has declaredPortugal o be aglobal nation (Feldman-Bianco 992, 1994). Itsemigrants ndthedescendantsf theemigrants repart of Portugaleven as they live within othercountries. Similarly, Haitians, Vincentians,Grenedians, nd Filipinosmay residepermanentlyabroadbut be seen as constituents f their homecountry.Thedifference etween he relationshipf pastsendingsocieties towards heir diasporasand thecurrenteffortsof bothimmigrants nd stateswithdispersedpopulationso constructa deterritorial-izednation-statehatencompasses diasporic op-ulation within its domain can be understoodthroughexamining he trajectory f Greekmigra-tion.Greece s one of the manycasesin whichdis-persed populationshave been engagedin nation-state buildingover several centuries.Merchantsandintellectuals f Greekoriginsettled n WesternEuropewere important ctorsin the politicalandculturalprocessesof the late eighteenthand earlynineteenthcenturiesthat resulted n the modernGreekstate (Jusdanis1991).10Crucial ntegrativeinstitutions uch as localschools,andlibraries,heuniversity, cademy,polytechnic,nd stadiumwerebuilt,in largepart,by contributionsromthe dias-pora.There s evidencehat impoverished,lliteratepeasants,as well as wealthyfamilies,contributed



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FROM IMMIGRANTTO TRANSMIGRANT 53to building national educational institutions(p.213). However,and the pointis critical,althoughthesenation-buildersngaged n multiple,overlap-pingtransnationalctivities n waysthat are simi-lar to present-daytransmigrants, hey did notclaim that their settlementsabroadwere part ofGreece.Theyweredeeplycommitted o the strug-gle to constituteGreeceas a state with its own au-tonomous erritory.This separation f nation-statefrom emigrant populationcan still be found instatementsof Greek-Americans ritingon Greek-Americandentity:orexample,"among hosebornin this country . . one's identity s not that of atransplantedGreek,but rather he sensibility f anAmerican thnic" Moskos1989:146,cited in Jus-danis 1991:216).

At present,a significant hangeis underway.Boththe Greekgovernment nd personsof Greekorigins settled in various countries around theworldare redefiningheir relationshipo Greece.The directionof the change is signaled by theadoptionby the Greek governmentof the term"spodemoi" r "Greeksabroad" or all personsofGreekancestry.For a sector of thesepeople,"theunifying orce of the Hellenicdiasporas no longera place, the nation-state of Greece, but theimagined transcendental erritory of Greeknesswhichgroupsof individualsmayappropriateo suittheir own needs and interests"(Jusdanis 1991:217). It is in this newtransnationalpacethat theGreek governments mobilizingpopularopinionfor its currentoppositiono the newly independentstate of Macedonia.As they participaten the po-liticalprocessof reimagininghe historyof North-ern Greece (Karakasidou1994; Danforthn.d.),membersof these populations,manylong settled,are participatingn and defining hemselvesas apartof the Greekpolitywhilethey simultaneouslyremain embedded n the nation-states n whichthey are settled.Evidenceof Transnational rocessesIn theremainingectionsof this articlewe examinesome of the similarities hat emerge from suchcomparativetudy, llustrate hemwithsomeof ourown fieldstudies,and examine he implications fthisanthropologyf transnationalmigrationor thedebateon the meritsof immigration.A largebodyof ethnographic ata on transnationalmmigrantnetworkshas beenproducedby researcherswork-ing in the Caribbean ndLatinAmerica.The rich-

est descriptions f transnational rocessesare ofhouseholdand family economiesrooted in bothsendingand receiving ocieties; ewerdescriptionsare available f transnationalrganizationsndpo-litical processes.Rubenstein 1982) and Thomas-Hope (1985) in the 1980s and more recentlyGmelch (1992), in describingreturn migrationfromEngland,Canada,and the U.S. to the islandnation-states n the West Indies," have docu-mented he interweave f transnationalamilyrela-tionships nd economic ransactionshatreservedplacefor returnmigrantsat home,offsetting heirglobalvulnerability.These connectionshave ena-bledimmigrants uring heiryearsabroad o havechildrencaredfor by kin at home,to continueasactorsin key family decisions, o visit at regularintervals,and to purchase propertyand buildhomesand businessesn their countriesof origin,evenas theyhaveboughthomesand createdbusi-nesses n their countries f settlement.Georges (1990) and Grasmuckand Pessar(1991) have notedthat individuals nd householdsstruggledo maintain heir classpositions r to se-cure class mobility n the DominicanRepublicbyworkingor setting up businesses n New York.While suchsojourns re sometimesemporary,e-turnhome s often"fragile"Grasmucknd Pessar1991:86), so thatmany mmigrantsnduplivingasettled existence n the U.S. but investingn prop-erty,businesses nd socialstatus n the DominicanRepublic.Laguerre1978)and Brown 1991) havedescribedHaitian ransnationalamilynetworks furbanworking-classouseholds.Eventhough heyhad not fully developed conceptof transnational-ism, a few scholarsof migrationrecognized hatthe transnationalinkages hat theywereobservinghad implicationsfor the immigrantsand their

