transform newsletter 05_2012_i

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Since December 2009 the transform! europe newsletter has been published regularly once a month. It

contains information about the activities of our network, its members and observing members and about

important initiatives of social movements we are taking part in.

Contents

Articles and Reports

A Spectre is Haunting Europe .................................................................. 2

Greece: Climate of Extreme Political Polarization .................................... 2

Steps towards a Movement for a Social Europe ..................................... 3

The Prague Spring 2012 .......................................................................... 4

Labour Markets and Employment: Crisis in the European Union ............. 5

Occupy Patriarchy! Participate!”............................................................... 6

transform! europe AKADEMIA Network ................................................... 7

Left-wing Organizations of Russia call for Solidarity and Support ............ 8

Announcements

Seminar on EU and the Left in Times of Crisis, Greece .......................... 9

7th Summer University of the European Left and transform! europe, Greece................................................................................................... 10

New Release: Journal transform! Issue vol. 10 ...................................... 11

Book on the Debt Crisis ......................................................................... 12

www.transform-network.net

transform! newsletter 052012

A Spectre is Haunting Europe By Walter Baier and Elisabeth Gauthier, transform! europe

A spectre is haunting Europe. This

time it is the spectre of a political change

of the European Union, which was put

on the agenda by the election victory of

SYRIZA and the outcome of the French

presidential elections. And again, all the

powers of old Europe have joined forces

for a holy chivvy against this spectre:

EU-President Barroso, the International

Monetary Fund, the European Central

Bank, the German Minister of Finances,

and the conservative mainstream-media,

which are siding with the strong where

they have assumedly detected a weaker

one.

Yet, there is one result from this fact:

the claim that SYRIZA is putting for-

ward on behalf of the Greek people to

put an end to the barbaric policy of aus-

terity and to cancel the illegitimate part

of the Greek national debt is questioning

the European Union’s entire policy auf

austerity. What SYRIZA demands is not

Greece leaving the European Union, but

– and that is what the challenge consists

of – a change of the politics of the Euro-

pean institutions – not only vis-à-vis

Greece, but vis-à-vis all the populations

of Europe. What is it that the European

Commission, the European Central

Bank and the International Monetary

Fund can boast of that justifies a per-

petuation of the current policy? In spite

of the three “austerity packages” im-

posed by the “Troika” and all the dra-

matic social consequences, the public

indebtedness of the country has more

than doubled since 2010. To continue

that way means to deliberately bring

about the economic and social collapse

of Greece. This fatal logic was what the

election results of 6 May were directed

against which made SYRIZA the second

most powerful political force in the

country. This truth is what Merkel, Bar-

roso and Co refuse to believe.

The message they have for Greece and

the peoples of Europe is: Either you

accept the austerity programmes, the

reduction of your living standard, the

carving up of the labour and social laws,

the destruction of the public health and

education systems, that is, the further

deepening of social inequality or we will

exclude you from the international mar-

kets. Submission or expulsion. That is

what their democracy looks like.

Since 6 May, Europe has been stand-

ing on a crossroads. The elections indi-

cate a shift in the balance of power in

France, Greece and on the European

scale. Two roads, two logics. One of

them includes sacrificing entire national

economies and states on the altar of the

financial markets. It brings deprivation

and suffering for the populations, but no

way out of the crisis. On the contrary, it

threatens to devour European integration

and with it democracy. The other logic

requires a cancellation of the illegitimate

debts, the socialisation of the banking

and financial sector, the top-down redis-

tribution of incomes, the fight against

corruption and a reconstruction of Euro-

pean real economies according to eco-

logical standards. Europe has to choose

between austerity or growth and em-

ployment. It requires a breach with the

dictatorship of the financial markets and

the replacement of the current power

elites in the states and in the EU. Decid-

ing for that option is the sovereign right

of each people and of all the peoples of

Europe together.

Twenty mass and general strikes in all

parts of Europe, numerous mass demon-

strations, the occupation of big squares

in the capitals as well as Blockupy

Frankfurt show that millions of Europe-

ans want this change of the political

orientation.

This requires mobilisation in each

country as well as European solidarity.

Steps to bring together the social, trade

unionist and political forces on the

European level have been made in re-

cent months. In a public appeal re-

spected speakers of German trade un-

ions have together with well-known

intellectuals demanded a new policy. A

process towards a new summit for alter-

natives of European populations is to set

a highly visible signal for such a politi-

cal alternative. The Party of the Euro-

pean Left and the transform!-network

are part of this process of bringing peo-

ple together.

Today the Greek Left is standing on

the most highly exposed point of this

European struggle for a political alterna-

tive. SYRIZA’s concern is not only to

resist to but to change the rule of

Europe. Thwarting attempts by the

“powers of old Europe” to intimidate the

Greek population means to work for the

democratic and social renewal of

Europe.

Greek Elections

Climate of Extreme Political Polarization By Nassos Eliopoulos, Secretary of the Youth of Synaspismos



It is evident that we are finding our-

selves amidst a transitional period out of

which a new point of equilibrium is to

emerge following the intense political

and social conflicts.

What is at stake in the new elections is

the political regulation of the crisis. The

implementation, in other words, of the

very same austerity programme that has

been promoting, for over two years now,

internal devaluation both in Greece and

in Europe. The potential overthrow of

this programme in one single country

will bring about a new impetus for the

labour movement and the left political

organizations throughout Europe.

