thebes sealings, knossos tablets and mycenaean state banquets

THEBES SEALINGS, KNOSSOS TABLETS AND MYCENAEAN STATE BANQUETS *

J. T. KILLEN

The economies of the Mycenaean kingdoms of Late Bronze Age Greece are non-money, non-market economies of the ‘command’ or ‘revenue’ variety, and find more or less close parallels in a number of other societies and periods, such as second and third millennium BC Mesopotamia and the Inca kingdom of pre-Colombian South America.’ What characterises the economies of all these societies is the upward mobilisation of goods, primarily for the benefit of the ruling tlite which organises the mobilisation;* and in keeping with this pattern many of the records at Knossos and Pylos are concerned with the taxation, organised by the central palace, of a wide area surrounding the centre. They include, for example, the records classified as Ma at Pylos, which deal with the taxation of the sixteen major districts of the Pylian kingdom in six different commodities, one of which is certainly ox-hides, and another of which, denoted by ideogram no. *146, appears to be a rudimentary form of t e ~ t i l e . ~ The text of Ma 222, which deals with the place a-ke- re-wa, and which lists on line 1 the assessment for the district and on line 2 the actual payments (a-pu-do-si, lapudosiso so far made, together with notes of the amounts still owing (shown as o = o-pe-ro, lophelosl ), is set out below:

Ma 222.1 a-ke-re-wa *I46 23 RI M 23 K E M 7 * I S 2 10 0 M 5 M E 500 .2 a-pu-do4 *I46 10 o 13 RI M 22 o M 1 K E M 7 *I52 8 o 2 0 M 5 M E 500 I .3 vacat [

Other texts deal with what are certainly or probably incoming amounts of foodstuffs: F(2) 852 at Knossos, for instance, records a minimum of 10,300 units (perhaps c. 775 tons) of GRA (wheat), together with smaller amounts of olives and cyperus, in connexion

*This is the text of a lecture given to the Mycenaean Seminar of the Institute of Classical Studies on I June 1992 to mark the 40th anniversary of the decipherment of Linear B. The aim of the lecture was to indicate ways in which it is still possible to make progress with elucidating the Mycenaean records, particularly by studying tablets (especially those at Knossos), not in isolation, but as members of ‘sets’: groups of records, on a single topic, written by the same scribe and stored in the same part of the palace. Part of what follows duplicates my paper ‘Thebes Sealings and Knossos Tablets’ given at the Second International Mycenological Congress, Naples 199 1 and forthcoming in the Proceedings of the Congress; in the present version, however, I attempt to place the evidence for state banqueting at Thebes, Pylos, and Knossos which I discuss in the Naples paper in a wider cultural and economic context. I am most grateful to Dr John Chadwick for his comments on an earlier draft of the paper and to Dr Peter Garnsey for invaluable bibliographical help on the subject of sacrifice and banqueting in the Classical Greek world.

I On the typology of the Mycenaean economy, and comparisons with economies of a similar nature in other areas and periods, particularly in ancient Mesopotamia, see (e.g.) Finley 1957, Killen 1985.

On upward mobilisation see (e.g.) Halstead 1992, 115. On the case for taking *I46 as denoting a simple form of garment see further p. 69 below.

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68 BICS - 1994

with the place da-wo, probably to be located in the Messarh plain in the south of Crete;4 while Ga(2) 423, at the same site, deals with a contribution of the spice coriander from the place qa-ra, evidently to be located in the central region of the island, and probably not far from Knossos i t ~ e l f . ~

But what becomes of this revenue? One use to which we can be certain that a significant proportion of the revenues of Mycenaean kingdoms was devoted was the production of high-grade manufactured goods under the direction of the central palace itself. One of the more important of these state-organised ‘industrial’ activities was the production of fine textiles. At Knossos, for instance, the palace has at its disposal the wool of something of the order of 80-100,OOO sheep (perhaps between 30 and 50 tons) each year;6 and it redistributes both this commodity and some of its food revenues as working materials and rations to a large semi- or fully-dependent textile workforce, located in towns over the length and breadth of the centre and west of Crete.’ As their descriptions make clear, many of these workers are highly specialised, and concentrate their attention on a single process within the production cycle of cloth,8 or on the production of a single variety of t e ~ t i l e ; ~ and we can be certain, given the absence of a market in these societies, that this degree of division of labour can only have been achieved with the help of the palace’s redistributive machinery: that because the palace provides these workers with their raw materials and their means of subsistence - for part of the year at least - they are enabled to concentrate their attention on an extremely narrow specialism: a specialism which in a market economy would require an extremely large market and a highly developed exchange mechanism to enable it to be sustained.I0

In comparable societies, the central institutions use the products of state-organised (and often highly-specialised) textile manufacturing activity for a variety of purposes: for clothing the monarch; for gifts to important state officials; and for trading exchanges abroad (often in the form of reciprocal gift-giving).” It is not unlikely that the cloth produced in the Mycenaean state industries was put to similar purposes, though we lack conclusive evidence that this was the case. It is possible, however, that the cloth described as wa-na-ka-re-ra on Lc(1) 525 at Knossos was intended for use by the monarch or in a

On the likelihood that F(2) 852 deals with contributions see Killen 1985, 251; on the location of du-nv see (e.g.) Killen 1977.41.

See (e.g.) Killen 1977.42. Cf. Olivier 1967.93. On the Lc( I ) records, which deal with the production targets set for these workgroups, and

calculations of the amounts of wool needed to be delivered to them to enable them to complete these stints, see Killen 1966, Duhoux 1976, 76f. The Lc(l) tablets in hand 103 deal with stints for workers in the central region of the island, the Lc(2) tablets in hands 113 and 1 1 5 with stints for workers in the far west (see Killen 1972,432).

As do (e.g.) the a-ra-ku-te-ju (KN Ak(1) 5009, Lc(l) 531; also PY Aa 89, 240, etc.), evidently Idlakuteiail, ‘distaff women, spinners’.

As do (e.g.) the te-pe-ju (KN Le 641.4; see also Lc(l) 549, where the term is problably to be restored); for the demonstration that these are makers of te-pa cloth (for references to which see KN Ws 8153.p. MY Oe 107.1, etc.) see Killen 1966, 109.

