THEGYPSYHOUSINGINTHECITYBetweenrealityandrepresentation.Studycase:Sevillesince 1961s by AurlieGhalim AThesisSubmittedin PartialFulfillmentofthe RequirementsfortheDegreeof MasterofHistory at LuniversitLibredeBruxelles 20092010academicyear

Summary:This Master thesis (MA thesis) is dedicated to the history of the housing conditions of a specific community, the Gypsy community in Seville, since the mid-20th century, and to the history of the representations of this minority and its habitat in the collective imagination of the rest of the Spanish population. Although some of its chapters refer to earlier events, this MA thesis covers mainly the post civil war period (Franco era) and the period known by the Spanish contemporary historians as the period of democratic transition. The introduction of the thesis stresses the interest of such a study in a field that has not been studied so far (except for the Catalonia region) from an historical point of view. It is the study of the fringe or outlying housing in Spain, in other words the history of shantytowns, flimsy settlements and prefabricated houses, dilapidated public housing located in the suburbs and transitional zones. In the chapters of the MA thesis dedicated to historiography and methodology are listed different studies concerning the Gypsy history during the Modern Times and during the Contemporary Period in different European countries and in the United States and also some publications dedicated to the Gypsy culture. The study is mainly based on the Secretariat for the Gypsy Community of Andalusias archives, oral sources, daily and periodical press, in particular various periodicals of the associative movement and the Gypsy Pastoral. The first part of the thesis focuses on general problems that affect the Gypsy community since the Spanish Industrialization, notably in the field of employment, housing, education, demography In the same chapter, one describes the actions of the Catholic Church towards the Gipsy community, with the help of different organizations like the Gypsy Secretariat connected to Caritas Catolica. A special attention is paid to the international pilgrimage in Pomezia that was set up by the Vatican in 1965. Gypsies from all parts of Europe gathered for this event. The Pope Paul VI delivered a special message to the Spanish Gypsies. This event marked a turning point in the public awareness of the specificity of the problems affecting the Gypsy community. It is contemporary of the First National Congress of the Gypsy Apostolate in Barcelona.

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After a review of the problems related to the Gypsy habitat in different Spanish regions and cities, the second part of the thesis deals more specifically with the Gypsy housing in Seville since 1961. That year, severe floods hit the poorest inhabitants of Seville (among which many Gypsies) and forced them to leave their dilapidated neighbourhoods, notably the area called Triana. This area was famous for its traditional aspect (blacksmith shops) and was considered as the birthplace of Flamenco. The authorities were not able to rehouse all the disaster victims. Along with the rural depopulation, this event was the main cause of the proliferation of slums in Seville during the 1960s. The thesis continues with an analysis of different plans for slum eradication and the so-called integration issue through a specific Spanish institution: Neighbourhood Absorption Units, N.A.U. (Unidad Vecinal de Absorbcion, U.V.A.). The last part of the thesis is dedicated to some specific slums in Seville and their history. The conclusion of the thesis is pessimistic: it tends to demonstrate that most actors of the Spanish society (press, associations and scientists) have for decades drawn inferences from the assimilation of the Gypsy community with the crime generating areas where this community was forced to settle since the mid-20th century. The thesis tries to reveal the dangerous syllogisms that have created this assimilation and to demonstrate that the same syllogisms are used by those who advocate the need to eradicate the Gypsy culture.

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Introduction:

The political history of the favelas has been recounted by several Brazilian and foreign sociologists, political scientists, and criminologists. But the social history of the squatter settlements how the favelas were built and who lived there remains a largely untold story1.

The social history of the fringe habitat like the favelas in Brazil or the Spanish slums is still neglected. Those places have grown outside any legal framework, sometimes in the violation of the law and they shelter a population that is considered as dangerous by the society. Unfortunately, this topic has not aroused enthusiasm from the part of the historians. Very little is known about the history of the many shantytowns scattered in the whole territory of Spain since the Civil War. It is only recently that historians in Barcelona have started to study the past of many families who lived during several decades in the catalane capitals shacks. In 2008 those researches led to an exhibition called: Shacks. The informal city (Barracas. La ciudad informal)2. This exhibition recounts the history of different slums and their inhabitants when Barcelona became industrialized and started to expand with the construction of new outlying neighbourhoods. The concept of the exhibition was a reflection on the informal city as opposed to the planned city3. It is an outstanding investigation of the history of slums. We did not find out any similar work about the Andalusia region and more specifically about Seville and the Gypsy community during the second half of the 20th century. It remains a virgin topic at least from an historical point of view and constitutes the subject of this MA thesis. Until now, studies concerning the Gypsy communities in the 20th century and especially in the second half of this century have been conducted mostly by the anthropologists. Moreover, very few anthropological works specifically concern the Gypsy housing in Seville. Rather, 1J.CPINO,SourcesonthehistoryofFavelasinRiodeJaneiroinLatinAmericanResearchReviewvol.32,

n3,TheLatinAmericanStudiesAssociation,1977,(pp.111122),p.112. 2MUSEODHISTORIADEBARCELONA,Barracas.Laciudadinformal,[online],RetrievedAugust14,2010 from 3Ibidem.