Such an overthrow could well give an

example of how a TINA political logic

endorsing that the exit of the crisis can

only take place at the expense of the

rights of working people can be beaten.

For two years now, the radical Left in

Greece has been supporting the convic-

tion that an alternative way exists. This

is a way that places priority to the needs

of society instead of the speculation of

capital and the concomitant privileges

that the latter is accustomed to. We can

no longer live in a country where an

employee with two children pays an

income tax of 37.8% while an S.A. en-

terprise pays a 20% tax, scheduled to be

further reduced to 15%.

One thing is for certain: The coming

elections will take place in a climate of

extreme social and political polarization.

The Coalition of the Radical Left has

been, and still is, the target of a fero-

cious assault launched by nearly all the

political forces as well as the media,

which are organically related with large

conglomerates involving mainly con-

struction and shipping capital. One of

the main goals of this assault was to rig

the electoral result. The majority of the

political forces attempted to implicate

the Coalition of the Radical Left in for-

mulating a coalition government with a

mandate to renegotiate certain aspects of

the Memorandum and the prospect to

disentangle from it in two years’ time.

However, this would clearly represent a

manipulation of the electoral result,

since the Coalition of the Radical Left

was elected on the premise of immedi-

ately cancelling the Memorandum and

its concomitant loan agreements as well

as the austerity measures accompanying

them and not on the premise of continu-

ing the same policies with minor

changes.

A token of how dedicated PASOK

and ND are to implementing the Memo-

randum’s austerity programme, is their

direct refusal to freeze the austerity

measures scheduled to be sanctioned in

mid-June. The latter include new spend-

ing cuts amounting to 11.5 billion Euros

coming from pensions, welfare benefits

and shutdowns of schools and hospitals.

To this we should add 15% cuts in

wages and increases in the prices of

electricity and public transportation. At

the same time the banking system is

reinforced with an additional 50 billion

Euros (so far the banking system has

received 150 billion Euros, while its

private equity value is estimated to be

about 4 billion), without any provision

for public control of the banks that

would provide the conditions for the

implementation of social policy. Last

but not least, there is an ongoing attack

on labour relations, through the abolition

of sectoral wage pacts. According to the

data provided by the research institute of

the Greek General Confederation of

Workers, until the end of this year eight

out of ten private employees will be

employed on private labour contracts

which will result in further decreases of

wages ranging from 20% to 48%.

The electoral battle ahead of us has a

historic significance not only for the

Greek Left, but for the working people

of Europe in their entirety. The Coali-

tion of the Radical Left holds firm its

ground in the battle against neoliberal

barbarism and continues to fight, despite

all difficulties, for a comprehensive and

united Left ready to take power and

bring to a halt the catastrophic course

taken in Greece and Europe.

After the “EU in Crisis” Conference in Brussels

Steps towards a Movement for a Social Europe

By Kenneth Haar, Corporate Europe Observatory

For several years now, the EU’s re-

sponse to the crisis has been austerity,

attacks on social rights, and a plethora of

new laws that empower unelected

Commission officials to influence eco-

nomic policies through technocratic and

deeply undemocratic procedures. It’s not

just the Greeks that are in trouble, it’s all

of us. There are faint small glimpses of

hope here and there, but there is a dire

need for a European movement to

emerge to challenge this and make alter-

natives a reality.

The urgent need to change direction

was expressed vocally at a packed con-

ference in Brussels, organised by Cor-

porate Europe Observatory (CEO) in

cooperation with Transnational Institute

(TNI) to discuss the “EU in Crisis:

Analysis, Resistance and Alternatives to

Corporate Europe”, see:

http://www.corporateeurope.org/eu-

crisis-analysis-resistance-and-

alternatives-corporate-europe

About 250 activists from across the

EU member states, including trade un-

ionists, environmentalists, economists

and angry citizens, condemned the Aus-

terity Treaty as an attack on social rights

http://www.corporateeurope.org/eu-crisis-analysis-resistance-and-alternatives-corporate-europe





and democracy, backing a statement

urging a radical change of course.

And to support the call, a new pan-

European network was formed to op-

pose the Treaty and to campaign against

other measures in the authoritarian neo-

liberal model being imposed from Brus-

sels at the moment.

The network is to do two things, basi-

cally.

First, it will continue and improve the

debate on strategy and alternatives, and

to share analysis. The conference re-

vealed that there is actually a solid basis

for common ground among social

movements at the moment. With a little

more work, if handled skilfully. The

need for a clearer political response to

counter the widespread myth that there

is no alternative, was voiced repeatedly

at the conference.

Secondly, it will be part of a wider ef-

fort to strengthen social movements’

pan-European resistance to the EU’s

emerging authoritarian neoliberal eco-

nomic governance regime that has been

under construction since the outbreak of

the Euro-crisis.

At the moment, EU decision makers

pay little attention to social movements.

However strong the opposition of social

movements might be at the national

level, their demands are easily ignored

in Brussels.