homeand host societies Chaney1979).For exam-ple,Gonzalez 1988: 10) noted hatmanyGarifunahave "becomeUnited States citizens, yet theythink of themselvesas membersof two (or more)societies."12Scholars such as Takaki (1989) and Pido(1986),writingaboutAsianimmigrant opulationsin the U.S., have been even more focusedon theproblemsof immigrant ntegration,assimilation,and belonging,than those writing about LatinAmerican ndCaribbeanmmigrants.Nonetheless,recentethnographicccounts ontain omedescrip-tions of immigrantsrom the Philippines,China,and Koreacontinuingo maintain ies back home(Pido 1986;Wong 1982;Kim 1987).

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54 ANTHROPOLOGICALUARTERLYEvidenceof transnationalatternsof intercon-nectioncan be found n descriptions f migrationsto the U.S. andWesternEurope rommostregionsof the world.Someethnographers orkingwithre-cent immigrants n Italy, France, Holland, andSpainhaveoccasionally bserved videnceof trans-national linkages (Eintziger 1985; Carter 1994;Neveu 1994; Jimenez Romero 1994). "Dollar"housesrecentlyhave been noted to transform helandscape ndinflate ocal landvaluesin the Phil-ippinesand India as well as in the Caribbean,LatinAmerica,the Pacific,and Africa. However,evenwhentheyhave documentedhe circulation fpeopleand remittancesBallard1987)or identifiedthe growthof transnational ulturaldiasporasCo-hen 1994;Hall 1990),a numberof scholarswork-ing in Europehaveyet to recognizehe significanceof these interconnectionsor studiesin migrationand culturalpolitics.A conceptof "transnational-ism" wouldallow researcherso take into accountthe fact that immigrantsive their lives acrossna-tionalbordersand respond o the constraints nddemandsof two or morestates.

A ComparativeEthnographyof CaribbeanandFilipinoTransnationalismAmongthe Caribbeanand Filipinotransmigrantswithwhomwe worked, he processes f settlementfosteredthe development f transnationalism. sthey settledin their new homes,membersof thesepopulationsdeveloped multiple social, economic,andpolitical ies that extendedacrossborders. n-corporationn the U.S. accompanied nd contrib-uted to incorporationn the homesociety.Funda-mental to these multiple networks ofinterconnectionre networks f kin who are basedin one or more households.Among all classes ittakessome resources o migrateand, often,migra-tion and the establishmentof transnationalnet-works are strategies o insure that a householdsable to retainwhatit has in termsof resources ndsocial position.Flexible extended amilynetworkshave long been used in all these countries o pro-vide access to resources.By stretching, econfigur-ing, and activating hese networksacross nationalboundaries,amiliesare ableto maximize he utili-zation of labor and resources n multiplesettingsand survivewithin situationsof economicuncer-tainty and subordination. hese family networks,acrosspoliticaland economicborders,provide hepossibility or individual urvivaland at times so-

cial mobilityn contextsof vulnerabilityndsubor-dinationto world capitalismboth at home andabroad.Thesecollective ransnationalamilystrategiesalso haveimportantmplicationsor class produc-tion andreproductiont bothendsof themigrationstream.They are helpful n maintaining, nd alsoat times in enhancing,he socialandeconomicpo-sitionsof transmigrants'amilies n classstructuresat homewhereopportunitiesre often deteriorat-ing. The Vincentianpeasantfamily of the Car-ringtons s an apt exampleof the need to deployfamilymembers n severalocationsn order o sur-vive as a unit and retaina land base in St Vincent,andthe relativeadvantagehatcomesfromsuch astrategy.This familyowned wo acres of land,theproduceof which the mothervended n the localmarket.Householdmembersived n a simpleclap-boardhouseof tworooms,withno indoorplumbingor electricity.Two daughters,who could not findemploymentn St. Vincent's tagnant conomy,de-spite the country'srecentpolitical independence,migrated o the U.S. as domesticworkers o gainincome hat couldhelpsupport amilymembersnSaintVincentandcontributeo buildinga cementblockfamilyhome. Two brothers,who also couldnot find worklocally, migrated o Trinidadas askilled automobile mechanic and constructionworker.The wifeof one of thebrothersater oinedher husband's isters n New York,whereshe toobecamea live-in domesticworker.The motherre-mainedbehind n St. Vincent o care forher son'stwo smallchildrenand oversee he construction fthe familyhome.At variousmomentsone of thebrothersn Trinidad,whenhe was laidoff fromhiswork in Trinidad, eturned o the familyhomeinSt. Vincent; t was loans fromhis sisters in NewYorkthat enabledhim to return o Trinidadwhenemployment pportunitieshereincreased.A middle-classFilipinocouple,severedfromthe supportof their extended amilybecauseof abusinessmisunderstanding,xperienced ifficultiesfindingadequate mployment nd supportingheirchildren n school duringthe 1980s. Facing thepossibilityof a reducedclass positionand socialstatus, they took a calculatedrisk and migrated(firstthe wife andthen the husbandandchildren)to theU.S., eventhough heyhad to leavetwo chil-drenbehind o finish chool.Followingheirmigra-tion, child rearingdecisionshave been made byphoneand childrenhave movedback and forthbe-tweenschooland business pportunitiesn different