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one finds studies concerning the Gypsy habitat in general or the Gypsy habitat in cities like Madrid, Barcelona and Granada. The results of scientific studies (sociological, anthropological, economical and statistical) carried out these past decades regarding the Cals (as the Spanish Gypsies call themselves) are extremely pessimistic. Since the 1960s, a large majority of the Gypsy community lives either in the slums surrounding big cities or in housing projects in ruins known as vertical shacks (chabolismo vertical). Since the 1980s, the daily press frequently deals with the problems caused by the slums and the Gypsy community. These sensationalistic reports help to develop a negative image of the Cals, by creating stereotypes and fixing in the collective imagination the equation Gypsy- shantytown- delinquency-drug traffic. We propose to study the urban history of a minority community in a given place and time and to study the history of the representations of this minority and its habitat in the majoritys collective imagination. It is not our aim to study this population with an unhealthy curiosity, or to describe the Gypsies as an exotic and specific population. Our research was initially based on different reports concluding that a large majority of the Gypsy population was forced by circumstances to live in those fringe areas, especially during the period covered by our study. The Church and the Gypsy associations were the first to denounce this injustice and fight for the improvement of the Gypsy housing. They published reports, held conferences and created projects sometimes with the help of the authorities, sometimes not to improve the habitat. After some time, the authorities themselves understood that it was important to find remedies to the problems caused by the shantytowns and many attempts were made to relocate Gypsies families in housing projects or to create transitional zones called Neighbourhood Absorption Units, N.A.U. (Unidad Vecinal de Absorbcion, U.V.A.). Nevertheless, these attempts had many bad consequences, like creating new ghettos and vertical shacks. In the first part of the present thesis, a first chapter is dedicated to a brief survey of the history of the Cals from their arrival in Spain in the 15th century to the period of democratic transition. The three next chapters deal with demography, employment and housing, which are important topics regarding the Cals. A fourth chapter is entirely dedicated to the predominant role played by the Spanish Church and the Gypsy Pastoral it created in 1965.

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The last chapter of the first part of the thesis deals with the emergence of the Gypsy associations in Spain in the 1970s. The second part of the thesis is dedicated to the study of the Gypsy community in Seville and mostly to the study of its habitat since the year 1961. This year has not been chosen randomly: in 1961, a huge flood obliged the city council to acknowledge the housing problem in Seville. Three slums are studied in depth: El Vacie, San Diego and Los Perdigones. Two other slums, Chapina and Los Bermejales, are described more briefly. A chapter is then devoted to the study of a working class neighbourhood, Polgono Sur that was built during the 1970s as a public housing project to relocate homeless families from the many shantytowns and refuges in the city. Polgono Sur became the area in Seville with the largest Gypsy population. The second part of the thesis ends with an analysis of the discourses concerning the Gypsy housing in Seville by the various actors of Spanish society.

Historiography and Methodology:There is a large literature regarding the Gypsies. Nevertheless, writing their history remains difficult. Firstly, very little documents recount their past. When documents recount the history of the Gypsies, they are usually untrustworthy. Secondly, the scanty available sources are legal documents. Gypsies themselves have never felt the need to write their history. Linguists were the first to show interest in the Gypsies origins. In 1753, a Hungarian minister named Istvan Vali established their Indian origin. Some years later, Heinrich Grellman,4 with his book Die Zigeuner, was the first to apply a rigorous philological analyze to the question of origins and paved the way for the science that an historian called linguistic palaeontology5. Fraser6 and Ligeoiss works7 are general studies on the history of the Gypsies. Apart from them, the majority of the writers specializes in the history of a Gypsy community living in a specific country or a specific region. For the Eastern countries (like Rumania, Slovakia, exYugoslavia countries), Isabella Fonsecas book provides a detailed look on the Gypsy population victim of ethnic cleansing. The M.T. Salo and S. Salos study is dedicated to the 4H. GRELLMANN, Histoire des bohmiens, ou tableau des murs, usages et coutumes de ce peuple nomade, suivie de recherches historiques sur leur origine, leur langage et leur premire apparition en Europe, Traduit de lallemand, dans la deuxime dition, par M.J. CHAUMEROT, 1810, Paris. 5I. FONSECA, Enterrez-moi debout. Lodysse des Tziganes, Albin Michel, Paris, 1995, p. 119. 6A.FRASER,TheGypsies,Blackwell,Oxford,1995. 7J.P.LIEGEOIS,RomsetTsiganes,Paris,LaDcouverte,2009.