The CEO conference is but one en-

couraging sign of growing EU-wide

opposition against the EU’s response to

the economic crisis. The conference

showed that there are promising at-

tempts to build European convergence at

the moment – most (if not all) of which

are complementary. Not least the Alter-

summit organised by different actors

together with the Joint Social Confer-

ence, and the Florence + 10 event in

Italy.

Hopefully, by the end of this year, we

won’t just have thousands of initiatives,

hundreds of protests, dozens of coali-

tions, but even a genuine European

movement for a social Europe that can

make a difference in the years to come.

Mass Demonstrations and Spontaneous Civic Gatherings

The Prague Spring 2012

By Jiří Málek, SPED, Prague

Prague’s Wenceslas Square has been

the site of mass demonstrations and

spontaneous civic gatherings. It is also a

symbol of patriotic and national identity.

Consequently, any civic, political, or

cultural event that occurs at this place

has major implications.

At the end of April this year, more

than 100,000 people thronged the square

to take part in one of the biggest demon-

strations since 1989. One common idea

caused them to congregate for this gath-

ering: the Czech Republic should not

continue to be governed in the way it is

now. The demonstration was the culmi-

nation of the civilian population’s dis-

agreement with the direction society has

taken under the leadership of a right-

wing neoliberal coalition. The unifying

element comprised three demands: “in-

sidious and asocial reforms should be

stopped; the government should resign;

and early elections should be called.”

This civic manifestation was organised

by trade unions, civil initiatives, and

interest groups. The demonstration illus-

trated the actual power of individual

political players. Trade unionists had

good reason to be satisfied. They

showed that they are able to prepare a

large demonstration in terms of sub-

stance and publicity as well as in terms

of organisation and logistics. The role

played by civil initiatives was a lot

smaller albeit still significant. The oppo-

sition political parties (the social democ-

rats and the communists) deliberately

remained on the sidelines. At the same

time, they had also been forced there by

the “anti-party” attitude of a large por-

tion of the critical public. The course of

the demonstration and the way in which

it was covered in the media as well as

the way it was handled in technical and

organisational terms was undoubtedly a

major success for the organisers. It is

also evident, however, that it did not

result in any actual change or even the

fulfilment of at least some of the demon-

strators’ demands. And there is not even

the slightest indication that the govern-

ing elites are going to change their

minds any time soon. When the gov-

ernment talks about certain corrective

measures, this primarily involves a re-

sponse to partial changes to the concep-

tual ideas being pushed through by con-

temporary European leaders rather than

submitting to the demands of demon-

strators. After all, even rightwing

Czechs admit that cutting one’s way to

growth is the same as squaring the eco-

nomic circle.

The demonstration was an assembly

of those who are not satisfied. Socio-

logical surveys suggest that more than

three quarters of the population of the

Czech Republic are dissatisfied with the

government as well as with its “pro-

gramme of fiscal responsibility” and the

practical implementation of this pro-

gramme, in particular. This is what citi-

zens agree upon. Nonetheless, it is not at

all clear how they should proceed, be-

cause there is no realistic, generally

accepted concept for the development of

society that is palatable to the majority

of citizens. The opinion prevails among

citizens that this discontent is not a re-



jection of capitalism per se. The major-

ity want capitalism to be “rectified.”

Undoubtedly, what appeals to the

masses is the concept of the welfare

state, as it is remembered using the

somewhat idealised view of the West

that prevailed behind the Iron Curtain in

the final decades of the last century. The

concept of radical change, regardless of

whether it is based on the ideas of social

forums and critical civic initiatives or

radical, leftwing, communist endeavours

or other anti-capitalist projects, is ac-

cepted by around one sixth of the popu-

lation.

What is the European dimension of

our Czech circumstances? It is amazing

how there is so little acknowledgment in

this country of the European aspects of

the current social and political conflicts.

At the same time, even a cursory glance

at the economic and geopolitical con-

texts clearly shows that the Czech situa-

tion is fundamentally linked to the situa-

tion that prevails throughout the Central

European region with the obvious domi-

nance of Germany and some important

global players and the exponents of

groups representing powerful interna-

tional capital. Even during the prepara-

tion of anti-government speeches or in

discussions among civic initiatives and

trade unionists, there was no mention of

the fact that we are part of an all-

European social conflict. We frequently

see declarations of a so-called patriotic

attitude and calls to fight under a na-

tional banner. Of course, this does not

mean a surge in nationalism, but is an

expression of a narrow perspective on

“domestic” problems whilst overlooking

their European dimensions. It is as

though people thought – aided and abet-

ted by some of their political leaders –

that we live on an isolated island. On the

contrary, our goal should be to partici-

pate as actively as possible in the formu-

lation of a European leftwing strategy, to

putting up for discussion a Central

European perspective along with our

experience of the socialist era and our

specific experiences of the remorseless

destruction of the principles of the wel-

fare state. The internationalism of work-

ing people is not dead. On the contrary,

it is a prerequisite for the future.

We are in the middle of a conflict that

has an increasingly profound impact on

Czech society with rising tensions in

many directions. The lack of construc-

tive starting points and civic debate

could turn out to benefit some solutions

rather than others. Surveys of public

opinion show that the Left is gaining

strength, regardless of whether it con-

cerns social democrats or communists.