I n On the importance of a sufficiently developed exchange system as a factor contributing to the growth of specialisation in the textile industry in Roman Egypt and elsewhere see Wipszycka 1965, 126. II Durand 1983, 396 mentions the following among the regular recipients of cloth at Mari in the

Near East: persons of very high rank (either neighbouring kings or high civil, religious or military dignitaries); envoys; priests; and ordinary workers. He also notes that the king himself or a divinity was sometimes presented with a particularly luxurious cloth or suit of clothes. For the use of cloth in trading exchanges see (e.g.) Waetzoldt 1972, 72.

J. T. KILLEN: THEBES SEALINGS, KNOSSOS TABLETS 69

royal establishment (though it may only be cloth of an exceptionally fine type);I2 and it is also not unlikely that the fabric described as ke-se-ne-wi-ju on the Ld(1) tablets at the same site, which evidently relate to cloth which has reached the end of the production process and is now in store in the palace magazines, is cloth for guest-gifts: conceivably, given the relatively large quantities of this fabric that are likely to have been produced each year, for overseas exchange in the form of guest-gifts.I3 Finally, it is possible that the cloth described as e-qe-si-ju on the Ld( 1 ) tablets is fabric designed to be given as gifts to the e-qe-fa, important functionaries of the Mycenaean state,I4 though it may only be cloth of e-qe-fa type i.e. a variety named after these persons, but not necessarily worn by them.

It is also attractive to guess that it was a need for fine textiles for the purposes just mentioned - finer, that is, than could be obtained by taxing the domestic, non- specialised output of weavers working in subordinate villages - that led the Mycenaean kingdoms to establish their highly-specialised, semi- or fully-dependent state textile establishments. Although, as we have seen, the palaces did receive some cloth by way of their taxation systems (the fabric denoted by the ideogram *I46 which is regularly recorded on the Ma taxation records at Pylos, and which also appears in a probable taxation context on Nc 5100 at Knossos), the cloth in question may well have been of a rather simple variety, given that it is produced in all the districts of the Pylian kingdom, and not, it would seem, under the direct supervision of the central palace.ls By contrast, all the seemingly high-grade, and certainly elaborately decorated, cloth on the Ld( 1 ) ‘store’ tablets at Knossos i.e. all the ke-se-ne-wi-ju and e-qe-si-ju fabric which we have mentioned earlier, was produced in state-controlled workshops;I6 and the same holds good for the nwnu-ke-te-r-u cloth listed on Lc (1) 525. It is attractive to guess, therefore, that the development of these workshops owes its origin to the same reasons that led to the formation of the very similar state-controlled workshops in the Inca kingdom, whose growth has been described as follows by J. V. Murra:”

At some point in the history of the Inca state, the c o d e production of cloth by the household became inadequate for state needs. Craft groups were then set up or existing luxury, cumhi-cloth weavers were incorporated into the state machinery. According to Betanzos this happened in Pachacuti’s time, while a much later chronicler like Salcamayhua credits king Topa. Cripples, dwarfs and hunch-backs of both sexes - people less likely to set up family-type units and engage in agriculture, frequently became very skilled weavers. By the time of the European invasion, the housewife still continued to clothe her family, but many of the garments filling the vast storehouses found in 1532 were woven and tailored by specialists.

1) Male weavers, cumhi cumuyoc, who wove cumhi, the better cloth. They were full-time experts and worked to supply state needs. Their special status as

These craftsmen belonged to two quite separate categories:

l 2 Like the ‘royal’ cloth mentioned in Assyrian records, which, as Veenhof has demonstrated (1972, 192f.), is cloth of very high quality but not necessarily intended to be worn by the king personally.

l 3 Killen 1985,263. l4 On the role of the e-qe-fa see Deger-Jalkotzy 1978. I s Killen 1985, 271f. M For the demonstration that the cloth on the Ld( 1 ) tablets is the same fabric as the pa-we-a ko-u-

ra on the Lc(l) ‘production target’ records (or alternatively cloth which was produced in the preceding accounting year as a result of the setting of similar targets) see Killen 1979, 152-156.

M u m 1980,7 If.

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craftsmen exempt from corvCe is indicated by Santillhn, who states they had no other obligations beyond deliveries of cloth. 2) The aclla, the nun-like girls, kept weaving in ‘convents’ all over the kingdom.

I t is of interest to note the mention of ‘cripples, dwarfs and hunchbacks’ among the textile weaving workforce in Inca society: I. J. Gelb has observed that among the ‘rejects of society’ who make up a significant part of the (dependent) temple workforce in ancient Mesopotamian economies, where centrally-organised textile production is again an activity of major significance, are ‘widows, orphans, old people, especially old women, sterile and childless women, cripples, especially blind and deaf persons, beggars and vagabonds . . . ’ (my italics). I *

* * *

I t is now clear, however, that incoming revenue in Mycenaean kingdoms was also put to another purpose: the provision of state-organised banquets, whether of a religious or of a secular character. Evidence from other comparable societies leaves us in no doubt of the important role played by state hospitality in holding together the fabric of the society concerned. The provision of feasts was felt to be one of the duties of the monarch: part of what he gave in reciprocity, as it were, for the services and taxes which the subject provided him with; and feasts also clearly played an important role in ensuring the continuing good-will of important state officials and of the subordinate nobility.

The following quotation from J. V. Murra illustrates the importance of state hospitality in Inca society: l 9

Chroniclers like Betanzos, Murua and Huaman Poma, Garcilaso, Blas Valera and Salcamayhua, whose information came from deep in the cultural tradition, frequently refer to one or another of the kings as fr-anco y liberal, open and generous, the cultural image of the good chief. Special occasions like the death of a king or the inauguration of a new one were occasions when food, chicha and cloth were distributed to the ‘poor’. All those who appeared in Cuzco in representation of their ethnic groups, as pilgrims or deliverers of ‘tribute’ were fed, given gifts and beer. For all his exaggerations, Blas Valera conveyed accurately the expectations of his Chachapoya mother and her relatives when he said: ‘one can call them [the kings] diligent fathers of families or careful superintendents’.