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influx of immigrant Gypsies in the USA8. In France, besides Henriette Assos numerous monographs9, Franois de Vaux de Foletiers book10 and Marie-Christine Huberts PhD thesis11 are also worthy to read. Hubert published a simplified version in collaboration with Emmanuel Filhol12. Regarding Spain, the historian Bernard Leblon13 wrote a very elaborate book, which covers the period from the Middle Ages to the 20th century. His sources are mainly legal and legislative. In 1888, the first edition of the Journal of the Gypsy Lore Societys was launched in the UK14. In 2000, this journal was renamed Romani Studies. There we can find historical, anthropological, sociological, linguistic articles and also studies concerning art and folklore. In 1950, was released the journal Etudes Tsiganes15. It was followed by other anthropological articles, like those one can find in Urban Anthropology, launched in the USA in 1972. In Spain, it is only since the 1960s that some writers like Teresa San Roman started to investigate the Gypsys memory. Nevertheless, these testimonies do not go back further than the early 20th century16. Torcuato Perez de Guzman17 and J. Gamella18 are the specialists of the Andalusia region. Though these anthropologists give precious historical information, very few historians have studied the Gypsy community during the second half of the 20th century. In this respect, the sociologist Manuel Martin said to the Spanish television (TVE) in 1983: 8M.T.SALOetS.SALO,RomnichelEconomicandSocialOrganizationinUrbanNewEngland,18501930, UrbanAnthropology,11(34),pp.273313. 9H.ASSEO,Pourquoitantdehaine?LintolranceadministrativelgarddesTsiganesdelafinduXIXe siclelaveilledelaDeuximeGuerremondiale,Diasporas,Histoireetsocits,n10,Haines,1er semestre2007,pp.5167;LinventiondesNomadeenEuropeauXXesicleetlanationalisation impossibledesTsiganes,inLidentification,untravaildEtat,GrardNoirel(d),Paris,Berlin,2007,pp. 161180. 10F.deVAUXdeFOLETIER,LesTsiganesdanslAncienneFrance,Paris,ConnaissanceduMonde,1961; MilleansdhistoiredesTsiganes,Paris,Fayard,1970. 11M.C.HUBERT,LesTsiganesenFrance19391946.Assignationrsidence,internement,dportation, thsededoctoratdhistoiresousladirectiondeJeanJacquesBecker,UniversitParisXNanterre,4 tomes,1997. 12M.C.HUBERTetE.FILHOL,LestsiganesenFrance,unsortpart19391946,Perrin(d.),2009. 13B.LEBLON,LosGitanosdeEspana.ElprecioyelvalordeladiferenciaGedisa,Barcelone,1987. 14 The Gypsy Lore Society , The Gypsy Lore Society, [online], Retrieved March 15, 2011 from . 15 Reconnue, notamment sur le plan international, comme seule revue de rfrence en langue franaise dans son domaine de prdilection , RENYERS, A, La revue des Etudes Tsiganes , [online], Retrieved July 23, 2009 from . 16M.CANTONDELGADO,CANTONDELGADOManuela,GitanosPentecostales.Unamiradaantropolgicaa laIglesiaFiladelfiaenAndaluca.Signatura/ConsejeradeCulturadelaJuntadeAndaluca,2004.p.35. 17T.PEREZDEGUZMAN,LosGitanosHerrerosdeSevilla,ServiciodePublicacionesdelAyuntamientode Sevilla,Sevilla,1982. 18J.F.GAMELLA,LapoblacingitanaenAndaluca.Unestudioexploratoriodesuscondicionesdevida. Sevilla,ConsejeradeTrabajoyAsuntosSociales,1996.

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In the Gypsy culture, old people possess a fundamental worth, because they embody not only the destiny of their nation but also the collective memory, the guide, the resource to understand the problems, the balance of society. This is why we say that when an old person dies, a library burns down19. We also have to mention Maria Helena Sanchez Ortegas historical works on the Spanish Gypsies of the 18th century20. During the 1970s, this historian deplores the fact that very little socio-historical studies on the Cals were undertaken and that most of studies adopted an anthropological or folkloric point of view21. The methodological difficulties to study this subject explain why so many historians prefer not to undertake research in this field: the socalled inexistence of historical documents and the difficulty to locate them22. The anthropologist Manuela Canton Delgado has recently published a pioneering work on the phenomenon of the Gypsy Pentecostals Movement in Andalusia23. Regarding more specifically the studies on Gypsy housing in Spain and their location, we can mention some relevant works: The first important study was probably Los Gitanos al encuentro de la ciudad del chalaneo al peonaje, published in 1976 by the Interdisciplinary Studies of Social Marginalization (Grupo Interdisciplinar de Estudios de Marginacion Social)24. It was in 1973, that the idea of studying the Gypsy habitat took shape in this group of authors. They devoted their research more specifically to the following topic: How the different kinds of urban habitat affect the socio-cultural changing process of the Gypsies25. The second major study - that we will discuss further- is the one realized in 1978 by the Applied Sociology Institute (Instituto de Sociologia Aplicada), The Spanish Gypsies (Los