On the other hand, the neoliberal Right

is also mobilising and raising the spectre

of the communists making a comeback

and having at least a share in power. A

torrid autumn is ahead of us. Besides

regional elections, which will undoubt-

edly also offer a commentary on the

performance of the rightwing govern-

ment up to now, as well as elections for

one third of the senate, where there is a

realistic chance of the social democrats

increasing their majority, early parlia-

mentary elections could also be on the

schedule. The new coalition government

that has been cobbled together still has

to negotiate several political minefields,

which could bring it down. Egregious

church restitutions, the definitive ap-

proval of pension, health, and tax re-

form, and several corruption cases could

not only “shoot down” some politicians,

but also an entire governing party. But

that is another story.

In conclusion, it is possible to say that

the Czech spring brought the first visible

success, but so far this does not presage

the certainty of outright victory.

Report of a Seminar, organized by transform! Brussels Working Group

Labour Markets and Employment: Crisis in the European Union Brussels, 25 April 2012

By Francine Mestrum, Facilitator of the Seminar Global Social Justice and transform! Brussels

Today’s situation shows many para-

doxes. Whereas neoliberal “Washington

Consensus” policies which were im-

posed on indebted third world countries

thirty years ago have all failed, these

same policies are now introduced in

Western Europe. The “poverty reduction

policies” which have accompanied them

since the 1990s have equally failed and

inequalities have been growing every-

where. This explains why many UN

organizations are now promoting – once

again – universal social protection and

even transformative social protection.

The ILO will probably adopt in June

2012 a recommendation on a “social

protection floor” coupled to its cam-

paign for universal social security cov-

erage. Yet again, in the European Union,

welfare states are being dismantled, as if

there were nothing to learn from the

negative experiences in the third world.

These neoliberal policies, with their

privatizations, deregulations and the

destruction of labour law constantly

create poverty, whereas a serious fight

against poverty should start with a brake

on processes of impoverishment, par-

ticularly with the best possible preven-

tion against poverty which is social

protection.

Unemployment in the European Un-

ion today is over 10%, with peaks of



almost 25% in Spain, more than 20% in

Greece and 15% in Portugal. Youth

unemployment is 21% in the European

Union and rising, with peaks of almost

50% in Spain, 45% in Greece and 35%

in Portugal. Even in the wealthy city of

Brussels, it is around 45%.

Young people also suffer from low

wages and they make up a dispropor-

tionate number of the world’s working

poor. Everywhere, they are the last in

and the first out.

Nevertheless, as was pointed out by

Philippe Pochet (Director European

Trade Union Institute), social discourses

in the EU continue to focus on poverty

and child poverty and totally ignore

inequalities. Today, we have to look at

OECD studies to find more data on

inequalities. And the OECD even admits

it has been making some mistakes in the

past. The EU apparently does not hear

these messages.

ETUI just published a study on the

dismantlement of labour law in the

European Union. It reveals this has noth-

ing to do with debt problems. It is a

massive attack against collective rights

and the institutions which were able in

the past to promote more equality. Very

probably, this is due to the “window of

opportunity” governments are seeing

and the social devaluation they are prac-

ticing in the framework of the EMU.

Today, the political situation has be-

come much more difficult because of the

neoliberal Commission which can be

accused of a kind of “autism”. In the

past, large countries had two commis-

sioners of which one was a social-

democrat. This balance has gone and

since most governments are now right-

wing, the idea of European integration

itself is more and more threatened.

The European crisis has to be seen

against the background of changing

international relations and changing

capitalist modes of production and ac-

cumulation, stresses Walter Baier (co-

ordinator transform! europe). The pro-

ductivist model of civilization is also in

crisis. These are deep structural causes

which, if not settled soon, will have very

serious consequences in the near future.

What is at stake is the welfare state it-

self as well as European integration. The

social and economic changes neoliberals

want can never be implemented with

strong trade unions and with the existing

social model. It is a well-planned project

and is less irrational than it seems.

Against that logic, which also leads to

more nationalism, we have to put an-

other logic. We need a broad alliance of

leftwing forces, trade unions and social

movements, people from the cultural

sector, experts and political representa-

tives. We have to invent another narra-

tive, since we cannot go back to the past.

But our positions should be very clear.

Céline Moreau (Youth-FGTB) em-

phasises the specific problems of young

people. The big problem is not the

“skills mismatch” but the lack of a suf-

ficient number of good jobs. Moreover,

employers in Belgium do not respect

their obligation to organize trainings. It

is very paradoxical that on the one hand

old people are obliged to work longer,

whereas young people do not get access

to the labour market. Youth unemploy-

ment is a structural problem today;

young people should have better possi-

bilities than just apprenticeships; more

jobs should be created.

As for Greece, Panayota Maniou

(European Parliament) points out how

tragic the situation is. It is not a coinci-

dence, of course, that Southern countries

were attacked first, since their welfare

states are weakest. Minimum wages

have gone down by 22% and these for

young people by 32%. Many people are

now leaving the country which leads to

a serious brain drain. The most urgent

need is to make clear this requires a

collective fight, for education, for health

care, for jobs, for social rights.

