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nnd cultwe: Enrytirical tudiesof nutttLnlttfluence pp. 89-130). Washington, DC:Arnelican Psychological Association.

Markus, f{. R.,& Kitayama, S. (ln press).Models ofagency: Socioculturaldiversityin th e constructiorr faction.Nebrosknymtrtosiunrn ntotiuntiort.

Markus, H. R.;Mullally,P. R.;& Kitayama, S. 1997).Selfways:Diversitv in modes ofctritural participation.In U. Neisser and D. A.Jopling (Eds.),Theconceptual elf rtcontext:Ctrltwe, t'xpterience,elf-understandirg pp. 13-61).Cambridge: CambridgeUniversity Press.

Mesquita, B. (2001a).Culture and emotion. Diffc-rentapproaches o the question. InT. J. Mayne and C. A. Bonanno (Eds.),Entotiorrs. urrent ssues ntlfttturedirections(pp. 214-250).Nerv York: CuilfordPress.

Mesqtrita,B. (2001b).Emotions in collectivistand indiviclualistcontexts.lournnl ofPersLnrnlitytrttlSocinlPsrlcltologv, 0(1), 68-74.

Mesquita, B. (2002).Emotions trs dynamic cuitural phenomena. In I{. Davidson,H. Goldsmith, and K. R. Scherer (Eds.), Tlrc hnntlbookof tlrc affectiae scier:nes(pp. 871-890).Nerv \brk: Oxford UniversityPress.

Mesquita, B., &Ellsworth, P. C. (2001).The role of cultlrrein appraisal. In K. R.Scher-erarrcl A. Schorr (Eds.), Aptptraisal n'Ltcessest enntiott: Tlrcon1,nrcthoLls, e'senrclt pp.233-248). New York: Oxford University Press.

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Ivlesqtrita,. , & Ktrrasawa,M. (2002).Differentemotional ives.Cognrtiourr dErrto-t ior t ,16(1, I27-74f .

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Mescpita, B.; Karasawa, M.; Haire, A.;& Izumi, S.(In prepartrtion).The emotionprocBSS s a function of culturalmodels: A comparison between American,Mex-ican. and fapanese cultures.

Miller, J. G.; Fung, H.; & Mintz, J.0996). Self-constnrctionhrough narrativepractices: A Ch ineseand American com;rarison ofearly socialization.Etltos, 4,237-280.

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Shwetler, I{ .A. (1991).Tltitrkirtg ltouglr cultttres.Cambriclge, MA:Harvard Univer-sitv Press.

Stephenson, P. H. (1989).Going to McDonalds in Leiden: Reflectior-rsn the conceptof self and society n th e Netherlands.Efhos, 7,226-217.

Van Der Htrrst, H. (1996).Tlrc ou sky: Urnlerstnrr dinghe Dutclt. Den Haag, TheNetheriands: Scriptum Books.

Wierzbicka, A.(i994).Emotion, language,and cultural scripts. In S. KitayamaandH. R. Markus (Eds.), Erttotiort nd uLltwe: Ettpericalstudies of rnutunl irtfluence.Washington, DC: American Psychological Association.

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27

Emotion Norms, Emotion Work, and SocialOrder

P"ggyA. Thoits

ABSTRACT

The social origins and frrnctio.tsof emotion .orms are examinecl.Emotro. ,or'rsboth reflectand sustain the socialstrtictures n which they clevelof. rr-,Jiua.,ur, .,"-dergo en-rotionalsociarization ancr are subject to pressures to conform, especiailyaclults n service a'd professionar obs, r.vhactively manage ,"u.tio., ,hot uiuror"socialexpectations.Effortsat emotional conformity help to srrstain he socialorcle4,maintai. hierarchy, and b'ird soricrarity.Emotional dvia.ts are usually stigrna_tized and subjected to social contr'I, bJt under some cor-rditio'sthey carrbecomeagentsof socialcharrge.

An experiment by Dutton ancl Aron (1974) is oftel usecl in psychologytextbooks to illustrate tr-re ole of cognition in emotional expe'rience. Thestudy rvas nte.dec-r o demo.strate tliatphysiol.gical arousaica. be n-risat_tributedto the wro'g cause.Men who w." upp.ou.*reclby an attractiveex-perimenteraftercrossinga suspension bri.ige rr",o .teep gorge were morelikely to indicate romantic or sexual ir-rtere-stn the expemnter, in co'-trast to men who had crosseda low wooden bricrgeor, u ,t."urr,. Dutto.rand Aro^ concluded, consistentwith schachter's tivo-factortheory ofemo-tion (Sclraclrter& Singer, 1962), ltat emotions are in part deterineclbyavailable cognitivecues,not by physiologicalreactionsalone.

The idea t^at our perceptiorisifrect ur experiences has a lo.g a.crhonorable traditio. i. socilogy, too. But the results of the Dutton andAron stuciyare sociologicallyinieresting for other reasons. f one c..cluctsa quick thought experiment, substitutiig an attractive rrnleexperimenterapproaching zLjL)ntetlvho rrave ust traveised a swayirrg o, o *Jui* bricrge,one arrives at a different set of probable results: women woulcr be lesslikelyto misattributetheir state of arousal to romantic or sexuar .ter-est n the male experimenter.It is more socially acceptable or wornen toadmit fear tha' for men; it is more socialry acceptable for me' to shor.r,open interest in the opposite sex tharn or-women.