19InterviewofManuelMartin(sociologist),TVEinLasvocesdenuestrosamigos.1983,Videos.Union Romani,[online],RetrievedAugust14,2010from. 20M.H.SANCHEZORTEGA,LosgitanosespaolesCastellote,Madrid,1977. 21Ibidem,p.19 22Ibidem. 23M.CANTONDELGADO,op.cit. 24EQUIPOGIEMS,LosGitanosalencuentrodelaciudad:delchalaneoalpeonajeEditorialCuadernospara elDialogo,EDICUSA,Madrid,1976. 25Freetranslation(F.T.)Laincidenciadedistintostiposdehbitaturbanoenelprocesodecambiosocio culturaldelosgitanos,Ibidem,p.17.

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Gitanos Espanoles) also called White Book and published by Associacion Secretariado General Gitano26. In 1991, the General Vice-directorate of Studies and Statistics of the Department of Social Security (Subdireccion General de Estudios y Estadisticas del Ministerio de Asuntos Sociales) charged the PASS group (Programa de Asesorias de Servicios Sociales) to lead an investigation on the Gypsy housing in Spain. The results were published by the Asociacion Secretariado General Gitano27 under the name of Map of the Gypsy Housing in Spain (Mapa de la Vivienda Gitana en Espana28) and sought to locate Gypsies families in the national territory and analyzed their habitat. The PASS group studied 59.245 Gypsy housing and 296. 225 persons. This work was a synthesis of the previous local and regional studies written during the 1980s29. To get a general idea of the slums where lived the Gypsy population in Seville, we have first studied the press (mostly the Andalusia edition of ABC which has a newspaper archive on Internet). Then we listed these slums and tried to get more information through other sources. Finding documents about these slums was not an easy task, because the majority of the shantytowns that existed during the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s has been destroyed during the 1990s. Regarding the decimation of slums in Seville where were living many Cals we did not find any serious work, except one article about the shantytown San Diego30. Nevertheless, we found two recent studies - realised by El Defensor del Pueblo Andaluz one on the temporary housing in Andalusia (1998)31 and the other on the shantytowns in Andalusia32. DE SOCIOLOGIA APLICADA, Estudio sociolgico: Los Gitanos Espaoles 1978, Asociacin Secretariado General Gitano, Madrid, 1990. 27Viviendaycomunidadgitana.UnabibiliografiacomentadainPensamientoyCulturaGitanos.Revista bimestraldelaFundacinSecretariadoGitano,n4041(junoct2007),Madrid,p.49. 28ASESORIADEPROGRAMASDESERVICIOSSOCIALES,P.A.S.S.,MapadelaViviendaGitanaenEspaa, AsociacinSecretariadoGitano,Madrid,1991. 29Viviendaycomunidadgitana.Unabibliografacomentada,op.cit,p.49. 30Aboutothercitiesandregions,seealso:E.AGULLOTOMAS(dir.),Erradicaciondelchabolismoe integracionsocialdelosgitanosenAvils:investigacin,evaluacinypropuestas,UniversidaddeOviedo, Aviles,Ayuntamiento,2004 31DEFENSORDELPUEBLOANDALUZ,LasviviendasprovisionalesenAndaluca,PublicadoenBOPAn299, de1721999,VLegislatura.DebateenDiariodeSesionesdelaComisindeInfraestructuras,Transporte yViviendan313serieA,sesincelebradael24111999,VLegislatura(pp.129). 32DEFENSORDELPUEBLOANDALUZ,InformeespecialalparlamentodeAndaluca.Chabolismoen AndalucaPublicadoenBOPAn377,de1422006,VIILegislatura.DebateenlaComisinde Infraestructuras,TransportesyVivienda,DiariodeSesionesdeComisiones,serieAn245,VIILegislatura. Sesincelebradael1052006,(pp.258).26INSTITUTO