In the discussion, one of the main

questions concerned the belief in possi-

ble alternatives and the question of

whether it is a conscious strategy which

is now being implemented. Many people

have indeed accepted the dominant dis-

course of having to reduce budget

spending in order to save the future of

the welfare states. In Germany, there is a

divergence of opinion amongst the elites

on whether or not to save the Euro and

European integration. But the point is

that the neoliberal focus of policies to-

day is not specific for the European

Union and its institutions, but is shared

by all governments. In other words, it is

not the shifting of scales which is re-

sponsible, but ideology itself.

Occupy Patriarchy! Participate! 2nd Big Mobilisation of Platform 20000 Women in Vienna

By Heidemarie Ambrosch, transform! europe

Under this motto and with more than

60 tents the Vienna Ring Boulevard was

on 12 May occupied by women for 10

hours. “With this action in public space

we refer to the social movements

worldwide which are fighting for a de-

mocratic and just world and are not

prepared to simply accept the conse-

quences of the current economic, finan-

cial and political crisis”, it said in the

call to the ‘tent-city’.

This was already the second big mobi-

lisation of the Platform 20000 Women /

Plattform 20000 Frauen which had two



years ago come together as a broad

movement of civil society and has

meanwhile established itself as a factor

of women’s politics, one not only mak-

ing visible in public space the deficien-

cies of women’s politics with small

interventions throughout the entire year

but also promoting substantial debates

by organising symposia in cooperation

with the Ministry of Women’s Affairs –

because recognizing common interests

must not cover up the differences also

existing.

As members of a rich industrialised

nation we are privileged and thus can in

our struggles for our share of the cake

not ignore that this cake is baked under

conditions of exploiting the resources of

other countries and their populations.

Our struggle for adequate employment

and salaries must keep in mind that this

is often achieved by shifting the burdens

of reproductive work to the shoulders of

migrant women. These facts are taken

into account in the visionary text of the

platform which can be understood as

expressing the interests of all women

involved. This text has been translated

into 7 languages and can be downloaded

from:

http://zwanzigtausendfrauen.at/2011/01/

english/

The differences among us can be iden-

tified where there are demands, strate-

gies for change or also the objective

possibilities to carry them into the public

or the respective institutions and to trig-

ger discussions and shifts in discourse.

Underlying all that, there is, of course,

the basic difference in the assessments

of the current political situation between

the poles of a critique immanent to the

system and one transgressing it.

Already the demonstration on 19

March 2011 had shown that this very

heterogeneous alliance had been able to

reach entirely new groups of women,

among them not a few who had for the

very first time in their lives taken to the

streets for their concerns and had been

able to experience that they were not

alone. Thus the platform is a space for

women and their debates to link up and

refer to each other.

Knowing that if there is no sufficient

pressure from the Left, the centre will

find itself caught in a maelstrom to the

right, I think that by the cooperation of

very heterogeneous groups Platform

20000 Women has succeeded in boost-

ing feminist and – thanks to the radical-

ism of feminist theory – also left issues.

The mixed-gender Left of the country

could well take that as an example and

learn from these current feminist prac-

tices.

transform! europe

AKADEMIA Network

Who are we?

transform! europe is a European net-

work for alternative thinking and politi-

cal dialogue formed by 23 organizations

from 17 countries, active in the field of

political education and critical scientific

analysis.

In the context of the dramatic crisis

there are new potentialities of coopera-

tion between left scholars and the Euro-

pean Left, as well as an urgency to build

political and intellectual dynamics in

favour of a breach with the neoliberal

logic. The struggle for a new cultural

hegemony becomes essential in the

intellectual and political field. trans-

form! wishes to mobilize its resources in

order to favour new and fruitful coop-

eration for that purpose.

What is our “AKADEMIA Net-

work”?

It is a project launched in March 2012

to create a comprehensive (geographi-

cally and thematically) European net-

work of left-wing academics in order to

contribute to counter hegemonic think-

ing against neo-liberalism.

For this purpose we are creating a vir-

tual platform (an intranet with limited

access) where the academics will be able

to interact, share information/ publica-

tions and develop common projects.

Likewise, in the mid-term we want to

make this rich database accessible to

social and political activists, politicians

of the European Left, GUE/NGL MEPs,

left parliamentarians and local council-

lors.

When?

We plan to have this virtual platform

fully operational by September 2012.

Contact for more information:

AKADEMIA Network Project

transform! europe

4 rue Rouppe, 1000 Brussels

+32 (0) 2.265.46.60

[email protected]

http://www.transform-network.net

http://zwanzigtausendfrauen.at/2011/01/english/

http://zwanzigtausendfrauen.at/2011/01/english/

mailto:[email protected]

http://www.transform-network.net/



Call for solidarity

Comrades! Today, we activists of left-wing organizations of Russia turn to you for solidarity and

support!

In Russia, an open strife between a

broad democratic movement and the

corrupted authoritarian oligarchical

regime is broken out. The authorities

rigged the results of parliament and

presidential elections in December 2011

and March 2012 correspondingly. And

overpressure during the electoral cam-

paign allowed only a few, loyal politi-

cians to take part in the election race.

Demonstrative abuse of civil liberties

and democratic rights resulted in mass

street protest which was energized by

both indignation from outrageous elec-

toral rigging and growing disaffection

with the neoliberal regime of Putin. The

protest boiled into a multi-thousand-

strong demonstration. Police and Special

Police Force broke up the demonstration

held in Moscow on the day before presi-

dential inauguration.