Ix Gelb 1972, 10. Iy Murra 1980, 121f. On the social role of state hospitality in the Inca kingdom see Murra 1980,

58 (quoted in Appendix I below) with its reference to maize dumplings ‘fed in sign of loyalty and citizenship to all present for the occasion in Cuzco’. On the similar role played by public sacrifices and banquets in fostering cohesion in the ancient Greek state see Detienne in Detienne and Vemant 1979, 10: ‘Mais le sacrifice tire son importance d’une autre fonction renforcant la premitre: la relation ntcessaire avec I’exercice du rapport social, B tous les niveaux du politique, B I’inttrieur du systtme que les Grecs appellent cif i . Aucun pouvoir politique ne peut s’exercer sans pratique sacrificielle. Entrte en campagne, engagement avec I’ennemi, conclusion d’un traitt, travaux d’une commission temporaire, ouverture de I’assemblte, entrte en charge de magistrats, autant d’activitts qui commencent par un sacrifice suivi d’un repas. Tous les citoyens remplissant des magistratures offrent rtgulibrement des sacrifices; et, jusqu’B une tpoque tardive, une citt comme Athtnes garde en fonction un Archonte-Roi dont une des attributions majeures et I’administration de tous les sacrifices instituts par les ancetres, de I’ensemble des gestes rituels qui garantissent le fonctionnement harmonieux de la socittt.’ For a comprehensive account of public banqueting in the Greek city see Schmitt Pantel 1992.


Salcamayhua relates that one king was so generous, he went broke and had to ‘invent’ taxation to be able to meet his hospitality obligations. Another ruler heard that the crowds gathered for a harvest festival in Cuzco had murmured about the inadequacy of the welcome. For the next year’s banquet he had retainers carve enormous wooden beer glasses, out of which all guests were forced to drink three times a day without being allowed to get up to urinate.

That state-organised banquets also take place on a significant scale in the Mycenaean kingdoms has recently become apparent, thanks to the brilliant elucidation by Ch. Piteros, J.-P. Olivier and J. L. Melena (hereafter POM) of the purpose of the Linear B sealings (classified as Wu) which were found at Thebes in 1982.*O The texts of a representative sample of these documents (small three-sided lumps of clay, with holes through their centres showing that they were originally affixed to strings, and carrying on one face a seal impression, usually with an ideogram written over it, and often on one or both their other faces a short Linear B inscription) are set out below:

Wu 89

.a

.P

.Y Wu 71

.a

.Y wu 49

.a

.P

.Y wu 51

.a

.P

.Y wu 55

.P

.P

.a

.Y

Thebes M. 9953 ( - )

*I90 a-pu-do-ke \mat

supru sigillum D [7]

Thebes M. 9934 ( - )

sigillum L [3] PYC + 0 vacat

OVISm qe-te-o a-ko-ra

susm te-qa-de qe-te-a,

s u s m ka-ru-to wcat

Thebes M. 9909 (P,

supru sigillum E [31

Thebes M. 991 I (u) supru sigillum D [7]

Thebes M. 9915 ( - )

supru sigillum H [21

Though a few of the sealings relate to the commodities PYC+O (probably a spice:21 see Wu 71 above and probably Wu 81) and *I90 (evidently another kind of foodstuff:22 see Wu 89 above and Wu 48, 80, 95 and 98), most of the documents concern animals. The purpose of these animals is made clear by POM. First, as they show, the sealings clearly concern incoming supplies: the term a-pu-do-ke, /apud6ke/, ‘he paid’, on Wu 89 above regularly appears elsewhere on the records in the context of the payment of taxes; and te-qa-de on Wu 51 above (and also on Wu 65, 96) is clearly /ThPgw’ansde/, ‘to Thebes’. (Other sealings in the group contain a place-name in a non-allative form,

2o Piteros, Olivier and Melena 1990, especially I7 1-184. * ’ On its likely identity see Killen n.d. *? On its likely identity see Killen n.d.

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including a-ma-ru-to, Amarynthos (Wu 58) and ka-ru-to, Karystos (Wu 55 above); these evidently indicate the places from which the animals in question have been supplied to the centre, and make it likely that at the time of the documents the writ of Thebes ran as far afield as Euboea.) Second, as POM indicate, there are close similarities between the sealings and the Pylos record Un 138, the text of which is shown below:

Un 138 . I pu-ro , qe-te-a,, pa-ro, du-ni-jo .2 HORD 18 T 5 po-qa OLIV 4 T 3 V 5 .3 VIN 13 OVISm 15 WE 8 OVISf I CAPm 13 SUS 12 .4 SUS +SI I BOSf 1 BOSm 2 .5 me-za-wo-ni HORD4 T 8 V I ka-pa OLIV7

Not only do three of the sealings contain the transaction term qe-re-a, found in the heading of Un 138 (see Wu 51 above and Wu 65, 96) and a number of others a formula involving the preposition pa-ro and a following personal name in the dative (compare pa-ro du-ni-jo in the heading of Un 138): there are striking similarities between the two in terms of the livestock they record. Not only do both the sealings and Un 138 record animals of similar types: if we assume that each of the sealings is concerned with a single animal, it can also be shown that the number of animals in each category is remarkably similar in both instances. Details are shown in the following table:23

OVISm OVISf CAPm CAPf SUSm SUSf SUS SUS+SI B O P BOSf WE

Un 138 15 1 13 12 I 2 I 8 wu 14 2 7 7 6 2 I 2 1 1 3

I I I I 14 1 1

It is clear, then, that the animals on Un 138 and those on the sealings are likely to serve a similar purpose; and evidence which strongly suggests what this purpose is likely to be is provided by PY Un 2, a list of commodities of closely similar character to that on Un 138. This contains in its heading, first, the place-name pa-ki-ja-si and, second, the phrase mu-jo-me-no e-pi wa-nu-ka-te, which, though its sense remains a matter of controversy, is most plausibly understood as a reference to the initiation of the king: lmuiomendi epi wanakteil, ‘upon the initiation of the king’.24 In short, therefore, it is likely that Un 2, and hence Un 138 also, list the food, including the animals, consumed on a major ceremonial occasion. As we have seen, in Inca society state-organised banquets were held to celebrate occasions like ‘the death of a king or the inauguration of a new o n e Y and it looks as if the same held good in the Mycenaean kingdoms of Thebes and Pylos.

