the working-time and the three spirits of capitalism · "belief in progress, in the future,...

Rev.DireitoPráx.,RiodeJaneiro,V.10,N.4,2019p.2512-2539.LarissaXimenesdeCastilhoeJulianaTeixeiraEstevesDOI:10.1590/2179-8966/2019/36036|ISSN:2179-8966

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Theworking-timeandthethreespiritsofcapitalismAduraçãodotrabalhoeostrêsespíritosdocapitalismoLarissaXimenesdeCastilho11 Federal University of Pernambuco, Pernambuco, Recife, Brazil. E-mail:[email protected]:http://orcid.org/0000-0002-4934-5056.JulianaTeixeiraEsteves22 Federal University of Pernambuco, Pernambuco, Recife, Brazil. E-mail:

[email protected]:http://orcid.org/0000-0001-5603-1250.

Thearticlewasreceivedon15/07/2018andacceptedon24/03/2019.

ThisworkislicensedunderaCreativeCommonsAttribution4.0InternationalLicense


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Abstract

This article aims todrawahistorical overviewabout theworking-timeand its limitationalong the

threemainstagesofcapitalism,whichcorrespondencetospecificwaysofcontrollingworkingday.

AlsopresentsthequestionofhowworkinghoursisbeingdebatedintheBrazilianexperience.

Keywords:Working-Time;Capitalism;LaborLaw.

Resumo

Este artigo objetiva traçar um panorama histórico a respeito da duração do trabalho e de sua

limitação ao longo das três principais fases do capitalismo, às quais correspondem maneiras

particulares de controle dos tempos de trabalho. Apresenta também de quemodo a questão da

jornadadetrabalhovemsendodiscutidanaexperiênciabrasileira.

Palavras-chave:JornadadeTrabalho;Capitalismo;DireitodoTrabalho.


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1.Introduction

The expression "spirits of capitalism" refers to the work of writers Luc Boltanski and Eve

Chiapello,entitled"TheNewSpiritofCapitalism"1,whichaimstofacilitatetheunderstanding

of the historical conditions that allowed capitalism, at different historicalmoments, get the

engagementofthenecessarystakeholdersforitssurvivalasadominantmodeofproduction.

Accordingtotheauthors,

Thespiritofcapitalism ispreciselythesetofbeliefsassociatedwiththecapitalistorder that contribute to justify and sustain that order, legitimizing themodes ofactionand theprovisions consistentwith it. These justifications,whethergeneralorpractices,localorglobal,expressedintermsofvirtueorintermsofjustice,givesupporttotheachievementofmoreorlessarduoustasksand,moregenerally,theadherence to a lifestyle favorable to the capitalist order. (Boltanski; Chiapello,2009,p42).2

This article aims to draw a historical overview about the working-time and its

limitationalongthethreemainphasesofcapitalism,identifiedbyBoltanskiandChiapelloasits

"threespirits".Beforethat,itisimportanttopoint,althoughbriefly,formsofworkandcontrol

ofworking-timeinthepre-capitalistmodesofproduction.

In the 1990s, the sociologist Sadi Dal Rosso began his journey through theworking-

timehistoryintheworldhavingasastartingpointancientRome,predominantlyagrarianand

slaveryeconomy,althoughalsohavingfreeholders, leaseholdersandmigratoryworkers,who

performedsimilarworking-timeamounts.Accordingtohim,slavesworkingdaywascertainly

longerthantheotherworkersbecausethesocialinterdictionstoworkuponRomanswerenot

applicabletothem.(DALROSSO,1996)

ThemainlimitationtotheexerciseofagriculturallaborinancientRomewasanatural

one,as itbeganatsunriseandendedatsunset. Inaddition, theseasonsalso influencedthe

amount of work performed, as in winter work was to obtain the minimum required for

subsistence,whileinthefall,springandsummertherewasmorework.Inordertocontrolde

working-times, Dal Rosso says that the exact count of the hours was not accessible to all

1TheauthorsoptionforthatexpressionhasitsorigininMaxWeber'swork"TheProtestantEthicandtheSpiritofCapitalism", inwhichWeberexplainsthatpeopleneededstrongmoralreasonstoadheretotherisingcapitalism,whichatthetimewerefoundintheideaofvocationtoworksustainedbyProtestantism.2Translatornote.Freetranslationfromtheoriginalquote:“Oespíritodocapitalismoéjustamenteoconjuntodecrenças associadas à ordem capitalista que contribuem para justificar e sustentar essa ordem, legitimando osmodos de ação e as disposições coerentes com ela. Essas justificações, sejam elas gerais ou práticas, locais ouglobais,expressasemtermosdevirtudeouemtermosdejustiça,dãorespaldoaocumprimentodetarefasmaisoumenospenosase,demodomaisgeral,àadesãoaumestilodevida,emsentidofavorávelàordemcapitalista.”