After breaking up the peaceful dem-

onstration the regime turned to the civil

movement leaders. Two of them – Ser-

gey Udaltsov and Alexey Navalny – are

at the most risk at the moment. Today,

they are administrative detainees ac-

cused of the fabricated case of “organiz-

ing mass riots”. And there is the real risk

of criminal cases being fabricated

against them with long-term prison sen-

tences to follow.

Repressions against Sergey Udaltsov

could have the most serious effect on the

left movement of Russia since Sergey is

one of the leaders of the Left Front

movement, probably one of the largeest

and most well-known socialist organiza-

tions of Russia today. Literally, Udalt-

sov became the central figure of the civil

protest, and his personal influence is

extremely high. For the authorities he

symbolizes the threat of mass and organ-

ized rebellion against the dictatorship of

big capital, and for many of us his name

is a symbol of struggle for the democ-

ratic and social future of Russia.

Sergey Udaltsov has been on dry hun-

ger strike for over a week. His health is

put at risk, and Russian Political Police

put pressure upon the doctors, forcing

them to deny him hospital care. In fact,

it is about to either dishearten or kill our

comrade. At the same time they plan to

falsely accuse him and initiate several

criminal cases against him.

Comrades! We need your solidarity

and support! We address left parties

and organizations, social and civil activ-

ists, and everybody concerned with the

struggle for social and civil rights in

Russia. Organize street actions in front

of Russian diplomatic missions in your

country demanding to stop the arbitrary

actions and repressions against Sergey

Udaltsov and other civil activists in our

country! We ask the deputies of the left

and democratic parties to make solemn

declarations in support of Sergey Udalt-

sov. We ask human rights organizations

to recognize him as a prisoner of con-

science.

Contact:

Carine Clément

[email protected]




Announcements

The EU and the Left in Times of Crisis

Left Strategy between the Symplegades of National and International Political Arenas Seminar in Portaria/Greece, 16-18 July

By Vagia Lysikatou, researcher, Nicos Poulantzas Institute

A three-day international seminar de-

signed by the NPI and organized by the

transform!europe network in collabora-

tion with the Rosa Luxemburg Founda-

tion will take place from 16-18 July

prior to the European Left Summer

University to be held in Portaria (Pilion),

Greece, this summer. The seminar is

organized in the context of the “Strate-

gic Perspectives of the Radical Left

Parties in Europe” programme activities.

The seminar’s goal, under the title

“EU and the Left in Times of Crisis:

Left Strategy between the Symplegades

of National and International Political

Arenas”, is to conclude the studies con-

ducted in the first phase of the research

project “Strategic Perspectives of the

Radical Left Parties in Europe”.

According to the seminar’s tentative

programme, the first day will tackle the

issues of: EU integration and the chal-

lenges that this process poses to the

strategies of the left parties in view of

the current crisis; the relation between

democracy and capitalism in light of the

new tasks faced by the Left in view of

the power concentration at the European

level which forms a novel post-

democratic environment. The second

day will include sessions dealing with:

the crisis of political representation

along with the crisis of party systems

and how this creates the potential for a

left transformation at the national and

European level. The seminar will be

concluded on the third day with a dis-

cussion on the perspectives of a com-

mon programme of the European radical

left forces.

Along with the central theoretical talks

given on each separate issue, all sessions

will include case studies based on a

common questionnaire.

Apart from members and researchers

of the transform! network, participants

of the seminar will include, academics

whose research interests fit in with its

problematique. Participants are to be

announced shortly along with the final

programme of the seminar.

The tentative programme runs as

follows:

Monday, 16 July

09.00-09.30 Opening

09.30-10.30 Session I

EU: Dissolution or Authoritarian Inte-gration? Old and New Strategies of the

European Left

10.30-11.30 Discussion

11.45-12.45 Country reports


15.30-16.30 Session II

Saving Democracy in Europe: Left Parties and Movements against Auster-

ity and Repression




Tuesday, 17 July

09.30-10.30: Session III

Classes and Class Struggle during the

Crisis: New Challenges for the Euro-pean Left




15.30-16.30 Session IV Searching for a Left Response to the

Crisis: the Dialectic Tension between

National and European Level 16-30-17.30 Discussion



Wednesday, 18 July

Round table: Left Strategy and the

Challenge of Anti-Systemic Politics:

Struggling for Hegemony in the Euro-

pean Political Scene



“Peoples of Europe, Unite!”

7th

Summer University of the European Left and transform! europe Portaria/Greece, 17-22 July 2012

This year’s Summer University of the

European Left Party and transform!

europe will take place in Portaria, near

the city of Volos, in the region of Thes-

saly in Greece, from 17 to 22 July. The

first day will be organized by the EL

Feminist Network (EL-FEM).

In the epicentre of the crisis, this

Summer University will have the crisis

as its transversal theme. The effects of

the austerity measures all over Europe,

the pauperisation of society, but also the

big popular resistance and important

mobilisations in several countries, out-

line what is in the page the European

people are turning at this new moment

in history.

In cooperation with the Greek EL

member parties of Synaspismos and

AKOA, the Summer University aims to

gather young activists and members of

parties and social movements from all

over Europe, for debates on current

political and social issues. During the

workshops and the plenaries, partici-

pants will share experiences and discuss

policies and initiatives for the construc-

tion of an alternative Europe.