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Many more researches on the Polgono Sur area were undertaken, especially during the 1980s33. Most of them deal with social issues, lack of facilities, delinquency and antisocial behaviours. In 1988, the Delegation of Social Services published the Estudio Social del Polgono Sur. The purpose of this work was to study in depth the roots and aspects (of the social problem in the neighbourhood) and also to stimulate special interventions that will conduct to a global and integral policy34. We completed our researches with interviews of different persons who have been active in promoting the Gypsy community or helping the inhabitants of slums: -Jos Jesus Marquez Guerra, member of the Hermandad y Cofradia de Nazarenos del Santisimos Cristos de la Almas, Maria Santisima de Gracia y Amparo y San Fracisco Javier (Los Javieres) who went to El Vacie when he was a teenager. -Emilio Calderon, priest of the parish of San Pio X in Polgono Sur and co-founder of the association Villela Or Chib. -Jos Manuel Leal, director of the Secretara Gitana de la Junta de Andaluca since 1992. -Manuel Reyes Reyes, former torero from a Gypsy family of Ecija and working currently for the archive center of the Secretariado Gitano in Barcelona. -Francisco Santiago Maya, co-founder of the Union Romani in Spain and currently the treasurer of this union in Barcelona. Regarding the marginal habitat in Seville and its representation, we will analyze the archive document Socio-sanitary study of the Gypsy community living in shantytowns in Andalusia (Estudio socio-sanitario de la comunidad Gitana chabolista residente en 33Forexample:LasLetanas,AlumnosdeEscuelasAsistentesSociales,1984Estudiosocioculturaldel

PolgonoSur,3000Viviendas,624y800Viviendas,EducadoresdeADI(Asociacinsubvencionadaporla DelegacindeBienestarSocial,1983Estudiosobreelestadodesaludyopininsobrelosservicios sanitariosdelPolgonoSur,tomoIyII,1985InformesobrePolgonoSur.SectorELasVegasy624 Viviendas,ConsejeradeObrasPblicasyTransporte,DireccinGeneraldeArquitecturayVivienda,1986 AnlisisurbansticoyordenacingeneraldelosespaciospblicosyabiertosenelPolgonoSurymedidas deintervencinenlaBarriadaMurillo,GerencialMunicipaldeUrbanismo,AyuntamientodeSevilla,1986 InformeMemoriasobreProyectodeReparacindelaUrbanizacindelaBarriadadeLasLetanas2fase, DelegacindeInfraestructurayEquipamientoUrbano,AyuntamientodeSevilla,1987Programade EstudiosyvaloracindelasNecesidadesdeActividadPreventivaespecificarespetoalaDelincuenciaylas ConductasAntisocialesenAndaluca,ConsejeradeGobernacin,JuntadeAndaluca,19831984. 34F.T:Estudiarenprofundidadlasracesyvertientesdedichaproblemtica,ascomofundamentarles posiblesactuacionesaimplantardesdeloscriteriosdeunapolticaIntegralyglobalizadoraE.de MANUELJEREZop.cit,p.3.

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Andalucia) realised in 1990 by the CEUMT team (Centro de Estudios Urbanisticos Municipales y territoriales) and was ordered by the Secretara Gitana de la Junta de Andaluca. This scientific team went to many shantytowns, where Gypsy families were living, in order to speak with them about their health. We have the transcripts of these debates. This is the list of the different slums studied by this team: Tarambolo neighbourhood (Granada) dated 16 February 1990 the transit zone Los Asperones (Malaga) dated 22 February 1990 the shantytown San Diego (Seville) dated 27 February 1990 the shantytown Los Perdigones (Seville) dated 6 March 1990 the transitional zone Los Bermejales (Seville) dated 20 March 1990. The last part of this archive document is a transcript of a debate between the members of the team who went to the transitional zone Los Bermejales, dated 18 March 1990. We can notice that the title of this study is about the Gypsy community living in slums. It is interesting to point out that the authorities did not (and still do not) consider the transitional zones as shantytowns. Nevertheless, the way of life in these temporary housings is usually similar to the one in the shacks built spontaneously. It seems obvious that health problems are closely connected to the precarious habitat of these different places.

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Conclusion:In the first lines of this work, we stressed that we found very little historical studies in contrast to sociological, criminological, anthropological, demographical, statistical or even architectural ones- regarding fringe places where have now been living, for more than a century, millions of human beings that represent a significant percentage of the world population. These places have many names also popularized by literature or movies such as shantytowns, slums, bidonvilles, chabolas, barracas and have replaced the word zone which was used a century ago. This lack of historical studies can be explained by methodological difficulties more than by lack of interest. Very often, trustworthy written sources are legal or police documents and they have been mostly investigated by sociologists or criminologists. On the other hand, press sources are not trustworthy, because of their sensationalist aspect. Oral sources may not obviously go that far back in time. Nonetheless, it would be paradoxical and unjustified that historians would continue to neglect those places that form part of our contemporary societies. Many studies have been dedicated to the creation of cities and ports in Antiquity or to the rise of towns in the Middle Ages, to the rural habitat and the habitat of the working class in the beginning of the Industrial Revolution. The emergence of precarious habitat in the 20th century also deserves to constitute a chapter in social history. The history of the representations of those places in the collective imagination also deserves to constitute a chapter in the history of mentalities. Within the limits of a MA thesis, we tried modestly to fill in this field in studying the habitat of a specific community the Gypsy community of Seville during the second part of the 20th century and more precisely since 1961, which was a transitional period in the awareness of the existing dilapidated habitat in Seville. This study supposed two preliminary analyses. First, we tried to define the specificity of the Gypsy community in the Spanish society. With this aim in view, we started this work with a historical background, which let us to conclude that the history of the Spanish Gypsies in the Modern Times was quite similar to the