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Romans,andmeasuringinstruments,suchasthewaterclock,wereonlyavailabletothemost

aristocraticsegmentsofsociety.(DALROSSO1996).

IntheMiddleAges,thewayofmeasuringtimewasmodifiedaftertheCatholicChurch

reformthatoccurredinthesixthcenturyAD,whichspreadmonasteriesacrosstheEuropean

continentandinstitutedthecanonicalhoursfortheholdingofofficesbythemonks.

The canonical hours were collective religious acts, for which exercise themonkswerecallupbythechurchbellatcertainintervals,separatedbythreehours.Thebellplayed, first, thisroleofawakenandcall themonkstothedivineoffices.Butthe ringing of the bell exercised another very important function: to spread indistanceandservedasabeaconofhoursforthewholepopulationthatinhabitedthevillagesandtownsclosetothemonasteries.Thechurchbelltollingthehoursofdivine service organized social life of the population. also organized theworkingday,asitenabledareliableandaffordablemeanforthedivisionoftimeandlaborcontrol.(DALROSSO,1996.P.74)3

With the formationofcity-states, thepower to set the timewent fromtheChurch's

handstothemerchantsandbourgeoisones,andthemunicipaltowerbecametheplacewhere

thebellsor“jacquemarts”4were installed.For thepopulations livingawayfromcitycenters,

working-timewasstillconditionedbysunriseandsunset.(DALROSSO1996)

DalRosso,fromthedatacollectedbyintheworkofGöstaLangenfelt5estimatedthat

theworking-year in theMiddle Ageswere up to 2500 hours, assuming that people did not

workonSundaysandduringmajorreligiousfestivals,andhadpart-timeworkduringthevigil

for religious festivities preparations. Also according to him, this pattern working-year was

expanded with the advent of mercantilism and the transition for the capitalist mode of

production.

According to this estimate, the working-day had the following dynamics through

history:

3Translatornote.Freetranslationfromtheoriginalquote:“Ashorascanônicaseramatosreligiososcoletivos,paracujoexercícioosmongeseramconvocadospelosinodaigrejaaintervalosdeterminados,separadosportrêshoras.Osinoexercia,primeiramente,estepapeldedespertarechamarosmongesparaosofíciosdivinos.Masavozdosinopreenchiaoutrafunçãomuitoimportante:espalhava-sepelasdistanciaseserviadebalizamentodashorasparao conjunto da população que habitava as vilas e cidades próximas aosmosteiros.O sino da igreja badalando ashorasdooficiodivinoorganizava socialmentea vidadapopulação.Organizava tambéma jornadade trabalho, àmedidaquepossibilitavaummeioconfiáveleacessívelparaadivisãodotempoecontroledotrabalho.”4Metalorwoodmanwithahammerbeatingtheclockbellasthehourspassby.(DALROSSO,1996.p.74-75)5GöstaLangenfelt,Aorigemdodiadeoitohoras,1954,p.38-45apudDALROSSO,1996.


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2.Theworking-timeinthefirstspiritofcapitalism.Theworking-daybyMarx.

Boltanski and Chiapello (2009) draw a historical and social overview about the existence

conditionsofthethreespiritsofcapitalism,whichtheylistasthemainvariationsofthatmode

ofproductionsinceitsbeginning.Accordingtotheauthors,thefirstspiritofcapitalismisthe

figure of the heroic bourgeois entrepreneur, from the late nineteenth century, which is

associated with the ideas of liberation from traditional forms of personal dependence and

innovation.