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FROM IMMIGRANTTO TRANSMIGRANT 55parts of the U.S. and the Philippines.After thesuccessfulweddingof theirdaughter o a Maniladentist,which was financedby with dollarsearnedin the U.S., the family s nowbuying andto builda housein the Philippines;t also is investingU.S.savingsin a small businessstartedby one of thesons in Manila.The parentscontinue o live in asmall rentedapartmentn Queens.Not everyonewithina familynetwork r evenwithina householdmaybenefit o the samedegreeand tensionsaboundas men and women, hose athomeand those abroad,define their interestsandneedsdifferently.s1or example,a Haitiandoctorlivingin Queens nvitedhis nieces from Haiti intothe household.Hiswife,who foundher doublebur-den of work and housework ompounded y thepresenceof herhusband's in,was bitteraboutthearrangement.Her anger was fueled by the factthat she wantedroom for her own siblings'chil-dren.In poorerHaitianfamilies ransmigrantseelcrushedby "bills hereand there,"while those leftat home feel that theyarenotbeing adequately e-imbursed or the family resources hey have in-vestedin sendingthe migrantabroad.Haitiansofpeasantbackgrounds,lliterateand with little ac-cess to phones n Haiti, havedevelopeda rhetoricin the form of songssent throughaudiocassetteswithinwhichtensionsand fissureswithin transna-tional households nd kin networksare communi-cated(Richman1992a).Women,who often shoul-der the responsibility for their children'supbringing,aceparticular ressureso sendmoneyback home.A studyof Haitian remittancesromNew YorkCityto Haiti indicated hat women entlarger amounts of money than men did, withwomen who "headed households"sending thegreatestamount(DeWind1987).

Migrantshave also createdbusinessactivitiesthat buildupon,and also foster,transnationalo-cial relationships. tudents of immigrationn theU.S. have devoteda greatdeal of energy o the in-vestigationof enclaveeconomies,postulating hatdensely settled immigrantsare able to generatetheir own internal market for culturally specificcuisines, products, and objects (Sassen-Koob1985). However, t is possibleto view such com-mercial transactions s located within a transna-tional space that spans nationalborders,ratherthanas confined o territorially ased enclaves.Sometimes the commercial interconnectionsare surreptitiousr so small scale they are barelyvisible. This is certainlytrue of the transnational

economicnetworksmaintainedby many HaitianswhousefamilyvisitsbetweenHaitiand theU.S. torestocksmall stores and businessesn Haiti withitems brought into Haiti in personal luggage.Whenshe comes forperiodic isits to obtainmedi-cal treatmenthroughU.S. Medicare o whichsheis entitledafterlong yearsof work n the U.S., aswell as throughvisits to relativesn Montreal,Yo-landeandher husband estock heirsmallgift shopin Port-au-Prince.mmacula,visiting her sister,bringsbleachand othersupplies or her sister's u-neralparlor.Manymambosand houngon priestsand priestesseswho lead Haitian voodoogather-ings) import itualobjects rom Haitifor theircer-emonies n the U.S.Often the most successfulmigrantbusinessesarisein the veryinterstices reatedby transnation-alism-for example, hipping nd aircargocompa-nies, import-exportirms, labor contractors,andmoney ransferhouses.At the sametime the busi-nesses facilitatethe deepening f transnationalo-cial relations.A shipping ompany tartedby twobrothers rom St. Vincent s such an undertaking.CarlHilaire,usingthe savingshe accrued romhisjobas a bankclerk n New York,starteda businessshippingbarrelsof goodsbetweenmigrantsn NewYork and theirkin in St. Vincent.His brother nSt. Vincent received and delivered he goods asthey arrived n St. Vincent. The success of thebrothers' hipping ompanywas in partrelated otheiractive nvolvementsn social serviceactivitiesbothin St. Vincentand the immigrant ommunityin New York,whereeach was well known.

Despite he wide use madeof thiscompanybytransmigrantamiliesand businessesn New Yorkand St. Vincent, he limitedcapitalavailablen theeastern Caribbean immigrant community hasservedas a brakeon the growthof this company.Employedprimarily s clerks andjunior evel ad-ministrators n service sectorcompanies,Vincen-tianimmigrants,ncludingCarl,have imited undsavailable or investment urposes, nd limitedcon-nections o peoplewithcapital, o enable hisbusi-ness to expand nto relatedactivitiesor to be ex-tended o other West Indian slands.