I. sr-rort,he origi.al


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universals. Despite such debates, a majority of sociologists haveadopteda middle-of-the-roacl approach to the issueof emotiorralhard-wiring (e.9.,Kemper, 1987;Thoits, 1985).Drawing from evolutionary psychologists,they acknowledge theinnate, biological ba sis of the primaryor basic erno-tions (e.9., ear, anger, sadness, happiness, disgust) and tl-re daptive func-tions of these emotions for thesurvival of the speciesEkman et al., 1982).Drawing fron'ranthropology and social history, sociologists recognizetl'ratthe meanings of emotions, even basic ones such as anp;er and sadness,have varied acrossplaces, peoples, and time (e.9.,Levy,1984;Kleinman &Kleinman, 1985;Shweder, 7994; Stearns & Stearns, 1986). For example,Levy (1984)and Kleinman and Kleinman(1985)observed that bereavedTahitians and Chineseadults who wereuprooted during tire Cuitural Rev-olution, respectively,"hyper-cogrized" (overemphasized) the somaticas-pects of grief and depressionand "hypo-cognized"(igr-rored)he affectivecornponents of these states, complaining that they were sick, overcornewith fatigue,drainecl of energy, ancl soforth, rather thansad. Steams andStearns's 1986)historical research howecl hat,as the Industrial Revolu-tior-r ransformed thenature of work (creatingmore service, managerial,and professional jobs) and altered the meaning of family life (from the lo-cus of farm livelihood toan emotional haven from an impersonal, highlycompetitiveworld), n'riddle-classAmericans came to vierv arrgry feelingsas disruptive and insisted on anger control atwork and at home.Researchshowing differences n subjectiveexperienceacross cultures and time con-vir-rced ociologiststhat not only emotion norrls but the rneaningof emo-tional experiences hemselves were cultural constructs, at leastn part (fervwoulcl ciaim tiratemotions are sttlelysocial constructions).

Focusing on tl-reocioculturallymalleable aspectsof emotion, tl-ren,oci-ologistshave contributed to this interdisciplinary bodyof researchby moreclosely examining both thecontent of "emotion culture" (Gordon, 1989)and its structural origins.Emotion culture consists of beliefs about the na-ture, causes,distributions, value, and dynarnics of ernotionsin general aswell as of specificfeelings, such as love, anger, ar-rdealousy. In Western

emotionculture, for example,emotionsare h ought to be bodily r eactionsoextemal stimuli,wonen are viewecl as moreen'rotionalhan men, negativeemotiorrsare re5;ardedas undesirable, intense affectivestates are thoughtto dissipate with time,and some feelings(infatuations,lust) and emotioualdisplays (tar-rtrums)are believed to be characteristic of the young but notthe very old. These enets arrd many others, ncluding norms regarding sit-uationally appropriatefeelingsan d emotionaldisplays,constitute a largebody of folkknowledge, passeddown from on e generation o the next.

Sociologistshave traced changes n emotion culture, includingchangesin emotion norms, to changes n social structure. Structure can be broadlydescribed as the ways in which human relationshipsare organized. It isa truism to observe that culture reflects social structure, but structural

EnntiotrNornrs,Enr n Work, nd SocialOrder . JbJ

patterns are also products of culture.It is almostimpossible to disentanglecultural and structural influences at a single point in time. However, lon-gitudinal studiesallow an examination of the interplay between the twoforces.Typically,structural arrangements alter more quickly than culturalideologies ornorms, so that beliefs aboutwhat "ought" to be thought, felt,or done by societal members lag behind what they actually think, feel, ordo . Thesedifferential ratesof change n patterrredbehaviorsand in beliefsheln

tounravel the reciprocal relationsbetween structure and culture.

A, un"*u*ple,

Lofland(1985) as argued hat he ntensityand cluratior-rof griefexperiences have increased over the twentieth century in Westerncountriesas social arrangetnent s have changecl.Specifically,as nfant mor-tality has plunged and life expectancy has lengthened, bereavement lrasbecome less frequent in people's lives, so each death carries greater emo-tional impact.Family sizehas shrunk and nuclear fan-riliesncreasinp;lylive separatelyfrom kin, makingemotional attacl-rmentsmong coresidentfamily n'rembersmore intense,again augmenting the mpact ofloss. Leisuretime has increased and bigger homes allow greater privacy, giving indi-viduals more opportunitiesto withdraw and brood upon loss, engtheningthe duration of grief.In short, demographic shifts and alterations in thestructure of family lifehave intensified and prolonged tl-rebereavementexperience.

Note that Loflanddescribes changes n 5u[rjectiveexperiences ver time,rather than changes n emotion normsor emotion culture perse. However,recurrent individual experiences tend to become emotional conventions,or norms. Peopledevelopexpectations bout the ntensityanclduration ofgrief basedon their owu andthe often observedexperieuces of others, andthese expectations (norms)are passed on to others.The demographic trndstructural trends described by Lofland sl-rouldnot only be associatedwithself-reportedgrief experiencesbut with changes n norms regarding howmuch griefis "normal" and hon' long it shouldpersist,stated n self-helpbooks and texts for bereavement counselors,for example.