Thatspiritwasalsoguidedby thebourgeoisvalues,which in theeconomic fieldwas

manifestedbythetendencytorationalizeeverydaylifeinallitsaspects,andinprivatelife,by

traditionalpositioning,attachinggreatimportancetothefamily,thelineage,theheritage,the

chastity ofwomen (to avoid disadvantageousweddings and squandering of capital) and the

patriarchal characterof the relationshipwith theemployees. Inaddition, therewasa strong

"belief in progress, in the future, science, technology, the industry benefits"which justify a

utilitarian view, according to which sacrifices had to be made in the name of progress.

(Boltanski;Chiapello,2009,p.49-50)

ItisintheperiodofthefirstspiritofcapitalismthatKarlMarxpublishedthe“Capital”

book I, which dedicates a specific section to the research of the working-day in English

factories that time and exposes his view about the limits of labour-power exploitation.

According to him, the magnitude of the working-day is the sum of the time required to

produce the average livelihood diaries and surplus time, which determines the amount of

surplus-valuethatwillbeappropriatefortheemployer.(Marx,2013p.305-306)

Marxarguesforadoubledeterminationofthemaximumoftheworking-day,primarily

by physical limitationsof the labour power,whichduring a daymust satisfy physical needs,

suchasfeedingandresting;andsecondly,bymoral/sociallimitsofworking-time,considering

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Início do Seculo XX

Duração anual do trabalho por período histórico


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that workers also need time to their intellectual and social needs, whose levels were

determinedbythegenerallevelofculturebythetime.(Marx,2013p.306)

Another important issuepointedout inMarx's research is that there is ahunger for

morework,whichintensifies inthecapitalistmodeofproduction,butisnotexclusiveofthis

system,as:

Wherever a part of society possesses themonopoly of themeansof production,thelabourer,freeornotfree,mustaddtotheworking-timenecessaryforhisownmaintenanceanextraworking-timeinordertoproducethemeansofsubsistencefortheownersofthemeansofproduction.(Marx,2013p.309)6

TheGermanthinkerpresentstheEnglishFactoryActsasthefirstrulestocurbcapital

impulse for unlimited suction of the labour-power, as these laws established a compulsory

limitation of working-day, which should be observed by the British bourgeoisie. Beside the

daily activities limited by Factory Acts,Marx also presents the forms ofwork thatwere not

subject to any government regulation. In order to do that, uses the reports of the Child

Employment Commission, that was in charge to visit the factories and report the working

conditionsofEnglishchildren,andalsoofotherworkers.

ThereportsanalyzedbyMarxwererelatedtodifferentcategoriesofworkersinvolved

indifferentactivities,andindicatesthepredominantlabor-power(male,femaleorchild),and

theirworking-dayaswell.

Thechildren’sworking-daydrawsattention to its strenuousduration in theactivities

describedbyMarx.Inthemanufactureoflace,therewerechildrenworkinguninterrupted18

to20hours;inthepotteries,girlsandboysworked15-20hoursaday;inthemanufactureof

matchsticks,halfofwhoseemployeeswascomprisedofchildren,theworking-dayrangedfrom

12 to 15 hours, also uninterruptedly; and in the manufacture of wallpapers, women and

children worked about 16 hours a day, without a break for food, there were reports of

motherswhofedandcaredfortheirchildrenunderthemachinesintheirjobs.

Themale workers hadmore extensive working-day than what was reported by the

Child Employment Commission, as stated in the examples brought by Marx of the Bakers

officerscategory,railandfarmers,whohadworking-daysrangingbetween16:18hoursinlow

season, reaching up to 20 hours during the high season in London. The rail category had

especiallylongworking-day,whichduringnormalmovementoftrainsvariedbetween13to20

6 Translator note. Free translation from the original quote: “onde quer que uma parte da sociedade detenha omonopóliodosmeiosdeprodução,otrabalhador,livreounão,temdeadicionaraotempodetrabalhonecessárioàsuaautoconservaçãoumtempodetrabalhoexcedenteafimdeproduzirosmeiosdesubsistênciaparaopossuidordosmeiosdeprodução.”


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hours,butduringtheLondonSeasoncouldlastfor40to50hourscontinuously,whichiswhy

manyfatalaccidentswereoccurringintheBritishrailwaylines.