The final programme including the

speakers will be published soon at:

www.european-left.org/ and


DRAFT PROGRAMME

Tuesday, 17 July

Feminist-Gender Day (Organized by

EL FEM)

Afternoon: Care-work and care-

economy as the heart of our struggles

for a human society

Wednesday, 18 July

10.00-13.00

Continuation of debate from Tuesday

17.00-18.00

Opening and Welcome messages

18.00-20.30

1st thematic axis: Building Solidarity

during the Crisis-Towards a New

Society

Plenary: 2 theoretical presentations by

key-note speakers, 6 presentations by

solidarity networks (testimonies, prac-

tices, alliances, achievements and

problems), discussion

20.30 Dinner

Thursday, 19 July

2nd

thematic axis: Against Authori-

tarian Capitalism. For a Democratic,

Social, Ecological and Feminist

Europe

09:00-11.00: LGBT + Seminar

11.00-14.00 Plenary: Crisis, Neoliberal

Domination and Post-Democracy; 5

presentations, discussion

14.00-15.45 Lunch

16.00-18.00 Seminars:

1. Is feminism out of fashion or do we

still need it?

2. Making Democracy Real

3. Ecology (“Overcoming Ecological

Crisis”: Radical Proposals for an

Alternative Development)

4. The ideological struggle about his-

tory. Opposing historical

revisionism.

18.00-18.30 Coffee Break

18.30-21.00 Seminars:

1. Young people during the crisis:

Precarity and collective action

2. Immigrants: Solidarity, Collective

Action and Common Class Struggle

3. Culture and crisis

4. The rise of the nationalist, authori-

tarian and racist Right in Europe.

Which Challenges for the Left?

21.00 Dinner

Friday, 20 July

3rd

thematic axis: The Future of

Europe - Europe and the World

10.30-13.30 Plenary: The Crisis in

Europe as a Part of the Global Crisis

4 presentations, Discussion

13.30-15.30 Lunch

16.00-18.00 Seminars:

1. North Vs South/ West Vs East:

Deconstructing stereotypes

2. European Crisis and Evolution of

the Political Landscape

3. Is the Euro-zone sustainable?

4. Beyond capitalism (I): Changing

our countries, Europe and the world

18.00-18.30 Coffee Break

18.30-21.00 Seminars:

1. The geopolitical effects of the crisis

2. Integration or disintegration?

3. Beyond capitalism (II): Changing

our countries, Europe and the world

21.00 Dinner

Saturday, 21 July

4th

thematic axis: “United We

Stand”: Cooperation Among Parties,

Trade Unions and Social Movements

on a National and European Level

10.30-13.30 Plenary: 8 presentations,

discussion

13.30-15.00 Lunch

15.30-18.30 Seminars:

1. Theoretical Seminar

2. European Trade-Unions: Are They

Up to the Challenge?

3. “We are 99%”: Emerging social

actors during the crisis

19.00-20.00 Closure of the EL SU 2012

20.30 Dinner and popular celebration

in the square of Portaria

Sunday, 22 July

Morning: Bus departures to Aghialos,

Athens and Thessaloniki International

Airports.

http://www.european-left.org/

http://www.transform-network.net/



SUMMER UNIVERSITY LOGISTICS

REGISTRATION

The participation fees (4 nights, 3 meals

per day included) are:

Cost per person in a single room:

250 Euro

Cost per person in a double room:

150 Euro

Cost per person in a triple room:

120 Euro

Additional nights:

For participants who might choose to

take part in the seminar organized by

the EL-FEM network for 17 July or

those who choose to arrive earlier or

depart later, each extra day of accom-

modation (including 3 meals per day)

costs:

Double and triple room 40 Euro

per person

Single room 65 Euro per person

For registration until latest 11 June 2012

refer to

http://www.european-left.org/

If you have any further questions,

please contact us under the following e-

mail address:

[email protected]

New Release

Journal transform! Issue vol. 10

The English edition of the transform!

magazine vol. 10 has been published

recently. Soon also a French, German

and Greek edition will be available. The

focus of the issue is on democracy.

Contents (English edition)

Lutz Holzinger: Editorial

About the Left

Bob Jessop: Left Strategy

Francisco Louçã: The Crisis of

Europe: Elements of a Political

Strategy

Dieter Klein: Thoughts on a Timely

Narrative for the Left

CMS Stockholm: The Impossibilities

of Reformism

Democracy at Stake

Hervé Kempf: From Oligarchy to the

New Challenge of Global Politics

Constantinos Tsoukalas: Democracy

in Crisis

Walter Baier: Peril from the Right

Franco Russo: The EU – The Flight

from Democracy

Joachim Bischoff / Richard Detje:

Economic Democracy – An Alterna-

tive for Europe?

Janine Guespin-Michel: What Science

for What Democracy?

Christian Pilichowski: Trade Unions:

International Solidarity in Action

Interview with Rena Dourou: The

Left, the Youth and the Political Pro-

ject

Europe: Crisis and Alternatives

Walter Baier / Elisabeth Gauthier:

Working Towards the Social and

Democratic Refoundation of Europe

Christiane Marty: Women Facing

Crisis and Austerity

Peter Fleissner: Growing Income

Inequality and Increasing Concentra-

tion of Property

Jacques Rigaudiat: Can We Design a

European New Deal for the 21st Cen-

tury?