Changes in romantic love norms have also been analyzed structurally.

Cancian (1987)has shown that l-ristoricalchanges in American women'sroles have "feminized" the meaning and manifestations oflove and havegeneratedcompetingculturalmodels of comn'ritmentto loverelationships.Briefly,in shifting the location of work from farm to factory,the Inclus-trial Revolution polarizedgender roles. Men became the primary bread-winners, while women became the socioemotionalspecialists, esponsiblefor the hon're and farnilv members' emotional well-being. Love and lov-ing thus became ctrlturallylinkeC with femalesand femininity.Ho'r'r'ever,structural trends over the last fifty years have increaseclwomen's eco-nomic and political independence, sl-riftinghe balance of power in rela-tionships and forcingrnen to take more responsibilityfor maintaininglovean d affection.This more equalizedsharing of th e "work" of maintaining


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relationships has esulted n more androgynous culturalmodels of commit-ted love. In the "independence model," individuals make long-term com-mitments only afterdeveloping strong,independent selves "I have to fir-rdmyself first").In tl-reinterdependence model," individuals achieve self-development through the process of sustaining a commitment.Evider-rcesupports the existence of these two ideological models incontemporaryArnericanemotion culture (Cancian, 1987;Cancian & Gordon,1989).

Tl'rese and other studies (e.g., Stearns & Stearr-rs,986) suggest thatstructural changes indeed alter cultural ideologies about emotion. Al-though emotion culture typically reflects andreinforcessocial structures,cultural contentmay also be deliberately shaped by "culture-producinginstitutions" (Denzin, 1990),especially the mass media. Illouz (1997)hasdernonstrated thatWestern mages of romantic love(associatedwith youth,beauty, freedom, pleasure, and intimacy) and romantic practices(candle-light dining,going dancing, traveling to isolated,exotic settings)are prod-ucts of advanced capitalism. In ads,films, TVsltows,and novels, tl-re itualcorrsurnption of luxuries and sexualintimacy in isolated settings arere-peatedly associated with romance.So deeply ingrained in theAmericanpsycl-reare these images that couples automatically use themto charac-terize their most intimate and authentic romantic experiences. AlthoughIllouz's interviewees areclearly aware that tireir concepts area product ofconsuner culture, tl-reystill internalize and actualize these culturalfabri-cations in their subjective experiences of andnormative expectationsforromantic love.

Hochschild (1983)has offered perl-rapshe most influential observationsof tl-re ffectsof capitalist structure on emotion cultureand affective experi-ence n her pioneering study ofDelta flightattendants. Hochschild arguedthat the postindustrial sl-rift n Westernnations toward serviceecouomies(i.e.,based rnore on the provision of servicesand less on the productionof food and goods) has generated demands for workers skilled in self-presentation and emotional control. In servicework, profit generallyde-pends on pleasing the customer or client, so employers exert economiccon-

trol over employees' emotional self-presentationswith warnings, firings,promotions,and pay raises. n Hochschild's terrns,such obs nvolve "emo-tional labor." For "servicewith a smile" to be profitable,however, smilesmust be genuine - one must smile and "reallymean it." Thus, notonlyworkers' expressivedisplays but their private feelings becorne commodi-ties to be exchanged for a salary or wage. To meet companies' demar-rdsfor "genuine" feelings, employees routinely engage in "emotion work"or "emotion management" to produce tl'rose eelings, risking, Hochschildsuggests, everrtual self-alienationor a persistent sense of inauthenticity.

In sum, emotional ideologies andnorms not only spring from existingsocial arrangen-rents l'rat repeatedly evoke particular emotional experi-ences n societal members, but thesemay be deliberately created tojustify

EmotiortNorms,Enrc, IWork,and SocinlOrder 36 5

and/or serve the goals of small groups, specific companies, wholeindus-tries,or entire socialsystems. t i s important to note that because ndustrialand postindustrial societiesare highly complex, emotion cultures are alsolikely tobe complex. Any one society may contain multiple, overlappirrg,and potentially conflictir-rgemotional ideolo gies, and, within them, a greatdiversityof emotionnorms that individuals can use to interpret, evaluate,and justifytheir own and otl-rers' eelings and expressions.

EMOTIONAL SOCIALIZATION

Emotion cultureis transmuted into bel-ravior,and l'rence nto social struc-ture, through the process of socialization.Emotional socializationis theacquisition of the emotionalknowledge, values,and skills that are appro-priate to a person's age, gender, race/ethnicity, social class, and so on. Incontrast to psychologists,who largely have focusedonhoru childrer-rearnthe meaning of feelings and expressivedisplays (e.9.,operant condition-ing, modeling), orwhen n the deveiopmental process various aspects ofthis knowledge are acquired, sociologistshave focused on wlmt childrenand adults learn in theprocessof emotional socialization.Tl-re ransmissionof normative content is important becauseemotion norms not only definesituationally appropriatefeelings and displays but are intended to irnpelexperienceancl action("you slrculdee l this," "you nnLst ofshow that").Understanding normativecontent,then, should better predict individuals'affects and behaviors.