23 Extracted from POM 1990, 173. 24 For discussion of the phrase see Documents2 440f., 562. Though the initiation in question (if

Chadwick is right in connecting mu-jo-me-no with Gr. p h ) will be initiation into the mysteries, one wonders whether this did not take place as part of the installation of a new king. As we shall be stressing in a moment, the inauguration of a new king or magistrate was regularly the occasion for public banqueting in both the Inca kingdom and the Classical Greek state.

25 Note, too, the reference in Detienne and Vemant 1979, 10 (quoted in 11.19 above) to the ‘entrCe en charge de rnagistrats’ being one of the activities in Greek cities which were marked by a sacrifice followed by a banquet.

J. T. KILLEN: THEBES SEALINGS, KNOSSOS TABLETS 1 3

The discovery that the Thebes sealings relate to animals and other foodstuffs consumed on the occasion of what seems likely to have been a major state celebration (note that PYC+O, mentioned on the sealings, is almost certainly also mentioned in the list of commodities on Un 2,26 and that *190, also on the sealings, occurs in a probable ‘offerings’ context on KN U 7063)*’ is of major importance, not only to our under- standing of this aspect of Mycenaean society, but also in solving, at least partially, the long-standing problem of how information from outlying areas of Mycenaean kingdoms reached the centres. Tablets themselves cannot have travelled: but the small, compact sealings, affixed to strings, evidently did: very probably, attached to, or accompanying, the objects they recorded, and serving to inform the centre of the source and status of those objects. It is likely that the information on the Thebes sealings would in due course have formed the basis of a record at that site similar to Un 138 and Un 2 at Pylos: and it is also likely that the information on Un 138 and Un 2 at Pylos was derived from a set of sealings at that site similar to that at Thebeszx

But a further question remains to be asked. We now appear to have evidence for state- organised banquets at Thebes and Pylos: do we have evidence for similar activity at Knossos? I believe that we do, in the ‘set’ of records at Knossos classified as C(2) and written by scribe 1 12. The texts of all the records in this group are set out in Appendix 111.

A number of tablets in this set appear to have contained entries of an identical pattern. This consists of the preposition pa-r-o, followed by a personal name in the dative, after which there is a record of a single animal, or, at most, a very small number of animals. For C(2) tablets which certainly or probably follow this pattern of entry, see the following:

C(2) 908 (112)

]pa-ro . / de-ki-si-wo CAP’ I 1

C(2) 913 ( I I ? ? )

. I pa-ro . e-te-wa-no , u1 CAPm I [

.2 pa-ro ko-ma-we-te CAPm I pa[ .2 CAPm over [[CAP’]].

C(2) 922 + 5764

]te-ru-wo-te CAPf 1 [

C(2) 8225 + j?. (112)

] CAPf I [ Perhaps 2[.

There is a striking similarity between the pattern of entry on these records and that on three of the Thebes sealings. As we have noted, each of the sealings which contains an animal entry evidently relates to a single animal: and on the three sealings in question the

26 As POM point out (1990, 178). Chadwick is almost certainly right in suggesting that what Bennett and Olivier in PTT I read as o on line 3 of the record, following an entry of CYP+PA, should in fact be taken as (CYP+)O.

?’ On the likelihood that U 7063 is a list of offerings see Killen n.d. Compare, too, Ue 61 1 and the Wt sealings from the House of Sphinxes at Mycenae. A number

of the names of vessels on the former recur on the latter: making i t tempting to suspect, given what we now know of the probable background of PY Un 138, that the information on the tablet has been derived from the relevant sealings (and from others of the same pattern which have not survived).

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animal entry is accompanied by pa-ro plus a personal name in the dative. [In two cases (see Wu 47, 59) there is a further term on side yof the sealing, r o - w e - w i - j ~ ; ~ ~ and on Wu 59 there is also an entry relating to a further commodity, *I 71. On Wu 60, however, the inscription on the sealing is confined to pa-ro plus personal name and the animal entry, and thus is exactly parallel to that on the tablets.] The texts of Wu 47, Wu 59 and Wu 60 are set out below.

wu 47 TH M. 9907 (y??) .a S U P supra sigillum D [7] .p pa-ro te-qa-jo . Y ro-we-wi-ja

wu 59

. a d *I71 36

. a b [ ]SUSx

.p pa-ro , sa-me-

. Ya -we

.yb , ro-we-wi-ja[

supra sigillum J [2]

TH M. 9919(()

TH M. 9920 (6) Wu 60

.a SUSm supra sigillum J [21

.p pa-yo , sa-me-we

.Y l’ac‘at

Though the pa-ro plus personal name plus single animal entry formula on both the sealings and the tablets is certainly not a complex one, it is not one common on the tablets as a whole, where records of animals much more often relate to a whole flock. (It is true that we find numerous pa-ro plus personal name entries on the main group of Cn livestock records at Pylos; but here the numbers in the animal entries which follow are invariably large, and evidently relate to entire flocks.) It is tempting to wonder, therefore, whether this similarity is not significant: whether, in fact, the purpose of the C(2) tablelts is not identical to that of the sealings i.e. to record the receipt (whether actual or intended) by the palace of animals that are destined for consumption at some kind of ceremonial banquet.

Indeed, the thought comes to mind whether, just as the information on PY Un 138 is likely to have been derived from a set of sealings similar to those at Thebes, so the texts of the C(2) tablets of the pattern we have been discussing have not been transcribed, direct and unmodified, from sealings.