However,t is possible or businesseshat fa-cilitatetransnationalonnections o generate argeamountsof capital.Whenby 1987 annualremit-tances to Haiti grew to an estimated to beU.S.$99.5milliona yearfrom the New York met-ropolitan rea,Citibanknvestigatedhe possibilityof competingwith the profitableHaitianmoney

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56NTHROPOLOGICAL QUARTERLY

transferbusinesseshat had developedn the U.S.(DeWind1987).Becauseof theirlargerpopulationsize andresourcebase,Filipinoshave been able todeveloplarge scale transmigrantbusinesseswithmultiplebranchesacrossnationalbordersby usingthe interstices reatedby the ongoing ransnationallivesof the newimmigrants.Forexample, tartingwith the sale of rice and vegetablesto Filipinonursesfrom a small deliverytruck as a secondsourceof income,a Filipinoaccountantprogres-sivelygraduatedo the bulkair shipmentof trans-migrants'balikbayan "homecomers")oxes. Tenyears later he had officesin New York, Manila,andsix otherPhilippine ities, a fleetof some 100courierspickingup and deliveringthe packagesdoorto door,anda specialagreementwith certainairlines.The oncepart-timebusinesshas becomealarge nvestment nda full timeoccupationor himand othermembersof his family.The growthofthesebusinessess a testimony o multiple ies thatextendbetweenhome and host countries.Transnational racticesextendbeyondhouse-holdand familynetworks o includeorganizationsthatlink the homecountrywith one or moresocie-ties in whichits population as settled.Immigrant"voluntaryssociations"aveoften beenstudiedasinstitutions hat assist in the adaptationof new-comersto a new location(Mangin1965). On theotherhand,researcherswho havelooked orexpla-nationsfor culturalpersistencen the midst of as-similativepressureshave arguedthat immigrantsbuildorganizationso preserve heirpracticesandvalues,evenas theyassist n adaptationJenkins tal. 1985).Socialprograms riented owards he in-corporation f immigrantsnto their new societyoften use these organizations s culturalbrokers.Mostrecently n the U.S. immigrant rganizationshavebeen seenas representativesf ethniccommu-nities that contribute o a nation'sculturaldiver-sity. None of these approacheshas examined hecontributionthese organizationsmake to thegrowthof socialand politicalspacesand culturalpractices hat go beyond he boundaries f the na-tion-state.Also not exploredby scholarsor policymakersare the implications f transnationalrga-nizationalconnectionsor programmaticffortstouse immigrant rganizationss agentsof the socialand political ncorporationf immigrantsnto thereceiving ociety.Each of the four immigrantpopulationswithwhichwe workedhaddeveloped rganizationshatbuilda densenetwork f transnationalnterconnec-

tions.Theyorganizednotjust nostalgicmaginingsof the homecountrybut activerelationshipswithit. Theseorganizationalctivitiesprovided baseuponwhichleaderswere able to validateor buildsocial and political capital in both societies.Vincentians ndGrenadians,ivena migration is-toryto the U.S. that spansthe twentiethcentury,andconfrontingacialbarriers oth n thepastandpresent hat preventedheirfull incorporationntothe social and political ife of the nation,have along history of using organizations o maintaintransnationalnterconnectionsBasch 1992;Baschet al. 1994;Toney1986).14Theincreasingransna-tional activitiesof Vincentian nd Grenadian rga-nizationsollowing1970 demonstrateheimportantimpactself-ruleand political ndependencen theWest Indies.combinedwithgreatlyexpanded mi-gration o the U.S., havehad on the organizing fa multi-strandedransnationalocial field.15Filipino ransmigrantsave builta densenet-work of linkageswith hundredsof organizationsthat stage religious,cultural,and socialeventsinthe Philippines s well as in the U.S. Fiestas,forexample,n towns n the Philippines avetakenona grandscale withthe participationf Filipinoor-ganizationsn the U.S. Some of the organizationshavedeveloped ewformsof Filipinonationalden-tity and politicalactionand have mediatedrela-tionshipsbetween he U.S. andPhilippines overn-ments(Baschet al. 1994).A surveyof the leadersof Haitianorganiza-tionsin New YorkCitybegunduring he Duvalierdictatorshipndicated he rangeof organizationallinkagesthat can grow up, even in a situationwheretransnationalrganizationsre viewedwithsuspicionor activelyoppressedn the homecoun-try.'6Not all Haitianorganizationsn New York

were transnationalbut more than forty percentwereengaged n activitiesorientedat least in partto Haitiandsixty percent aw some of theiractivi-ties in someway contributingo Haiti. The rangeof organizationshat operated n a transnationalsocial field included Protestant and Catholicchurches, lumnaeorganizationsromvarioushighschools, hometownassociations,Masonic lodges,culturalassociations,'7 and organizationshat sawthemselves s a voiceof the "Haitian ommunitynNew York."Theseorganizationsaw theirmem-bers as neither olelypartof the U.S. nor Haitibutratheras connected imultaneouslyo both socie-ties. To educateHaitianyouthin the U.S. wouldboth contributeo theirsuccessas Americansand