Only a few studies have examined tl-reemotion norms that are taughtto children or adolescents(Leavitt & Power, 1989; Pollak & Thoits, 1989;Simon, Eder, & Evans, 1992).Most sociological research on emotional so-cializationhas focused nstead on adults who are entering new s ocial roles(spouse,parent, employee) andacquiring the values, skills, and knowledgeneeded to perform thern.An avalanche of tl-resetudiesanalyzed emotionalsocialization onthe ob, following in Hochschild's (1983)ground-breakingfootsteps.

Studies of supermarket clerks(Tolich,1993), ast food and saleswork-ers (Leidner. 1993), and tl're ike confirmed and elaborated Hochschild'sobservations that sales and service employees are explicitly admonisl-redto smile and are trained in techniques of suppressing ancl transformingunacceptable emotions. However, many other occupations, particularlyprofessional ones (e.g.,psychiatrists, physicians,mortuary directors, par-alegals, attorneys,wedding consultants), alsorequire their practitionerstoadhere to specific emotion norms, and tl-rey ransrnit techniques for han-dling improper feelings(although en'rotionalsocializationis often informaland implicit). Forexample, medical students learn tl'rat t is importar-rt omaintain a stance of affective neutrality towardpatients through watch-ing and imitatingth e comportmentand practicesof their instructors and

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advanced peers (Hafferty,1988;Smith & Kleinman,1989).Even skilled la-borers,such as high-steel ronworkers, receive nformal socializationin thedominant ernotionnorms of their occupation (never show fear,never loseemotional control) and implicit training in emotion management (Haas,1977\.Inshort, a mrrltitudeof studies show emotionalsocializationo bean important aspect of occupationaltraining for workers in a wide varietyof jobs, r-rotust sales and service.

Taken together,studies of adult emotional socializationon the job raisea set of more general issues.First,virtually all studiesshowed that despiteextensive training in the emtltiollllorms oftheir occupatior"rs,orkers of -te n ha d difficultiesn expericncingor expressing he emotionalstates ha twere expected of them.. Why do well-socialized individuals sometimesfeel or display what they sllould not, or not feel or display what theyshould? Second, studies showed tliat people employed a broad array ofstrategies o bring tl'reir actualfeelings back in linewith normative exPec-tationi. Do emotionmanagement strategies elate systematicallyo indi-viduals' stmctural circumstances?Third, some investigations suggestedthat frequent or prolonged enrotion management effortscould darnage n-dividuais' psycliologicalwell-being.Are attempts at ernotionalconformity

trulydamaging? Researchon "emotion work" has suggested answers to

these questions.+

EMOTIONWORK:CAUSES,ATTERNS/ND CONSEQUENCES

Causes of Discrepant Emotions

Hochschild(1983) rrrplied astructuralanswer to the questionof the ori-gins of rron-normativefeelings, observingthat tl-re rganizationof air travelihange.l dramatically over the decades,creatinga "speedup" and intensi-ficatinof job clemarrds or flight attendants. Cabins are crowded, flightsare delayed, passengers must receive meals in shorter amounts of time,antl attendants take the brunt of passer-rgers'empers, sexism,and occa-sior-rallrunken unrttliness.Thesehighly stressfulconditions of work differconsiclerablyfrom the relaxed conditions in which tl-re ompany emotionnorms for flight attendants rvereoriginally developed.

3 Several nvestigators point out that problematic relationshipsrvithsupervisors and cowork-ers are also key sorrrces f inappropriate'emotions and emotion ln.rnagement efforts on thejob (Lively,2000; Morris & Feldrnan,1996;Pugliesi,1999).so clientsor customers are notthe only causesof emotional norm violationsin the occupational realm.

a The teim "emotion work" or "emotion managernent" is more inclusivethan "emotional

labor." Emotion rvork occurs not only on the job but also n other domair'rsof life, aspeopletry to align their feelinp;swith normative expectations attachecl o a particular situation'"Emotiolal labor" refers to emotion work perfornred on the job in order to nleet comPanyst.rndar(ls.

EnntionNorms,Entc,. n Work, nndSocialOrder 367

A moregeneral principleis suggested here. when structural conditionsare complex,multifaceted,and/or highly demanding, but the norms thatapply to thosesituationsare simple and clear, ndividuals are more likelytoexperience nappropriate emotions (Thoits,1985).people reactemotionallyto cues n an immediate situation, but these reactionsconflictwitl-rnormsthat applv to the modal or idealized situation. Although such structuralstrains are commonly found in occupational settings, they have been well

documented in otheradult role domains, particularly parenting (e.g.,Frucle& Goss.1981).other structural causescan be cited.people who perform n-rultiple oles

ma y experiencenappropriatefeelingsdu e to conflictingemotionalexpec-tations attached to tl-roseoles (Thoits,798s). working parents with a -sickchild at home are an example: Anxietyor upset about the child is perfectlya-cceptable, ven required, for parents, but these eelings are mproper ancldistracting at work. similar conflictsmay be experienced by individualswho were raised n two cultural traditions with competingemotionnorms.Periods of structural change can also make non-normative feelings nrorecomrnon.when social arrangements are varied or in flux, individualsex-perience new, unexpected, or unusual life transitions(e.g.,acquiring orbecoming a stepparent, "coming out of the closet").Because hese transi-tions are not ritualized (unlike graduations, weddings, and retirements),they lack well-definednorns for behavior or emotion. Lacking star.rclardsagainst which toevaluate theiremotional reactions,people worry that tl-reirfeelings are somehow wrong (Thoits, 1985).Alternatively,emotional reac-tions that were appropriate in one time period may become unacceptablein another - for example, possessive ealousy became a forbidden emotior-ramong hippies during the sixties'counterculturairevolution.