The analogy of the Thebes sealings, then, suggests that the C(2) tablets of the pattern we have been considering may relate to animals which are intended for slaughter (or sacrifice) and consumption. Now if this is true of some of the tablets in the series, it would not be surprising if it were also true of the remainder, given the fact that particular scribes at Knossos tend to concentrate on particular aspects of the palatial economy, and that all the tablets in the same ‘set’ (i.e. tablets in the same hand and filed in the same part of the palace - as is true of the C(2) tablets)”’ tend to have a single subject. Is it an accident, therefore, that on another of the tablets in the C(2) grouping we find the term sa-pa-ka-re-ri-ja: see C(2) 941?

2y For discussion of this term see POM 1990, 159. 3o As Olivier points out (Scribes 55) , all the records in the group whose find-spots are known

came from the Area of the Bull Relief.

J . T. KILLEN: THEBES SEALINGS, KNOSSOS TABLETS 7s

c (2) 941 + 1016 +fr . . (112) .A OVISm X[ .B pa-ro / a-pi-qo-ta , sa-pa-ka-te-ri-ja OVISf 10 [

u 1 3 . .A “

.B [[wi-ja I1 [ 11 [

The suggestion that sa-pa-ka-te-ri-ja may be /sphaktFria/, and a description of animals intended for slaughter or sacrifice, is a very long-standing one: it was first offered by M. Lejeune in 1960.” No difficulty for the proposal is raised by the contexts in which the term occurs on the records. Apart from C(2) 941, the term probably occurs twice on the tablets: on C 1561 (in an unknown hand: ]ka-te-ri-ja), where a record of an unknown number of ewes follows, and on the newly discovered X 9191, a tablet whose arrange- ment is immediately suggestive of a SHEEP context. The texts of both these records are set out below:

C 1561 ( - 1 .a ]ka-te-ri-ja [ .b ]wo OVIS“

X 9191 ( - )

.a Isa-pa-ka-[

.b ]!I, / u-ta-no , [ .a ]su-pu-ku-~e[ possible.

Note, too, that if sa-pa-ka-re-ri-ju is correctly restored on X 9191, and if this is a SHEEP tablet, the presence of the place-name u-ta-no immediately beneath it will almost certainly rule out an alternative explanation of sa-pa-ka-te-ri-ja which has sometimes been suggested: that it is itself a place-name (cf. Classical Z q c ~ q p i a ) . ~ ~ It is an almost invariable feature of the SHEEP records at Knossos that they only contain one toponym apiece.

What, however, has been felt to raise problems for the interpretation as /sphaktFr.ia/ is the spelling.” Though Rwna-ka-re-ro provides a parallel for the spelling of -kt- as -ka-re- rather than -ke-re- (compare, too, ke-se-ne-wi-ja as a spelling of lxenwial), there is abundant evidence for the spelling of initial sp(h)- as p- (see e.g. pe-mo, pe-mu, clearly involving ompp-): which appears to raise difficulties for an interpretation of the initial sa-pa- as lspha-1. On the other hand, not only would an interpretation of sa-pa-ka-te-r-i-ja as lsphakrFr-ial fit well with what the analogy of the Thebes sealings now suggests is likely to be the context of the C(2) records: there is a reasonably good chance that we have evidence, in one instance at least, for the spelling of -sp(h)a- in the interior of a word as -sa-pa-. This is provided by the Knossos CLOTH record L 7375, where it is attractive to restore e-sa-pa-ke-me[ on line a as e-sa-pa-ke-me- nu (cf. ]nu-ka, doubtless o-]nu-ka, re-u-ko-]nu-ka vel sim. on line b), and to interpret it, as

3 1 MPmoir-es 11.203 n. 18. 32 For this proposal see Documents 147 (Sittig). 13 See e.g. Documents2 58 I S.V. sa-pcr-ka-te-ri-ja: ‘Originally taken by Sittig as PN, SpkuktPriU;

more likely neut. plur. sphaktPr-ia ‘victims’ ... , but the writing of initial s- before p and ku-re for ke-te (= kte) both arouse suspicion (Palmer, 1963a. p.185) ...’.

of sa-pa-ka-te-r-i-ja

76 BICS - 1994

J. Chadwick has suggested, as konappLva, ‘swathed’.34 (Note the ]pi before e-sa-pa-ke- me[,which might well be the instrumental ending 1-phil, and part of an indication of the substance with which the swathing in question has been effected.) We know that it is a regular, and perhaps invariable, practice to spell initial sm- in the same way as internal -sm- (see si-mi-re-u, evidently L)~tvikVg, as well as do-so-mo, ldosmosl, etc., etc.): does sa-pa-ka-re-ri-ja reflect an optional spelling of initial sp- in the same fashion as internal -sp- is apparently written on L 7375? Given the attractions of interpreting sa-pa-ka-re-ri- ja in what it now seems likely is the context of the C(2) records as IsphakrPrial, it is tempting to suspect that this is indeed the case. [Note, in addition to sa-pa-ka-re-ri-ja, the term sa-pa-nu-wo-me-no, perhaps to be divided as sa-pa-nu-wo me-no, on KN X 999: is this to be interpreted as a term in lspanu-l (cf. on&vtfl)?]

Two further questions about the C(2) records remain to be considered. First, who are the persons whose names are governed by pa-ro in the series, and who, whether pa-ro is to be interpreted as ‘chez’ or ‘from’,” it is difficult to doubt are the suppliers of the animals listed?

The names which occur in this context are the following: de-ki-si-wo (C(2) 908), e-te- wa-no (C(2) 913), ko-ma-we-te (C(2) 91 3), pa-ra-ti-jo (C(2) 914), a-pi-qo-fa and ‘his’ do-e-ro (C(2) 915), ]re-ru-wo-re (C(2) 922) and (again) a-pi-qo-fa (C(2) 941). Now it is immediately noticeable that two of these names, ko-ma-we-re and (probably) a-pi-qo-fa, occur elsewhere in the archive at Knossos as those of ‘owners’ or ‘collectors’: clearly significant figures whose precise nature and role remains the subject of considerable controversy, but who are perhaps most plausibly explained as members of the royal family, major palace officials or the like.j6 For ko-ma-we(-ta) as an ‘owner’, see Ap 618 (hand 103), B 798 (hand 107), Dk(1) 920 (hand 120), Le 5629 (hand 103), etc.; for a-pi- 90-i-fa (very likely an alternative spelling of a-pi-qo-fa) as an ‘owner’ of women workers, see Ai(3) 824. The question arises, however: are ko-ma-we-re and a-pi-qo-fa on the C(2) records references to these same ‘owners’; or are they merely persons who happen to have the same names as ‘owners’?