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one of Roms, Sintis or Tziganes from other European regions who also suffered from repressive legislation and discrimination since the 15th century. We also had to determine problems connected to the habitat in general (not only the Gypsy habitat) in Spain during the Franco-period and period of democratic transition. This enabled us to observe: 1) regarding the poorest inhabitants, problems linked to the habitat can not be understood without studying employment, education and health facilities. 2) During the Franco era, the Catholic Church, thanks to its many institutions like Caritas Catolica and its subdivisions (Caritas diocesana), remained the principal social service in the country. Many devoted persons working for these institutions obtained good results especially in the field of education but also in doing evangelization work. From the point of view of the Catholic Church, it was as important to bring the poor to the church service as to feed them and teach them to read. We have also paid a special attention to the study of the pilgrimage in Pomezia in 1965. This event was a turning point in the awakening to the specificity of the Gypsy Community. It was also the event that led the Church to take the full measure of the poor living condition of the Cals. Nevertheless, the Churchs discourse -like the speech pronounced by Paul VI - is quite simplistic. We can notice two parts: 1 The Gypsies are in the Heart of the Church, because they are poor. Do we have to conclude that they must stay poor, otherwise they will not be anymore the beloved children of the Church? 2 The Gypsy culture is like a flower that grows on the craggy rocks. To put it another way, it is not in their best interest to experience upward mobility, otherwise they will loose their traditions and cultural wealth. Despite the paternalistic and simplistic Popes message in Pomezia, we have noticed that this event paved the way for a prolific Gypsy associative world in Spain. In other European countries, especially in Belgium, the Roms and Tziganes are associated with a nomadic habitat. Although the motor caravan has replaced the horse-drawn caravan, the Roms are still named travelling people, even in administrative documents. We have noticed that in Andalusia, the Gypsies have been settled for a long time and that the caravan is no longer associated with the Gypsy culture in the collective imagination. From the end of the 19th century to the mid-20th century, the Gypsies have been associated with the romantic image of a rural or a poor but convivial urban habitat, where they occupied themselves with traditional crafts, working in family workshops, like shearing or

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blacksmith shops. To this day, the Gypsies of Seville entertain a longing for the area of Triana that still plays an important role in the flamenco repertoire. The old way of life in this area was compatible with the Gypsys image formulated by the Pope in Pomezia (family values, women in the house, the oldest passing the tradition down the youngest, etc). Since the relocation consecutive to the flood in 1961, the Gypsies have been associated with a totally different kind of habitat, which is no longer being seen as romantic: big cities shantytowns; refuge zones; the casitas bajas in Polgono Sur and other prefabricated houses built as a matter of urgency; the N.A.U. (U.V.A.) which have as main purpose to transform the Gypsies and to make them capable to live in housing projects with the payos; the dilapidated and neglected tower blocks that the Spanish people call vertical shacks (chabolismo vertical). In those outlying places, the Cals culture is not anymore a flower that grows on a craggy mountain. Social workers do not recognize anymore the traditional values among the Gypsy culture and are worried about the growth of prostitution and drugs. We have noticed that a pernicious syllogism is not only common in political discourses but also in the press and even in some social workers, clerics and investigators analyses, like the CEUMT. Every syllogism consists of a major premise, a minor premise and a conclusion: 1) major: slums, refuge zones, prefabricated houses are places that must be eradicated; 2) minor: in order to get rid of them, we must relocate their inhabitants in housing projects. Nevertheless, it is impossible to place these ill-equipped slum families in a normal habitat. Some of them are considered ready to be civilised and others are not. 3) conclusion: it is due to the maladjusted culture of the Gypsies that these crime producing and unsightly places have proved impossible to eradicate in major cities. Our purpose here was not to determine which social or economic policies must be followed in order to improve the Gypsies habitat. We wanted to demonstrate that the majority discourse does not take into consideration the reality and some historical facts: Living in slums or shacks does not constitute a pattern of the Gypsy culture. As a matter of fact, many Gypsy families lived during decades in specific urban neighbourhoods like Triana, where they owned houses, which they valued, even if they could not renovate them. 14

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The so-called Gypsies idleness constitutes a myth: as a matter of fact, Gypsies have excelled during generations in specific crafts (shearing, metal work, donkey and horse trade). Economical events obliged them to reconvert in other activities that are forbidden or regulated (collecting scrap iron, itinerant trade).