Finally, regardless of structural causes,people's innate or spontaneousemotional reactions to environmental stimuli can conflict with existingemotion norms. Individualsma y react to certain foods with disgust, toheights with paralyzing fear,or to the sigl-rt f an amputee with horror,butbe expected not to l'ravehese reactionsat all or to mask them. such erno-tionalconflictsare especially common in occupationsthat require workersto perform acts that most people have been taught to regard as forbid-den or taboo:killing,butchering,handling dead or naked bodies, touchinggenitals, cleaning up blood and feces, and so forth. In these jobs, innatattdwell-socialized reactions to forbidden and/or disgusting tasks mustbe suppressed or transformed through emotion work.

Strategiesof EmotionManagement

studies clearlyshow that inappropriate ernotions are distressing to thosewho experience hem. Interestingly,researchalong this line has fcused al-mostexclusivelyon parents Graham,1981;Power & Krause-Eheart,995;


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Taylor,2000). For exarnple,mothers excoriatethemselveswhen they losetheir ternpersat their babies and conclude,sometimesfrom a single episodeof anger, hat tl-reyare bad parents (Graham, 1981).That one must love andnever be angry at one's child are strongly helcl parentalnorms.

Such norm violations motivatewell-socialized actors toatten-rpt o altertheir feelings or displays, not just to hide theil. Studies ofernotion rnan-agement have focused on parents' emotion-managetnet-rtstrategies (e.g.,Frude &

Goss,1981;Grahan,198i) or , followingHochschild's ea d again,

on strategies used by workers in a dizzying array of occupations, frombeauty salon operators (Gimlin, 7996) ar-rdsheltered workshop supervi-sors (Copp, 1998) o trial attorrreys Pierce,1995),among many others.Severalpatterns are evident in this literature.

In occupations that require emotional detachment (e.9.,physician, fu-neral director, police officer), individuals engage in "cognitive work"(Hochschild,7979) reframinga situationso that it elicits he proper emo-tional state.For example, medical anci mortuary personnel distance them-selvesby reconceptualizingpatients' bodies as objects, iewing patients'problems as scientific or mechanical problems to be solved, discussingtheir work in neutraltechnical language, and joking about harrowing ordisgusting situations(Cahill, 1999 Hafferty,7988;Pogrebin & Poole,1995;Snritlr& Kleinman,1989).

In occupationsrequiring tl-re eelingand display ofpositiveor pleasanternotions e.g.,mothers, able servers), ndividuais oftenresort o "bodilywork"(Hochschild, 7979)- altering tl-reirpl-rysiological stateswith deepbreathing, alcohol or drugs, exercise,and tl're ike. Mothers and waiterstemporarily leave the situation, r'ent their true feelingsin private to otherpersonnel, and manipulate their physiologicalreactions to change theirstates e.8., rude&Goss 7981;Lively,2000).orvever, lightattendantsar ean exception; tl-reyely more on cognitivestrategiesand expressiou man-agernent, perhaps because airplanes have no "backstage" areas to whichattendants can retreat and vent (Lively,2000).

Finally, in occupationsin which workers must show ancl/or inspire

negative emotions in other people (e.g., bill collectors,trial attorneys),"expressionwork" predotninates- persistentlyperforming a desired statein order to generate and feel it (Sutton,1991;Pierce,1995; Hochschild,1983).For example,bill collectorsbehave as hough they were irritated orangry, the processof playacting p;euerates rousal, and they becomemoreconvirrcinglyntimidating inthe process se eThoits,1996).

fobs involving emotionallabor require workers not only to regulatetlreir own feelings (self-marragetnent)but also to influeuce the emotior-rsof their clients or custonters (interpersonalemotion management).Re -searchershave dwelt on self-mauagementProcesses ecause hey are waysof indirectly evokingclesired states rr others.Attention l'rasonly recentlyturned to clirectorms of interpersonalemotion management - techniques

EntotiottNorms,Emc t Work, ond SocialOrder

that actively manipulateother people's emotions(Cahill& Eggleston7994;Francis,Monahan, & Berger,1999;Leidner,7993; Lively,2000;Thoits 1996).