We can, I believe, make out a reasonably strong case for taking these persons as the ‘owners’ who appear elsewhere on the records. First, there is evidence to suggest that the individuals whose names appear after pa-ro in what we have suggested is a similar context on the Thebes sealings are persons of importance. On a number of the sealings, the personal name in the inscription is accompanied by the term o-pa: see Wu 46, Wu 56, Wu 58, Wu 76, Wu 88. o-pa appears to be a term for a contribution of some kind;” and it is associated elsewhere on the records with persons of seeming importance, like major workshop ‘owners’ or supervisors (see e.g. e-fa-wo-ne-wo o-pa L 695; ko-ki-da o-pa Sd 4403: e. and k . are apparently important figures in the cloth finishing and chariot manufacturing industries respectively.) Moreover, that some at least of these persons may be ‘owners’or ‘collectors’ is suggested by the appearance of the terms a-ko-ra and a-ko- ra-ja on a number of the sealings. For the appearance of a-ko-ra in connextion with ‘owners’ on the Pylos records, see e.g. Cn 655.6 (we-da-ne-wo a-ko-ra); for the

24 Documents2 546. (As Professor C. J . Ruijgh reminds me, a parallel for such a full spelling of s followed by a plosive (again in the interior of a word) is probably provided by i-su-ku-nwdo-to (KN Fh 348.1), normally (and attractively) interpreted as the dative of a name Iskhuodotos. j5 For the suggestion that i t means ‘chez’ see (e. ) Householder 1959, Killen 1979, 158-161; for

j h Killen 1979, 176-178. j7 Melena 1983.

the view that it means ‘from’ see (e.g.) Documents 5 569 (‘from or at the hands of a person’).

J. T. KILLEN: THEBES SEALINGS. KNOSSOS TABLETS 71

suggestion that a-ko-ra-jal-jo may indicate flocks belonging to ‘owners’ or ‘collectors’, see Killen 1976.122-125.38

Further possible support for this conclusion is provided by two records at Pylos: Un 138, which we have already discussed, and Cn 418, the text of which reads as follows:

Cn418 . I .2 .3 .4 .5 .6 .7 .8 .9

pa-ro we-u-da-ne-we re-u-ko . a-ko-ro-we-e BOS+SI 2 re[-u-]ko , ma-ra-p/ , pe-ko , a-ko-ro-we BOS+SI I

CAP”3 WE 3 CAP” 3 13 12 [ 13 [

] wsrigia [ re-u-ko[ ]pe-ko , a-ko-ro-we[ OVIS” 1 CAPm I WE[ 1 SUSY

1 l’ac’ut [ in@ niutila

It is tempting to suspect that the purpose of this tablet is to record animals that are intended for a similar purpose as those on PY Un 138, the Thebes sealings and the C(2) records at Knossos. Not only does the record, like Un 138, deal with relatively small numbers of a variety of different animals (including BOS+SI, CAPm, WE, OVISm and probably SUS, with which compare the BOSm, BOSf, CAPm, OVISm, OVISf, SUS, SUS+SI and WE entries on 138): the careful descriptions of the oxen on 11. 2 and 3, which include the colour term re-u-ko, ‘white’, and the qualification of these animals as S I , which may abbreviate si-a,-ro, mbAog (cf. the SUS+SI entry on 138), is consistent with the view that the animals listed here are intended for sacrifice. Not only, however, do both Cn 418 and Un 138 contain what appears to be a list of animals for consumption: both (like many of the Thebes sealings and the Knossos C(2) records) contain the preposition pa-ro followed by a personal name: see pa-ro du-ni-jo in the heading of Un 138 and pa-ro we-u-da-ne-we in the heading of Cn 418. And while coincidence still cannot be excluded, it is at once noticeable that both of the names which are involved in these pa-ro formulae (probably) occur elsewhere at Pylos as those of persons of importance. Two persons called du-ni-jo (one of them a du-ma) are listed on An 192, a list of seemingly important personages;3y and, of particular interest in view of the evidence that some at least of the persons on the C(2) records and the Thebes sealings may be ‘collectors’ or ‘owners’, Mfe-u-da-ne-we may well be a variant spelling of we-da- ne-we: the name of one of the four ‘collectors’ or ‘owners’ on the main group of Cn livestock records at Pylos (a-ke-o, a-ko-so-ta, a-pi-me-de and we-da-ne-u).

In short, then, the chances that ko-ma-we-te and a-pi-qo-fa after pa-1.0 on the C(2) records are the same ‘collectors’ or ‘owners’ whose activities are recorded elsewhere at Knossos would appear to be reasonably strong. But a final question about the C(2) records remains to be asked. This concerns C(2) 914, a further record in the ‘set’, whose text runs as follows:

jx If the names which appear after pa-ro on the Thebes sealings are those of ‘owners’ or ‘collectors’, i t is of interest to note that one of them, sa-me-we (see Wu 59, Wu 60), almost certainly recurs at Knossos as that of an ‘owner’: see ]sa-mew[, almost certainly the nom. of su-me- we, on L(3) 455.2, in the same position as is occupied on L(3) 473 by the ‘owner’s’ name i-se-we- ri-jo. For the frequency with which ‘owners” or ‘collectors” names appear at more than one site. see Killen 1979, 176-179. Iy For discussion of the various attestations of the name du-ni-jo at Pylos (and the suggestion that

du-ni-jo on Un 138 may be the same person as du-ni-jo the du-ma on An 192), see Lindgren 1973 I.43f., II.146f.