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The Gypsies have also been reproached for living in dirtiness, although we have stressed in this thesis that families living in slums implore the authorities to have running water.

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Access to education remains difficult for many reasons: we have seen that the payos (non Gypsies) often protest against the opening of a school next to a slum or a refuge zone. Children living in a slum may encounter discrimination or hostility at school.

If we look closely to the majority discourse, we see at work the pernicious idea that a decent housing must be deserved. Gypsies are not only considered as being unprepared to have access to normal housing but they are moreover classified in different categories according to their supposed ability to join the rest of the population. We did not find out any legal contestation of such classifications, even if it represents a failure to comply with international laws that guarantee the right to a decent housing for any human being. As stated previously, this syllogism promotes a negative image of the Spanish Gipsies by saying that they are not integrated in the society. The so-called need for or duty to integration is questionable when applied to new migrants. It represents a much more dangerous idea when it is applied to a community settled in the country since the 15th century. By integrating this minority and providing them a normal housing, they have in return to abandon their cultural specific characteristics. In other words, since the 1980s, the old syllogism of the majority discourse tends to be replaced by another one even more radical: 1) Major: slums and marginal habitat must be eradicated because prostitution, drug traffic and other criminal activities are spreading 15

throughout these places; 2) Minor: the Gypsy culture represents an obstacle to relocating this minority in normal housing. 3) Conclusion: the negative components of this culture must be eliminated. We see that the assimilation between the Gypsies and the marginal habitat where they were forced to settle two generations ago is used as an excuse to reject a whole community. We conclude this MA thesis with a discourse of the sociologist Manuel Martin made in 1983 for the Spanish television (TVE). Regarding the misery in which were living many Gypsy families, he declared: We must ask ourselves whether this coming death and this short life expectancy are the Gypsys guilt. We always forget that the Gypsy lives the consequences of a historical situation that he is subject to and does not generate. Few of them can really pretend to escape from poverty and ignorance even if they want to35.

.

35InterviewofManuelMartin(sociologist),TVE,op.cit.

16

-APPENDIX -ARCHIVAL SOURCES -BIBLIOGRAPHY

17

Flood-affected families in Seville (1961), Archivo Gelan, ICAS-SAHP, Fototeca Municipal de Sevilla (Servicio de Archivo, Hemeroteca y Publicaciones).

18

Building of prefabricated housing in the Polgono San Pablo for flood-affected families (1962), Archivo Serrano, ICAS-SAHP, Fototeca Municipal de Sevilla (Servicio de Archivo, Hemeroteca y Publicaciones).

19

El Vacie (1963-1964), Archivo Serrano, ICAS-SAHP, Fototeca Municipal de Sevilla (Servicio de Archivo, Hemeroteca y Publicaciones).

20

El Vacie. (1963-1964), Archivo Serrano, ICAS-SAHP, Fototeca Municipal de Sevilla (Servicio de Archivo, Hemeroteca y Publicaciones).

21

El Vacie dwellers moving into new housing (1963-1964), Archivo Serrano, ICAS-SAHP, Fototeca Municipal de Sevilla (Servicio de Archivo, Hemeroteca y Publicaciones).

22

El Vacie dwellers moving into new housing (1963-1964), Archivo Serrano, ICAS-SAHP, Fototeca Municipal de Sevilla (Servicio de Archivo, Hemeroteca y Publicaciones).

23

Building of temporary housing in Avenida de la Paz (1960-1964), Archivo Serafin, ICASSAHP, Fototeca Municipal de Sevilla (Servicio de Archivo, Hemeroteca y Publicaciones).

24

Building of 2006 housing units in Polgono San Pablo (1961-1963), Archivo Serrano, ICAS-SAHP, Fototeca Municipal de Sevilla (Servicio de Archivo, Hemeroteca y Publicaciones).

25

Torreblanca shacks, Higuera street (08-1964), Archivo Serrano, ICAS-SAHP, Fototeca Municipal de Sevilla (Servicio de Archivo, Hemeroteca y Publicaciones).

26

Housing Minister Maria Martinez Sanchez Arjona performs the symbolic destruction of El Vacie (09-05-1961), Archivo CUBILES, ICAS-SAHP, Fototeca Municipal de Sevilla (Servicio de Archivo, Hemeroteca y Publicaciones).