Theappropriationofwomen'sworkwasparticularly seen inmanufacturingactivities

relatedtotextileproduction.Marxreportsanemblematicexampleofdeathfromoverworkby

theEnglishdressmakerMaryWalkley,whodiedafterworking foruninterrupted30hours in

makingdressesfortheladiesofhighsociety.TheGermanthinkerpointedoutthatduringthe

highseasonthewomenemployedintheseactivitiesspentupto30hoursofstraightworking

tomeetthedemandforclothing,withouthavingbreaksforrestorfeeding.

Dealingwiththedistinctionbetweendayandnightwork,andworkinginrelaysystem,

Marx insists that "appropriating 24 hours of the working-day is the immanent drive of the

capitalistproduction",soinordertoovercomethephysicallimitationsofthelabor-power,itis

necessary to establish a rotation system among employees, according to business needs. In

order to illustrate how this system worked, he refers to the fourth report of the Child

EmploymentCommission,inwhichthefactoryinspectorsnotethat:

Thosewhoareonday-workwork5daysof 12, and1dayof 18hours; thoseonnight-work5nightsof12,and1of6hours ineachweek. Inothercaseseachsetworks 24 hours consecutively on alternate days, one set working 6 hours onMonday, and 18 on Saturday to make up the 24 hours. In other cases anintermediate system prevails, by which all employed on the paper-makingmachinery work 15 or 16 hours every day in the week. This system, saysCommissionerLord,“seemstocombinealltheevilsofboththe12hours’andthe24hours’ relays.”Childrenunder13, youngpersonsunder18,andwomen,workunderthisnightsystem.Sometimesunderthe12hours’systemtheyareobliged,onaccountofthenon-appearanceofthosethatoughttorelievethem,toworkadoubleturnof24hours.Theevidenceprovesthatboysandgirlsveryoftenworkovertime, which, not unfrequently, extends to 24 or even 36 hours ofuninterruptedtoil.(Marx,2013p.332)7

The settingof anormalworking-day, according toMarx, is the result of a 400 years

strugglebetweencapitalists andworkers inEngland,andduring thatperiod therewere two

antagonisticcurrentsinevidence:a)thefirstonewasonthestatutesofworkersfromthepre-

industrialperiod,inwhichtherighttoextractasufficientamountofover-workbythecapital

7 Translator note. Free translation from the original quote: “A turma escalada para o turno diurno trabalhasemanalmente5diasde12horaseumdiade18horas,eaturmaescaladaparaoturnodanoitetrabalha5noitesde 12 horas e uma de 6 horas. Em outros casos, cada turma trabalha 24 horas, uma depois da outra, em diasalternados.Paracompletaras24horas,umaturmatrabalha6horasnasegunda feirae18horasnosábado.Emoutroscasosintroduziu-seumsistemaintermediárioemquetodososempregadosnamaquinariadefabricaçãodepapeltrabalhamtodososdiasdasemanapor15-16horas.Essesistema,dizocomissáriodeinquéritoLord,pareceunirtodososmalesdosrevezamentosde12e24horas.Criançasmenoresde13anos, jovensmenoresde18anosemulherestrabalhamsobessesistemanoturno.Àsvezes,nosistemade12horas,eleseramobrigados,porcontadaausênciadequemiriarendê-los,atrabalharoturnoduplode24horas.Depoimentosdetestemunhasprovamquemeninosemeninastrabalhamcommuitafrequênciaalémdotempodajornadadetrabalho,quenãoraroseestendea24eatémesmo36horas.”


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in itsembryonicstatewasguaranteedbystatecoercion;andb)thefactory legislationofthe

latenineteenthcentury,whichcompulsorilylimitedtheworking-day.(Marx,2013p.343)

Amongthenormselaboratedintheindustrialperiod,KarlMarxemphasizedtheLawof

1833,theLawof1844andthe10hours’LawofMay1,1848.TheLawof1833providedfora

working-day that began at 5 amand ended at 8:30 pm,making a total of 15 hours daily. It

allowedtheworkofadolescentsfor12hoursaday,distributedattheemployer'sdiscretion,

andprohibitednightworkbypeopleaged9-18years.Theworkperformedfrom8:30pmto5

amwasconsiderednocturnal.