78 BlCS - 1994

C(2) 914

.A pa-ra-ti-jo OVISm 50

.B a-ka-wi-ja-de / pa-ro , CAPm 50

As will be seen, the record begins with the allative a-ka-wi-ja-de, IAkhaiwiin-del; and the question arises as to where this place is. Some have taken it as a reference to a place in Crete itself (for a reference to AXaz‘a as a place in Crete in the Classical period, see Schol. A.R. 4.175); others as a reference to the Greek mainland (or a place, like Rhodes, still further afield).40 It is not possible to settle the question finally; but it should now be noted that one argument which might be adduced in favour of Achaia here being somewhere outside Crete, the fact that it does not certainly occur anywhere else on the tablets, can no longer be accorded much weight. For given that C(2) 914 is a record in hand 112, and is in the same ‘set’ as the pa-ro plus personal name tablets and C(2) 941 with its reference to sa-pa-ka-re-ri-ja animals, we can scarcely doubt that the hundred animals i t records are destined for slaughter; and, given their number, it is clearly tempting to conclude that they are in fact a hecatomb: a hundred sheep and goats destined to be sacrificed on some major religious occasion. And if this is indeed a hecatomb being sent to Achaia, the possibility at once arises that the reason why this toponym fails (or may fail)4’ to occur elsewhere on the tablets is that this is a place primarily known for its religious associations. It is by no means uncommon on the tablets for places which are evidently the sites of important shrines or the like only to appear on records of religious offerings, and not to be found more generally in the archive.42 Alternatively (and this would explain why it does not occur on any other record in the archive at Knossos dealing with religious activity), a-ka-wi-ja might not be a place-name at all, but the name of a religious festival (the Achaia): perhaps a festival that was established in Crete by the mainland Greeks at some point after their arrival on the island.43

Jesus College, Cambridge

40 For the view that it is a place in Crete itself see (e.g.) Sacconi 1969; for the suggestion that we cannot rule out the possibility that it is a place further afield (‘Rhodes, Cyprus, or even the Greek mainland’) see Documents 209. 4 1 Note the possibility that the term ]ku-wi-ju before DA 5 on KN Uf(1) 79 in hand “124” should

be restored as a-ku-wi-ju. On some other records in the Uf(1) ‘set’, the term immediately before DA is, or may be, a place-name: see ku-tu-to on Uf( I ) 1 1 1, ti-ri-to on Uf( 1) 120 and pa-na-so on Uf( 1) 12 1 and Uf( 1 ) 7494. 42 A good example is the place-name *47-so(-de); this is found only on the Fh tablets, where it

appears to be the destination of a religious offering. 43 I am grateful to Dr Chadwick for this suggestion.


APPENDICES

APPENDIX I. a-ko-ro-we on PY Cn 418

On three registers of PY Cn 41 8, which, as we have seen above, is likely to be a record of animals intended for sacrifice, we find the term a-ko-ro-we(-r): see lines 2, 3, 7. In each of these lines a-ko-ro-we-(e) follows the term re-u-ko, lleukos, -4, ‘white’, and (like that term) is evidently a description of the animals listed. But what is its meaning?

There have been a number of suggestions in the past. In Documents in Mycenaean Greek1. Ventris and Chadwick suggest *(h)a-~puFqg, ‘of uniform colour’, a proposal which has been accepted by a number of other scholars; Georgiev and others have suggested *&-xphq5, ‘pale’; Gallavotti has suggested *a~p-hFq5, ‘with pointed ears’; and Palmer has suggested *&-~o/l06775 (cf. KOAOVU, ‘I mutilate’) with a sense of ‘~ncastrated’ .~~ It is not perhaps possible to settle the matter finally; but it is worth noting that evidence from Inca sources suggests that a reference to white animals of uniform colour would be perfectly at home in the context of a list of animals destined for sacrifice. The following is part of J. V. Murra’s account of sacrifices to the sun in the Inca kingdom;4s note the reference to white llamas in the first paragraph and to uniformly coloured animals in the second:

Sacrificial offerings to the Sun usually consisted of white llamas, and according to Polo each new day was greeted by sacrificing a llama garbed in a special red woolen and feathered garment decorated with figures of pumas and other ferocious animals. Care was taken to match the occasion with the color, age, and quality of the beast; young bucks were the preferred offering. The females were spared unless they were barren.

A “faultless” uniformly colored animal was thought to enhance the effectiveness of the sacrifice. At Citua time, four such beasts were selected to provide the blood needed to wet and knead the maize dumplings fed in sign of loyalty and citizenship to all the people present for the occasion in Cuzco. In situations of grave emergency when the king was dangerously i l l or just acceding to the throne, during a persistent drought and the like, the Capacocha sacrifice was called for. It included “faultless” human children as well as llamas and cloth.

The use of uniformly coloured animals for sacrificial purposes is also of course not unknown in the Classical Greek world (and later): see e.g. Od. 111, 5-6: roi S&i Oivi t9ailaoq5 kpiY b o v , 1 ravpovg ~rappikvas, kvooiX290vi mavoxairg, and note also S. Georgoudi in Detienne & Vemant 1979 re the modem Greek ~oup@vi: ‘Les crittrres qui dtterminent le choix de la victime varient, semble-t-il, d’un lieu I’autre. Si’l agit d’un veau, on le choisera gras, la peau luisante; d’un mouton, on le prendra tout blanc ou tout noir, et bien gras lui aussi.’46 For the sacrifice of white cattle in the Greek world see e.g. 11. XXIII, 30-3 1 : no/lAoi p&v poi5 @pi dpixtkov &pqi cn&jpq I ocpcr~op~voi. On the colour of Greek sacrificial animals in general see Stengel 19 10.197-202.47

44 For references to all these proposals see Aura Jorro. Dicrionurio S.V. 45 Murra 1980.58. 46 Detienne and Vernant 1979, 280. J7 Palmer (1963,405) objects to an interpretation of u-ko-ro-we(-el as ‘of uniform colour’ that the

terms standing between re-u-ko and a-ko-ro-wve on Cn 418.3, mu-ru-pi pe-ko. are to be interpreted as lrnaliphiperkosl, ‘dark under the legs’. Even if this interpretation is correct, however (and that is by no means certain), ‘Palmer’s assertion ... is hardly justified; it is still possible to refer thus to an ox which is white except for dark patches underneath.’ (Docwnenrs2 436).

80 BICS - 1994

APPENDIX 11. The animal entries on PY Un 138, etc.