Trevor Evans: A Progressive Euro-

pean Response to the Crisis in the

Euro Area

Stephen Bouquin: Plea for a Euro-

pean Minimum Wage

Steffen Lehndorff: The Triumph of

Failed Ideas

Resisting Financial Dictatorship –

Reclaiming Democracy and Social

Rights!

Political Declaration & Coordinated

Actions – JSC 2012

Migration

Manuela Kropp / Anna Striethorst:

The Migrations of Roma in the Euro-

pean Union – An Ethnic Minority as

the Sport of European Politics

Ulrike Kruh: Immigration Is Good,

Immigration Is Bad, Migration Is (a

Fact)

Cornelia Ernst / Lorenz Krämer:

European Migration Policy – Too

Much of the Same

Dario Stefano Dell’Aquila: Immigra-

tion Policies in Italy – Rights, Move-

ments and Imprisonment

Elections

Horst Kahrs: Pirates in Berlin – On

the Success of the Piratenpartei in

Berlin

Tiina Fahrni: Russia: Colored With-

out Revolution

Country Reports

Tamás Morva: Austerity Policy in

Hungary

Gabriele Habashi: What Democracy?

The New Egypt Gets Back Into the Rut

Dominique Bari: China: New Per-

spectives After the Great Strikes of

2010

Erhard Crome: The West’s War

against Libya and its Outcome




Ordering the journal

transform! european journal for alter-

native thinking and political dialogue is

published twice a year. A single issue

can be ordered at the price of EUR 8 or

a subscription at EUR 15 (incl. postage)

for two issues p.a.

c/o VSA-Verlag

St. Georgs Kirchhof 6

D-20099 Hamburg, Germany

e-mail: [email protected]

To be released soon

Book on the Debt Crisis

The publication is the result of an in-

ternational conference entitled “Public

Debt and Austerity Policies in Europe.

The Response of the European Left”.

The conference which took place in

Athens in March 2011 was a coopera-

tion of transform! europe, Nicos Pou-

lantzas Institute, European Left Party

and Synaspismos.

It was a really successful mega-event.

The opening event attracted around 800

people, while the closing event was a

full house, attended by more than 1,000

people. For two days and three evenings,

60 speakers from 12 EU-countries and

Ecuador examined various issues related

to the debt crisis: causes, EU and gov-

ernments’ policies, resistances and radi-

cal proposals for a European exit from

the crisis. Participants included academ-

ics, economists, sociologists, experts on

debt, trade-unionists, MPs, MEPs, lead-

ers and cadres of Radical Left, Commu-

nist, Left Socialist and Green political

parties.

Contents

Elena Papadopoulou, Gabriel Sakel-

laridis: Introduction

Section 1 – Understanding the Euro-

pean Debt Crisis in a Global Per-

spective

George Stathakis: The Global Public

Debt Crisis

Brigitte Unger: Causes of the Debt

Crisis – Greek Problem or Systemic

Problem?

Euclid Tsakalotos: Crisis, Inequality

and Capitalist Legitimacy

Dimitris Sotiropoulos: Thoughts on

the On-going European Debt Crisis:

A New Theoretical and Political Per-

spective

Section 2 – The Management of the

Debt Crisis by the EU and the

European Elites

Marica Frangakis: From Banking

Crisis to Austerity in the EU – The

Need for Solidarity

Jan Toporowski: Government Bonds

and European Debt Markets

Riccardo Bellofiore: The Postman

Always Rings Twice: The Euro Crisis

inside the Global Crisis

Section 3 – Facets of the Social and

Political Consequences of the Crisis

in Europe

Maria Karamessini: Global Economic

Crisis and the European Union – Im-

plications, Policies and Challenges

Giovanna Vertova: Women on the

Verge of a Nervous Breakdown: The

Gender Impact of the Crisis

Elisabeth Gauthier: The Rule of the

Markets: Democracy in Shambles

Section 4 – The PIGS as (Scape)Goats

Portugal – Marianna Mortagua

Ireland – Daniel Finn

Greece – Eric Toussaint

Spain – Javier Navascués

Hungary – Tamás Morva

Section 5 – Overcoming the Crisis:

The Imperative of Alternative Pro-

posals

Yiannis Dragasakis: A Radical Solu-

tion only through a Common Left

European Strategy

Kunibert Raffer: Insolvency Protec-

tion and Fairness for Greece: Imple-

menting the Raffer Proposal

Pedro Páez Pérez: A Latin-American

Perspective on Austerity Policies,

Debt and the New Financial Archi-

tecture

Nicos Chountis: The Debt Crisis and

the Alternative Strategies of the Left

Section 6 – The Crucial Role of the

European Left – Political Interven-

tions

Alexis Tsipras: A European Solution

for a European Problem: The Debt

Crisis as a Social Crisis

Pierre Laurent: People Should Not

Pay for the Crisis of Capitalism

The transform! newsletter is published monthly and is a free e-mail service of our network, delivered directly to your inbox.

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transform newsletter 05_2012_i

News & Politics