Perhaps not surprisingly, actors often apply to others strategies thatwork for themselves (Thoits, 1986). For example, Lively (2000)studiedthe process of "reciprocalemotion management" among paralegals. Fora distressed coworker, paralegals cognitively reframedthe stressful situ-ation, encouraged her to vent, took herout for a drink or a walk, and soon. Francis (1997)showed that support groups for the clivorced and thebereaved manipulated members' cognitions about themselves ancl theircircumstances n order to change their feelings. Francisalso investigatedthe use of humor asan interpersonalemotion management tool in medicalsettings (Francis et aI., 1999), inding thatjokes usually reduced tensionin audiences when offered by status equals, but often failed or offendedwhen exchanged between patients and physicians. Goading and inducingpl-rysicalexertion were other ways to elicit emotions in otherpeople de-liberately (Tl'roits,1996),while clemands or expressioncontroldampenedintense emotions inothers (Whalen & Zimmerman, 1998).

Although studies of interpersonal emotion management strategiesarestill few in number, futureresearch will likelyshow that the strategiesthat emotion "managers"most frequently employ varysystematically witl-rstructural circumstances and intended emotional states, ust as they ciofor techniques that individuals use on themselves. Understanding howother people's emotionscan be directlymanipulated should help toexplainhow sucl'rcrucial group phenomena ascohesion, cooperation, and loyaltyhappen, as well as causes of conflict, discrimination, injustice,and cruelty.

Th e Consequencesof EmotionalLabor

A number of authors have warned tl-ratworkers who engage n frequentself- or other-focused emotion managementefforts may suffer from self-alienation, a sense of inauthenticity, or emotional "burnout" (Maslach,1982).The evidence at present is mixed. Emotional laborl'rasbeen linked

to several negative outcomes, including sexual problems, emotional andphysical exhaustion, lowered self-esteem, nsensitivity to the distress ofothers, self-alienation,ob dissatisfaction, and increased psycl-rological is-tress Hochschiid,1983;MacRae,1998;Pierce,1995;Pogrebin & Poole, 1995;Power & Krause-Eheart,1995; Pugliesi, 1999;Wharton,1996).On the otl-rerhand, Tolich (7993)observed that checkout clerksexperienced their emo-tional performances asboth self-alienating(due to a loss of autonomy) anriliberating (as an assertion of competence). Lively(2001) ound that parale-gals took great pride in their ability to maintain self-control in the faceofstressfuldemands. Workers who frequently manage others'emotions re-port a senseof empowerment or self-enhancement(Leidner,1993;Stenross& Kleinman,7989).

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Firm conclusions cannot be drawn from studies that differso greatly inresearchmethods,outcome indicators,and types of emotional labor exam-ined, but it isclear that emotion workon the job does not inevitablydam-age workers' sense of authenticity orwell-being. A keycondition may bethe degree to which employees view theirself-focused and other-focusedemotion management effortsas effective.Emotion-management failureispainful and undermines individuals' identitiesand self-esteem Graham,1981; MacRae, 7998;Power & Krause-Eheart,1995;Taylor, 2000).Successlikely haspositive effects.

Virtually all of the research on emotion work reviewed here suggeststhat most people are strongly motivated toconform to the emotion rulesof their industry or culture - they put real effort into transforming theiractual feelings or expressions nto those that are expected. People conformbecause they are socialized to seek social approval and other rewards,and,/or they do so because hey want to avoid sanctions that are attachedto persistent or egregious rule violations(gossip, reprimands, firing, etc.).Regardless of people's motivations, emotional conformityhas importantsocial consequences, eyond those for individuals themselves.Three broadclassesof outcomes have been discussed: he maintenance of the socialorder, the reproduction of social inequality, andthe generation of social

solidarity.

SOCIAL FUNCTIONSOF EMOTIONALCONFORMITYAN DTHE,,ROLE-TAKING EMOTIONS,,

Obviously, when people alter their spontaneous feelingsor expressions omeet normative requirements, they are sustaining, rather than challengingor cl'ranging,he existing s ocial order. Lessobvious, however, is the fact thatwlren peopleconformto emotional expectations,hey are also reproducingstatus inequalities that are embedded in that social order. This is becauseemotional expectations and the emotional skillsnecessary to meet thoseexpectations are distributed differentially bysocial status.

Cahill(7999)

ntroduced the concept of "emotional capital" torefer tothe sum total of an individual's emotior-talknowledge and skills.(Emo-tional capital thus includesthe acquisition ofemotion culture aswell asabilities to understand, display, regulate,and transform one's own andothers' emotions. Thus, it is highly similar towhat psychologistshavetermed "emotional intelligence" [Salovey & Mayer,1989].) People accu-mulate different amounts and kincls ofemotional capital, depending ontheir status characteristics, such asage, gender, race/ethnicity, and socialclass. Because different social positions (e.g.,entertainers, athletes, day-care workers) require specific types of emotional knowledge and skills,persons with appropriate forms of emotional capitaltend to select andbe selected for thosepositions differentially, which in turnmaintains the

Entotion Nornts,Ento. Work, and SocialOrder a a 1J l L

inequalities tiec l o those positions.This process s most evident in the occu-pational realm."People occupations"attract and hire female and middle-classworkers who have been trained to attend closelyto emotions and tomanage feelings (Hochschild, 1983). Working-class boys who have beenencouraged to master and n'rask heir fearsselect and are selected or high-steel ironwork as a career (Haas, 7977).Sons and daughters of funeraldirectors have sufficientprior experiencein coping with death and deadbodies to follow intheir parents' footsteps(Cahill,1999).Differential selec-tion sustains the gender and social classcompositionof these occupations,and this stratificationin turn per petuates cultural expectation s abouttheemotionality and emotionalskills of specific social groups(again,cultureand social structure are mutually reinforcing).