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FROM IMMIGRANTTO TRANSMIGRANT 57assistin the transformationf Haiti. After the fallof the Duvalier egimemanyof theseorganizationsworked o developorganizationalasesin Haiti.Transmigrants ave been partisansand par-ticipantsn strugglesagainstdictatorshipsn Haiti,the Philippines,and Grenadaand have chargedtheir respectivegovernmentso be responsibleormakingdemocracywork.Through organizations,as wellas on the basisof personalransnationale-lationships,ransmigrantsave been ableto playarole in politicalarenas n both the U.S. and theirhomecountries.Keymembers f the anti-Duvaliermovement n the U.S. returnedto Haiti in the1980s and built support or politicaland socialre-formfrom a base bothin Haiti andin the U.S. Inthe yearsbetween he fall of the Duvalier egime n1986 and the electionof Aristidein 1990, candi-dates for the Haitian legislatureand Presidencycampaignedn the U.S., Canada,and Haiti. Sev-eral were long-timeresidentsof the U.S. Takingthe stance that they share a single destiny,Hai-tians demonstrated n New York, Washington,Miami, Boston, Montreal,and Port-au-Princeodemandpoliticalchange n Haiti,to protest he la-belingof Haitiansas carriers f AIDS, and for thereinstatement f Aristideas Presidentof Haiti.Vincentianand Grenadian mmigrants,haveworkedcloselywith,andsometimesas representa-tivesof, their homegovernmentso obtainU.S. ec-onomicsupport.Grenadianransmigrants,or ex-ample,lobbiedthe U.S. governmentor economicassistancepromisedbut never deliveredafter theU.S. invasion of their country and expectedthrough he CaribbeanBasin Initiative.Active inefforts to developagriculturaland industrialex-ports from their home countries,GrenadianandVincentianmigrantshave built organizationshathaveworked loselywith their homecountries' on-sulates in New York to obtain more favorabletermsof tradefor Caribbean griculturalnd man-ufacturedproductsbeing imported nto the U.S.Theyalso have beenpartof efforts o obtainmorelenient mmigration uotas.

Filipino transmigrants were a major force indeveloping ppositiono the Marcosgovernmentnthe wake of deteriorating conomicconditionsathome and in ensuringU.S. supportin topplingMarcos.Through ransmigrant rganizing,discus-sion groups,speeches,and mediaexposure,a newform of nationalism was created and fosteredamong ransmigrantsn the U.S. under he leader-shipof opponentso the Marcosgovernment. his

movementook off after the Aquinoassassination.It lobbied or a newgovernmentnd a renewalofdemocracyn the Philippines nd obtained he col-laborationof key U.S. Senatorsand Representa-tives. Popularoutragein both the U.S. and thePhilippines t Marcos'manipulationf the Philip-pine nationalelections,confirmed y the personalobservationsf top U.S. politicians, nd accompa-niedby the intense obbying f transmigrants,lti-mately orced heReagangovernmento change tspolicies owardsMarcosand to helpoverthrowheMarcosregime.The personnel f the Filipinore-gimes that have followed,beginningwith that ofCoryAquino,have been filledwithpoliticalplayerswhosepersonal ndpoliticalnetworksink themtoboththeU.S. and thePhilippines.n the 1980sand1990s increasedFilipinoeffortsto lobbythe U.S.Congressor assistance or the Philippineseflectapolitical terrain of dense transnationalinterconnection.These activitieshave all beenspearheaded yimmigranteadersin the U.S., acting in concertwith politicalactors in their home nation-states.LamuelStanislaus,an informal eader n the WestIndian mmigrantommunityn Brooklyn,s anex-ampleof how immigrants re able to participatein-and have an impact on-political struggles nbothGrenadaand the U.S. A dentistto the WestIndian and African American populationsinBrooklyn, tanislaus migratedromGrenada verforty-five earsagoto studyat HowardUniversity.In the mid-1980she becamea key organizer f asupport group comprisedof West Indian immi-grants n New York to re-electMayorKoch.Themembersof this organizationelt that the then-mayorwascognizant f and wouldbe responsiveoWestIndian nterestsn New York.Stanislaushadtakenpart n severalmeetingswithKoch,at whichhe lobbied or West Indian nterests.At the sametime Stanislaus,who during the last years ofBishop'sgovernment ad been vocal in his opposi-tion to whathe consideredo be thatgovernment'santidemocraticractices,headed a supportgroupof Grenadians,ocatedboth n New YorkandGre-nada,to elect a successor o MauriceBishop,afterBishopwas murdered nd the U.S. invadedGre-nada. When Stanislaus' candidate was electedprimeministerof Grenada,StanislaushimselfwasappointedGrenada'sambassador o the UnitedNations,althoughhe had not visited Grenada noverforty years.As we see fromtheseexamples, he abilityof