As we have seen above, the animal entries on PY Un 138 involve the following types and numbers of livestock: OVISm (= male sheep) 15; WE (probably = /wetalon/, ‘yearling’; here probably a yearling sheep) 8; OVISf (= female sheep) 1; CAPm (=male goat) 13; SUS (= pig: sex not indicated) 12; SUS+SI (probably = fattened pig (m’dos) 1; BOSf (female bovid) 1; BOSm (male bovid) 2.

There are two other records at Pylos which appear to have a similar purpose to Un 138, and where the livestock entries are complete: see Un 2, Ua 25. In addition, there is a partly preserved livestock section on Ua 17, which again looks as if it may concern animals for consumption. The types and numbers of animals which appear on these records are as follows:

Ua 17 17 OVlS‘ 7 W E 17 CAP”’ 31 SUS‘ 20

Ua 25 SUS+SI 3 BOS’ 2 BOSm 8 OVISm 61

Un 2 - BOS I OVISm 26 OVISf 6 CAPm 2 CAPf 2 SUS+SI 1 SUSf 6

Two features of these lists are at once noticeable: the normal (though not invariable) predominance of male over female animals within each category; and the very high proportion of sheep and goats recorded. Both these characteristics are common in records of sacrificial animals in the Classical Greek world. The preference for male over female animals is doubtless to be accounted for, at least in part, by the reluctance of flock-owners to part with breeding stock needed for regenerating their herds;48 and as M. H. Jameson has noted, ‘in the Classical period, even in Attica away from the state’s largesse, the predominant victims were sheep and goats’.49 Moreover, while, as Jameson notes, the proportion of each type of animal sacrificed ‘would have varied from region to region, depending on the local environment and on both local or more distant demand’,50 there are striking similarities between the ratios of sheep/goats, pigs and cattle listed on the Pylos ‘ceremonial’ banquet records and those attested in butchery and sacrificial contexts elsewhere. I show below (a) the ratios of sheep/goats, pigs and cattle on Ua 25, Un 2 and Un 138 and (b) (i) the proportion of bones of each of these three varieties of livestock found in the Minoan levels under the sanctuary of Demeter at Knossos (Jarman 1973); (ii) the figures from Attic leges sacrue for the percentages of sheep/goats, pigs and cattle sacrificed annually at Thorikos;” and (iii) the percentage of each of these three varieties of animal among the livestock sacrificed by Alcinoos in Odyssey VIII.s2

4x Jameson 1988, 100. Compare the point made by Murra (1980, 58) , quoted in Appendix I1 above, that for animal sacrifice in the Inca kingdom ‘young bucks were the preferred offering. The females were spared unless they were barren’. 4y Jameson 1988,99.

Jameson 1988,95 (with reference to the ratio of cattle to sheep or goats). Jameson 1988,94: ‘Thorikos offered two oxen compared to 35 sheep and goats and five pigs’.

5 2 Od. VIII, 59f.: r6imv 6’ AAKiv005 6uoKaiEra prjA’ ikp&va&v, dmb 6’ drpylo6ovsag Gag, 6vo 6’ &iAino6as PoGg.


(a) Ua 25

SHEEP/GOATS (%) PIGS (%) CATTLE (%)

83.75 3.75 12.5

Un 2 81.8 15.9 2.3

Un 138 69.8 24.5 5.7

(b) ( i ) Knossos (bones) 62.1 29.8 6.3*

( i i ) Thorikos 83.3 11.9 4.8

(iii) 0 d ~ ~ w . ~ VIII 54.5 36.4 9.1

* plus I .8 other (dog, equid. others)

Note the particularly close correlation between the ratio on Un 138 and that in the Knossos bone material and between the ratio on Un 2 and that at Thorikos. And while the Odyssey ratio is rather less close than these to the Pylos Ua and Un figures, it again shows sheep/goats comfortably outnumbering pigs, and pigs in turn comfortably outnumbering cattle.s3

s3 Note that it seems unlikely that any of these ratios are to be explained simply in terms of a desire to provide equal amounts of sheeplgoat, pig and cattle meat. Jameson (1988,95) quotes the following estimates for the amounts of usable meat provided by adult animals in Dark Age Nichoria: cattle 100 kg., sheep 20 kg., goat 30 kg., pig 50 kg. If these estimates are reliable, and also hold good for livestock in other periods of Greek antiquity, and if the desire was to provide equal amounts of mutton/goat’s meat, pork and beef, we should expect the animals to appear in the ratio of approximately 57:29: 14. Only the Odyssey ratio comes anywhere near these figures; and even here the correspondence is clearly by no means an exact one, with the ratio of pigs to cattle standing at c.4: I , rather than at c.2: I , as a ratio of 29: 14 would involve.

82 BICS - 1994

APPENDIX 111. The Knossos C ( 2 ) records: texts

908

]pa-ro , / de-ki-si-wo CAPf I [

913

pa-ro , e-te-wa-no , pa-ro ko-ma-we-te CAPm I pa[

u j CAPm I [

.2 CAPm over [[CAPf]].

914

pa-ra-ti-jo OVIS"' 50 a-ka-wi-ja-de / pa-ro , CAP"' 50

Left end and central division (under pu-ru-ri-jo) erased

915

] OVIS' 10 ] pa-ro , a-pi-qo-ta / pa-ro , do-e-ro

922 + 5164

]te-ru-wo-te CAPf I [

941 + 1016 +,fr .

pa-ro / a-pi-qo-ta , sa-pa-ka-te-ri-ja

" [[wi-ja

r. B Traces at right.

5765 + fr. 1 CAP' [

[ CAP' 10 [

OVlS"' 8[ OVIS' 10 [

I1 [ 11 I

7064 + 1543 + 8226

a-ki-ri-ja CAP"' 26 CAP' [

.2 3[ probably over [[ I]. I'UC. I Ike 3[

8225 + fr. ] CAP' I [

Perhaps 2[.

8578 + fr. ]pa-ro . I

Possible trace at right

83 J. T. KILLEN: THEBES SEALINGS, KNOSSOS TABLETS

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