27

ARCHIVAL SOURCES:

La Consejera Para La Igualdad y Bienestar Social (Junta de Andaluca) Secretaria para la Comunidad Gitana (A.C.I.B.):1. Direccin General de Servicios Sociales. Consejera de Salud y Servicios Sociales. Junta de Andaluca

-CEUMT (Centro de Estudios Urbansticos Municipales y territoriales), Estudio sociosanitario de la comunidad Gitana chabolista residente en Andaluca (1990): -Transcripcin Reunin Grupo de Discusin numero uno. Barriada El Tarambolo. Benala de Guadix (Granada). 16/02/1990. -Transcripcin Reunin Grupo de Discusin numero dos. Poblado de transicin de Los Asperones (Mlaga). 22/02/1990. -Transcripcin Reunin Grupo de Discusin numero tres. Asentamiento Chabolista de San Diego (Sevilla). 27/02/1990. -Transcripcin Reunin Grupo de Discusin nmero cuatro. Asentamiento Chabolista de Los Perdigones (Sevilla). 6/03/1990. -Transcripcin Reunin Grupo de Discusin nmero cinco. Poblado de Transicin de Los Bermejales (Sevilla). 20/03/1990. -Transcripciones de las Reuniones de Grupo de Discusin (Poblado de Transicin de Los Bermejales) sobre el estado de salud y del debate de la tcnica de grupo nmero cuatro (Sevilla). 18/01/1990. -Secretaria de Estudios y Aplicaciones para la Comunidad Gitana, Plan Andaluz para la Comunidad Gitana. Informe Periodo (1987-1988):

-Introduccin -Captulo I: Cuadros econmicos. Periodo 1987-1988 ProgramasDirecciones Generales responsables. -Captulo II: Programa Integral de Barriadas. -Captulo III: Programas sectoriales. -Anexos.

28

2. Instituto Andaluz de Servicios Sociales. Consejera de Asuntos Sociales. Junta de Andaluca.

-Informe. Comunidad Gitana de Andaluca (1991):

-Educacin y antecedentes -Situacin del colectivo. -Actuaciones. -Prioridades. -Poltica institucional sugerida.

3. Asociacin Secretariado General Gitano: -Jos Manuel Fresno Garca, Anlisis Socioantropolgico sobre la situacin actual de la Comunidad Gitana en Espaa (1991): -Introduccin -Descripcin bsica de los Gitanos: Diversidad y Pluralidad -Hbitat, actividad laboral escuela y medios audiovisuales como factores de evolucin y cambio. -Identidad cultural, exclusin social e insercin en una sociedad compleja. -La poltica social como instrumento de promocin y de integracin. -Propuestas y recomendaciones.

4. Direccin General de Servicios Sociales. Consejera de Trabajo y Bienestar Social. Junta de Andaluca:

-Informe sobre la problemtica de la comunidad gitana en Andaluca (pas dat): -Estudio realizado. -Datos relativos a la poblacin gitana. -Datos relativos a las familias gitanas. -Educacin. -Vivienda. 29

5. Exmo Ayuntamiento de Mlaga. Patronato Municipal de la Vivienda y servicios sociales: -Jos Enrique Vega Prez, La vivienda: base fundamental para el Desarrollo Social (noviembre 1989): -Historia y fundamentacin -Chabolismo -Barriadas de transicin -Viviendas de promocin Pblica -Anlisis de las viviendas -Alternativas -Anexos

Servicio de Archivo, Hemeroteca y Publicaciones. Fototeca Municipal de Sevilla:Archivo CUBILES Archivo Gelan Archivo Serafin Archivo Serrano

La Gerencia Municipal de Urbanismo en Sevilla:Sevilla (Casco Urbano). Planos de poblacin. Sin escala. 1950. Sevilla. Perspectiva general/ Por el Dilineante de Obras Publicas, D. Manuel Garcia Fuentes. Version original.

La Real Fundacin Patronato de la Vivienda:Maps and images of Torreblanca Images of El Vacie

Seville University Library:PEREZ de GUZMAN Torcuato et JOSEFA de MARMOL Mara, Los Gitanos ante el mundo laboral moderno, Sevilla, mai 1964. (no publicado).

30

Interviews:Jos Jesus Marquez Guerra, Seville, January 27, 2010. Emilio Calderon, Seville, February 2, 2010. Jos Manuel Leal, Seville, April 4, 2010. Manuel Reyes Reyes, Barcelona, June 28, 2010. Francisco Santiago Maya, Barcelona, June 30, 2010.

Daily Press :ABC. Edition Sville. ABC. Edition Nationales. El Pais.

Periodical Press:I Tchatchipen, (1999-2003). Pensamiento y Cultura Gitanos, Revista bimestrial de la Fundacin Secretariado Gitano, (1999-2009). Pomezia. Boletin Informativo de Divulgacion Gitana Palacio Arzobispal, Secretariado Gitano, Barcelona, (1967-1972).

31

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