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58 ANTHROPOLOGICAL~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~%UARTERLY---these transmigrants to wield political influence inboth the U.S. and their home nation-states derivesfrom their political incorporation in both settings.Grassroots organizing linked to new social move-ments as well as electoral politics take place in theemerging transnational political arenas. While thedominant political ethic of the U.S. continues todemand that citizens, both native born and natural-ized, swear allegiance only to the U.S. and definetheir political identity within its borders, the trans-nationalism of increasing numbers of its citizenspromotes new political constructions in labor-send-ing states. Facing situations of extreme economicimpoverishment and dependency, Caribbean lead-ers are developing constructions of their nation-states that encompass those residing abroad as partof their body politic. These constructions, which wehave labeled "deterritorialized nation-states"(Basch et al. 1994) define state boundaries in so-cial rather than geographic terms. According tothis reading of the nation-state, the borders of thestate spread globally to encompass all migrants andtheir descendants wherever they may settle andwhatever legal citizenship they may have attained.

Bishop, the prime minister of Grenada duringthe early 1980s, reflecting the perspective of severalWest Indian political leaders, underscored the im-portance of the immigrants to Grenada's nationbuilding by referring to Brooklyn as "Grenada'slargest constituency." To assure that the immi-grants remain connected and committed to projectsat home both ideologically and financially, scores ofWest Indian political leaders visit their "constitu-encies" in the diaspora to describe their develop-ment initiatives. In so doing they enmesh the trans-migrants in the nation-state building processes ofWest Indian nation-states.

As early as 1973 Philippines PresidentMarcos, and subsequently his successors, developeda program for balikbayan ("homecomers") and be-gan to use the term to refer to Filipino citizens andnon-citizens residing overseas. They encouragedmigrants to visit home through visa and travel fa-cilitation and allowed for large shipments of per-sonal effects that ultimately fed transnational im-port-export businesses and they levied taxes onincomes earned abroad. Government officials calledupon Filipino transmigrants to fund developmentprojects in the Philippines and to lobby for in-creased U.S. aid. Filipino senators and congress-men came to the U.S. to campaign for elected of-fice in the Philippines.

This extension of the borders of the nation-state to include transmigrant populations long set-tled and often legally citizens of other countrieswas highlighted by the political discourse of Presi-dent Aristide of Haiti. In 1991 he designated theHaitian diaspora Dizyem-na, the Tenth Depart-ment of Haiti. Haiti has nine territorial divisionscalled departments. By including Haitians inwhatever country they have settled as part of theHaitian nation-state Aristide contributed to a newconstruction of the postcolonialnation-state. In thisconstruction of Haiti as a borderlessstate, Haitianterritory becomes a social space that may existwithin the legal boundariesof many nation-states.'8Haiti now exists wherever in the world Haitianshad settled. Speaking of the "bank of the dias-pora," he offered the model of Jewish Zionism asevidence of the productivity of this strategy inwhich, in the Haitian reading, the diaspora staysabroad but provides money and political assistanceto the "home" country (Richman 1992b).19Aristide's construction of the Tenth Depart-ment recognized, accepted, and made use of themultiple embeddedness of the Haitian trans-migrants and their participationin the political lifeof the U.S. Haitian transnationalism was morethan legitimized: it was nationalized. By nationaliz-ing transmigrants, Aristide made Haitian transna-tionalism a political force that must be figured intothe relationship between Haiti and the other na-tion-states in which Haitians have settled. By theo-rizing a deterritorialized nation, leaders such asAristide are defining voting, lobbying, running foroffice, demonstrating, building public opinion, send-ing remittances, and maintaining other transna-tional activities carried out in the U.S. as acts ofcitizenship and expressions of loyalty to anothercountry.U.S. hegemonic forces, on the other hand,have reacted to the growing commitment of trans-migrants to participate in the political processes ofboth the U.S. and the "home society" by renewedincorporative efforts. They have insisted that thebottom line loyalties of Caribbean immigrantsmust be to the U.S. Interviews conducted in 1986with representatives of fifty-one philanthropies,churches, and state agencies who workedwith Hai-tian immigrant organizations made this clear. Rep-resentatives of U.S. organizations were explicit intheir insistence that Haitian immigrants becomeU.S. citizens and give up their allegiance to Haiti.Both implicitly through the money, technical assis-