The reproduction of socialinequality that occurs at the social systemlevel can also be observed within organizations.Lively (2000,2001) andPierce(1995) eported that mostly female paralegals are expected to showdeferenceand support to predominantly male attorneys and clients, whilefrequentlybeing demeaned, nsulted, or ignored in return. Paralegals rans-form their frustrationsby using a variety of emotion work strategies(e.g.,they view attorneys and clientsas spoiled children) and interpret theirability to maintain a pleasant demeanor as an indicator of their profes-

sionalism and competence. ronically, however,by reworking the negativefeelings caused by their devalued status n the law firm and byseeing thisas a marker of theirown moral superiorityand professionalism,paralegalshelp to perpetuate rather than challenge their place in the firm's hierarchy.

Clark (1990) describes these hierarchy-maintaining processes as"micropolitics"- the losing,gaining, orkeeping of power, rank, standing,or "place." Emotions areindicators of relative social standing;high-statusindividuals receive respect and liking, low-status persons are offeredcon-tempt ordisdair-r. ndividuals deliberatelymanipulate otherpeople's emo-tions in order to sustain, usrlrp, upset, orwithhold social placementfromsome and to convey it to others (or themselves).In short, micropoliticalemotionalexchanges and manipulations are crucialaspects of the creation

and perpetuation of socialnequality, andthe

successof these acts depends

upon individuals' relative possessionof the requisite emotional capital.Emotional capitalno t only includes knowledge of emotionculture and

skill at managing one's own and others' emotions, but tl'reability toex-perience what have been called the "self-consciousemotions" (Tangney,1999) or tl-re reflexive role-taking emotions" (Sl-rott,7979), such as shame,guilt, embarrassment, pride, and vanity. These "social emotions" resultfrom evaluatingthe self from the perspective ofother people and findingoneself either atfaultor favored. Guilt andembarrassment cause ndividu-als o engage n reparative behaviorsto restorea positive self-image n theirown and others' eyes (Shott,7979;Tangney,7999).Pride (self-approvalde-rived from others' approval)encourages behaviors that conform to social

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J / Z uggyA.'I'hoits

norms and values (Barrett,1995;Tngney,7999).s n general, then, the re-flexive role-takingemotions motivate efforts to conform to social rules,helping, again,to maintain thesocial order.

Role-takingskills allowthe acquisition of other social emotions,the pro-social affects of empathy,sympathy, and pity (Clark, 1997;Shott, 1979).Empathic role-takingemotions are evoked by "mentally placing oneselfin another's position and feelingwhat the other feels [empathy) or whaton e would feel nsuch a position[sympathyJ"(Shott,1979,p.1324).Th ecapacity for thesefeelings is another key form of emotional capital. Sen-sitivity to the emotions of others makes one better able to anticipate andmeet people's normative expectations and betterable to manipulate oth-ers'emotions for their benefit or one's own gain.Obviously, such skillsaremarketable in a service-based economy.

More fundamentally, empathicemotions help to produce social solidar-ity. Researchconsistently shows that empathy promptshelping behavior(Eisenberg& Fabes, 1990;Shott, 7979). By acting to relieve the distress ofanother, one's own vicarious distressis alleviated.) Helping behaviorinturn generatespositive emotions in therecipient (gratitude,liking), forgesor reinforces social bonds, creates obligations to reciprocatein kind, andimproves theoverall welfare of the group(Clark, 1997).Perhaps becauseempathy and sympathy are so crucial forthe production and maintenanceof social solidarity, theyare governed by a set of normsthat closely regulatetheir exchange (e.9.,one should not make false claims or too manyclaimsto sympathy, one should reciprocateothers' sympathy; Clark,7997).

In sum, social order, social inequality, and social cohesion areby-products of individuals' ernotional capital.

EMOTIONAL DEVIANCE AND SOCIAL CHANGE

Although analysts tendto focus on the positive adaptive functions of in-dividuals' role-takingemotions and their effortsat emotional conformity,these outcomesare by no means determined. Emotion managementefforts

sometimesfail (Hochschild, 1983;Thoits, 7986,7996;Copp, 1998).Emotionwork failureis probable when the structural strains that generate nappro-priate emotions are recurrent or persistent, orwhen emotion-managementassistance rom others is lacking (Lively,2000;Thoits 1986).When one orboth of these conditions occur, emotionwork attempts may be unsuccess-ful, and individuals will suffer from prolonged or repeated undesirablefeelings and expressive displays, that is, from emotionaldeaiance Thoits,198s).

s Shame has'less desirablesocial consequences, prompting social withc-lrawal and angryandaggressive reactions toward people who are thought to share one's negative view of theself (Tarrgney,1999;Scheff, 1988).