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tance, and political connections they providedto or-ganizations, and explicitly in the course of meet-ings and conversations with Haitian leaders, theserepresentative sent a consistent message. It wassummarized by a representativeof the CommunityService Society, a large philanthropicorganization:"I have problemswith dual citizenship; I believe inallegiance to one country."Implications of Transnationalism for the Debateon ImmigrationThe paradox of our times, and one that must becentral to our understanding of the identities anddilemmas of current day immigrants is that the"age of transnationalism" is a time of continuingand even heightening nation-state buildingprocesses. In the current heightening of nationalistsentiment in a globalized economy, transnationalmigration is playing a complex, significant, yet lit-tle noted role (Miles 1993). It lies as a silent sub-text that contributes to the actions, motivations,and sensibilities of key players within the politicalprocesses and debates of both states that have his-tories of population dispersal and states that haveprimarily been and continue to be recipients ofpopulation flows. In the U.S. the debates on bothimmigration and multiculturalism need to be ana-lyzed in relationship to the efforts by dominantforces to reconstruct national consensus and legiti-mate state structures at the same time that theyglobalize the national economy. The 1994 passageof the General Agreement on Trade and Tariffsand California's Proposition 187 that denies vitalservices to undocumented immigrants are amatched set of policy initiatives. As the nationaleconomy is restructured to facilitate higher levelsof profit for transnational capital, politicians andthe media have projected a bunker mentality, con-vincing the majority of the population, includingpeople who are themselves immigrants that the na-tional borders have to be defended against the un-documented. Undocumented workers are said to bethe cause of the deterioration of the infrastructureand the lack of public services.The strategy of U.S. hegemonic forces forminga national consensus by depicting immigrants as anenemies of the nation is not new. However, the par-

NOT'The Filipino immigrants also did not raise the issue oftransnationalism. Even while they continue to build their trans-national practices and networks, immigrants, very often influ-

ticular focus on the undocumented is worth exam-ining for several reasons. Certainly the continuingability of the nation-state to punish violations oflaw should not be dismissed in debates about thedemise of the nation-state. In the realm of thewithdrawal of rights to health, education, andpeace of mind, the U.S. nation-state is clearly ableto enforce a distinction between categories of be-longing. However, it should be noted that the polit-ical rhetoric and policies such as Proposition 187delineate legal residents and the undocumented,rather than native born and foreign or citizen andnon-citizen. Similarly, the special Federal Commis-sion on Immigration Reform chaired by formerU.S. RepresentativeBarbara Jordan does not advo-cate halting immigration but does propose restrict-ing undocumented immigration.

This particular emphasis on categories of le-gality has a dual thrust. The debate is as muchabout confining immigrant loyalties to the U.S. asit is about reducing the flow of immigration. Ofcourse, the current national public discussion aboutimmigration certainly contributes to a broaderanti-immigrant hysteria that has racist underpin-nings, with all immigrants of color finding theirpresence and activities under increased scrutiny.Concepts of "America, the white" are reinforced.Yet at the same time, documented immigrants arebeing drawn into the debate on the side of enforce-ment, validating their right to belong but differenti-ating themselves from other immigrants.There is adialectic between inclusion and exclusion that disci-plines transnationalmigrants by focusing public at-tention on the degree to which they belong in theU.S. The current debate on immigrants in U.S. willlead not to the effective policing of national bordersbut to the reinscriptionof boundaries. It serves tocounter transnational identities and loyalties andcreates a terrain in which immigrants are drawninto defending whatever they have achieved or ob-tained by defending it against the undocumented.They are therefore drawn into a discourse of iden-tity that links them to the U.S. nation state as abounded structure of laws and institutions as wellas a defended territory. Yet none of the nation-building processes encompasses fully the complex-ity and multiple identities which constitute the livesof transmigrants.

ESenced by the concept of "the immigrant" as uprooted, believethat they must make a choice between their new country andtheir homeland. Interactions such as these with the census or-

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60 ANTHROPOLOGICALUARTERLYganizersreinforce heirbeliefthat U.S. societywants themtobe loyal to only the U.S., so that they do not describeotheraspectsof theirexperiences.2"Transnational"ppears n the titles of books,disserta-tions,conferences, ndjournals AmericanAcademyof Politi-cal and Social Science 1986;Georges1990;Richman 1992a;Rouse1989;Wakeman1988).Diaspora s "ajournalof trans-nationalstudies,"Public Culture has as its subtitlethe "Soci-ety forTransnationaltudies,"andthe statementof purpose fIdentitiesspeaksof "transnationalmovements f population."In 1993 transnationalonnectionsbecamea theme of the an-nualmeetingsof the AmericanEthnological ociety,while theSocietyfor CulturalAnthropologyalled for workon "transna-tional culture."The 1994meetingsof the AmericanAnthropo-logical Society containedseven sessionsdevoted to transna-tional studies.