EmotiortNorms,Emo, . Work, andSocislOrder J / J

There have been few empirical examinations ofthe consequences ofemotional deviance. However, three theoretical possibilities have beenraised: Individuals whodisplay persistent inappropriate affect may be la-beled by observers as emotionally disturbed(Pugliesi, 1987;Thoits 7985);they may label themselves as disturbed (Thoits, 1985);or they may seekout similar others to validatetheir deviant feelingsas understandabl e andjustifiable,and pursue social change (Wasielewski,1985).

With respect to attributions of disorder, emotionaldeviance plays animportant role in clinicians' and laypersons' recognitionof psychological

problenrs (Thoits,2000).As the various editions of the Diagnosticand Sta-tisticalManual of MentalDisorders DSM)have become more specificovertime in their criteria fordiagnoses, multiple referenceshave appeared to"inappropriate affect," emotions"far out of proportion to reality," emo-tional displays that are "intense," "excessive," or "flat," and the like(AmericanPsychiatricAssociation,7994). In fact, violationsof emotionnorms are essential defining criteria for roughly 30percent of the disor-ders listed in DSM-IV(Thoits,2000).Ordinary adults, too, associateodc-lor inappropriate emotional behaviors with mental illness (Link, Phelan,Bresnahan, Stueve, & Pescosolido,7999;Pugliesi, 1987). Whenpresentedwith descriptions of individuals reactingtypically tocommon life troublesand individuals displaying classic DSM-IVsymptomsof major depressiorrand other disorders, a nationally representative sample of adults mac-lesharp distinctions between conventionaland deviant emotional states(Link et aL.,7999).Thus, both cliniciansand laypersons connect deviantemotional reactions to psychiatricdisturbance.

Givensuch associations, ersonswh o persistentlyor repeatedlyexhibitdeviant feelingsand/or expressive displaysare ikely tobe abeled as men-tally illby other people and forced ir-rto reatment,or, alternatively, well-socialized actors may label themselvesas n need of treatment and seek tout (Thoits, 1985).Labeling results in the social control of deviant mem-bers of societyand/or their emotional resocializationin treatment, thuspreservingcurrent socialunderstandingsan d avoidingsocial disruption.

However, in special circumstances, deviant emotional states may bevalidated by otl-rersand become motivations forpursuing socialchange.People often seek out similar otherswho are experiencing thesame prob-lematic situations and feelings - self-l-relpgroups help to fill tl-ris need(Coates & Winston, 1983). Inclividualsare usually comfortecl to knowthat others have had the same feelings and understand them. Typically,too, self-help groups instruct membersin methods of achieving emotional"l'realth"or "recovery"(e.g.,Francis, 1997).In these ways,self-help groupsact to maintain conventional emotionnorms and restore individuals toconventional feelingsand behaviors (Thoits,1985).However, when indi-viduals' deviant emotionalreactions are n response o injusticeor oppres-sion, these shared feelings rnay be crucialin the transformationof similar


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Graham, . (1981).others'accountsf angerand ggressionowardsheirbabies'In N.Frude(Ed.),Psychotogicnlpproaclrcso childabuse pp' 39-63)'Totowa,NJ:Rowman& Littlefield.

Haas, .Q977). earningeal eelings: studyof highsteei ronu'orkers'eactionsto fearand danger.Work ndOccttptttiorts,4,l4T-17O'

Hafferty,F. W. (1988). adaverstoriesand the emotionalsocializationf medicalstudents.ournalof HealthndSocial ehaaior,9,344-356'

Hochsclrild,A.R.(1979).Emotionwork,feelingrules,anclsocialstructure'Anrcricanlournnlof Sociology,5,551-575.

Hochschil,A. R. i1983).The nnnaged eart:Conunercializatiortf httnwtfeeling'Berkeley:Universityof CaliforniaPress.

Illouz,E. 1997).Cortunringlrc onnnticutopin:otsend he ulturolontradictiottsfcapitalism.erkeley:Universityof CaliforniaPress'

Kemper,T. D. (1981i.Social onstructionistnd positivistapproaches o the soci-ologyof emotions.Americnnoun nlof Soci


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Thoits, P.A. (1986). ocialsupport as coping assistance.ournalofConsultingndClin cal Psy holo y, 54, 476423.

Thoits,P. A. (1996).Managing heemotionsof others.Symbolicnteraction,9,85-109.

Thoits, PeggyA. (2000). motion and psychopathology: sociological oint ofview. Paper presented t the InternationalSocietyor Research n Emotions,August,QuebecCity, Canada.

Tolich,M. B.(1993).Alienating and liberatingemotionsat work: Supermarket

clerks' performanceof customerservice.ournalof Contemporarytlmography,22,367-387.Wasielewski, .L. (1985).he emotionalbasisof charisma.Synfuolicnteraction,,

207-222.Whalen, .,& Zimmerman,D. H.(1998). bservationsn the displayand manage-

ment of emotion n naturally occurringactivities: he case f"hysteria"n callsto 971.Social ycltologyuart rly,61,747-159.

Wharton, A. S.(1996). ervicewith a smile:Understanding he consequences femotional abor. n C. L. MacDonaldand C. SirianniEds.),Workingn the ercicesocietypp. 91-772). hiladelphia: empleUniversityPress.

PART V

FEELINGS,EMOTIONS,AN D MORALITY

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