SSuttonand Mackiesky-Barrow1992[1975]: 114) wereamongthe first to speakof a "transnationalociocultural ndpoliticalsystem" n which"political ventsat home .. had animpacton the migrantcommunities broadwhile migrantex-perienceswere relayed n the oppositedirection."Researchersworkingwith immigrantswhose livesdefy, sometimeson dailyterms, the legal constraintsof the Mexicanand U.S. border,beganto talkof "transnationalircuits" Rouse1989, 1991)or"transnationalommunities"Kearney1992;Rousen.d.). Ap-padurai 1990, 1991)andGupta(1992), notingthe rapidflowof ideas and objectsas well as people,beganto reimagine heglobeas havingenteredan era of transnationalism, positionalso expressedby Rouseand Kearney.In 1989, respondingoour call to developa transnationalperspectiveon migration,sevenscholarsexamined he ramificationsf transnationalmi-grationto the U.S. from Asia, the Caribbean,Mexico,andPortugal,at a conferenceat the New YorkAcademyof Sci-ences (see Charles, Feldman-Bianco,Lessinger,Ong, Rouse,Richman,and Wiltshire n Glick Schilleret al. 1992b).4This tatement eflectsa tendency ound n manyscholarsinfluencedby postmodernismo imaginea past of unchangingand tightlybounded ultures.5Appadurai1993) has made a similarpointbut does notincludemilitaryand policefunctions.6Gilroy 1987) has examined he responseof blackimmi-grant youthin Britainfroma similarperspective.7See Chock (forthcoming) or a critiqueof the way inwhich texts such as the HarvardEncyclopediaof AmericanEthnic Groupsshapednarratives f immigrant ettlementandidentity.8The intensityof earlierdrivesto assimilateimmigrantsmayactuallyhave beena reaction o the fact that immigrantsof earliergenerations lso tendedto maintain heirhome ties.Certainlythere are glimpsesin the historicalrecordof largescale returnmigrationo Italy(PortesandRumbaut1990)andof political movements n Europe,includingmany nationalstruggles hat weretransnationaln theircompositionHighamand Brooks1978)."Bolsheviksncluding Trotsky wrote for the immigrantpress n New Yorkand then returnedo Russia n the courseofthe revolutiono buildnewspapersn the SovietUnion.I?They contributedto the reconceptualization f theGreek-speakingopulationrom a religiousmilletcomposed fco-religionistswithinthe OttomanEmpireto a nationwith asharednationalcultureand its own state."The term"WestIndies" s usedto describe hosecoun-

triesformed romthe Caribbean erritories nder he controlofthe Britishduringthe colonialperiod.The term"Caribbean"has a broader onnotation,eferringo all islandstateslyinginthe CaribbeanSea as well as statesalongthe northern im ofSouth America(See Basch 1987, 1992).12Further work on Garifuna networks hat interconnectpopulationsn multiplenationstates has been doneby Macklin(1992). Macklin dentifieda pattern n whichimmigrantnet-works panso manycountries hatmigrantsdevelopan identitywhich in someways is independent f any particularnationalterritoryor history.13See Pessar 1991 for an explication f this theme."Theseinterconnections,hichwereapparentn theearly1980s, led Baschto designa studyto explorethe extent andramificationsf these connections.This researchwas conductedunder he auspicesof the UnitedNations Institute orTrainingandResearchandwas fundedby the United NationsFundforPopulationActivitiesand the InternationalDevelopmentRe-search Centre (Ottawa, Canada).Rosina Wiltshire,WinstonWiltshire,and Joyce Toneywere researchcollaboratorswithBasch;their effortswere greatlyaided by the researchassis-tanceof ColinRobinson, sa Soto, and MargaretSouza."lThe mmigration egislationof 1965,and the social andeconomicrelationsbetweenthe United States and the Carib-beanthat framed ts enactment,greatly iberalized estrictionsof West Indian mmigration hat had been in forcesince the1920s.This historicmoment 1965 to 1970)was a watershednthe expansionof the West Indianpopulation, f West Indiansocial,political,and economicactivities,and of increasing s-sertionsof a publicWest Indian dentity n New York. Trans-nationalorganizationsplayed an importantrole in fosteringthese intertwining evelopments.16The survey,as well as a surveyof U.S. organizationsthat provided upport o Haitianethnicorganizingwas fundedby a grant from the National Institutefor Child Health andHuman Development #281-40-1145) to Josh DeWind andNina Glick Schiller.It was developedand administered y aresearchteam that included Marie Lucie Brutus, CarolleCharles,GeorgeFouron,and AntoineLuis Thomas.For a re-port on some of the findings, see Glick Schiller et al.1992[1987].17Inher researchwith Filipinoorganizationsn New YorkCitySzanton-Blancounda similarrangeof organizations ithtransnationalonnections.

a"GeorgeAnglade had previouslyused the term in hiswritingsbut Aristidepopularizedt. The conceptof the TenthDepartment trucka resonantnoteamonga number f middle-class Haitianimmigrants nd aspiringpolitical eaders n theU.S., andtheyproceededo holda seriesof meetings o organ-ize the manner n whichtheywouldassistHaiti andto chooseofficialrepresentativesf the TenthDepartment.'Aristide also waged a campaignto insure that whentransmigrantsamehome to visit andspendtheirmoney, heyfelt welcome.In the past persons n the diasporawere oftendevaluedas unauthenticopportunistswho had jumped ship."Diaspora"became a somewhatpejorativeerm. In contrast,Aristidecalledon the Haitianpopulationo welcome he trans-migrantswho shouldreturn o Haiti not to settlebut as "goodhomegrownKreyol ourists" bonjan pitit kay tourisKreyol)and to see themnot as a threatbut a sourceof assistance orthe strugglesof the Haitianpeople(Richman1992).

60 ANTHROPOLOGICAL QUARTERLY


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from immigrant to trans migrant theorizing transnational migration

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