The1844 law,whichwas in forceuntil 1847, provided for a slightly shorterworking

day,lasting12hoursaday.Duringthisperiodtherewasagreatpoliticalupheavalwithinthe

workingclasses,whosemottowasthestrugglefora10hoursworkingday,whichmeantthat

the 12 hours working day was generally and uniformly implemented for all branches of

industry subject to factory legislation. However, as away of compensating industrialists for

restrictingoverwork,theEnglishgovernmenthadreducedtheageatwhichchildrencouldbe

employedfrom9to8years.(MARX,2013.p.355)

Specificallyduringtheyears1846-1847,therewasaneconomiccrisis inEngland,and

theChartistmovementandforthe10hoursworking-daygrewsomuchthatthe10hours’law

wasfinallypassed,butitsimplementationwouldbephasedoutto11inJuly1847,andto10in

May1848.Thereactionoftheindustrialistswasinitiallytoreducewagesby10%,followedby

another8.5%reductionassoonas the11hoursdaywent intoeffect. Inaddition, theyused

threatsandallformsofcoerciontohaveworkerssignpetitionscallingfortherepealofthe10

hours’law,whichwasattestedbyworkerswhentheywereheardbyfactoryinspectors.

Despitetheemployers'campaignagainstthe10hours’law,itcameintoforce,butlike

itspredecessors,itdidnotlimittheworkofthemaleworkerover18,whocontinuedworking

12to15hoursaday.Onlyin1850didmanufacturersandworkersagreeonthelengthofthe

dailyworking-day,whichMarxdescribesinthefollowingexcerpt:

Theworkingdayfor“youngpersonsandwomen,”wasraisedfrom10to10½hoursforthefirstfivedaysoftheweek,andshortenedto7½ontheSaturday.Theworkwastogoonbetween6a.m.and6p.m.133,withpausesofnotlessthan1½hoursformeal-times, thesemeal-timestobeallowedatoneandthesametimeforall,and conformably to the conditions of 1844. By this an endwas put to the relaysystemonce for all.134 For children’s labour, theAct of 1844 remained in force.(MARX,2013p.364)8

8 Translator note. Free translation from the original quote: “A jornada de trabalho para “jovens emulheres” foiprolongada,nosprimeiroscincodiasdasemana,de10para10horasemeiaediminuídapara7horasemeiaaossábados.Otrabalhodeveserrealizadonoperíodoentreas6horasdamanhãeas6horasdatarde,com1horaemeiadepausasparaasrefeições,quedevemserasmesmasparatodos,eemconformidadecomasregrasde1844.


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Marx concludes his report about the struggles for the normal working-day history

explaininghowthestruggleoftheEnglishworkershadrepercussionsinothercountries,such

asFrance,which limitedtheworking-dayto12hours in1855,andintheUSA,whereafter it

wasdeclaredtheendofslavery,alabormovementaroseandthemaindemandwastheeight-

hourworking-day.(MARX,2013p.371-372).

At the end of the chapter dedicated to the working day in “Capital” there is an

importantpictureoftheworkersinsertedinthehistoricalmomentinwhichthefirstspiritof

capitalismprevailed:

Itmustbeacknowledgedthatourlabourercomesoutoftheprocessofproductionotherthanheentered.Inthemarkethestoodasownerofthecommodity“labour-power”facetofacewithotherownersofcommodities,dealeragainstdealer.Thecontractbywhichhe sold to the capitalisthis labour-powerproved, so to say, inblack and white that he disposed of himself freely. The bargain concluded, it isdiscoveredthathewasno“freeagent,”thatthetimeforwhichheisfreetosellhislabour-power is thetimeforwhichhe is forcedtosell it, that in fact theparasite[Sauger]willnotloseitsholdonhim“solongasthereisamuscle,anerve,adropofbloodtobeexploited.”For“protection”against“theserpentoftheiragonies,”thelabourersmustputtheirheadstogether,and,asaclass,compelthepassingofalaw,anall-powerfulsocialbarrierthatshallpreventtheveryworkersfromselling.by voluntary contractwith capital, themselves and their families into slavery anddeath.(MARX,2013p.373-374)9

It is important tounderstand that toeach spirit of capitalismcorrespondsa formof

working-timecontrolandthat,attheendofthenineteenthandearlytwentiethcentury,has

started studies and experiments aiming to improving the production process, amongwhich

standsoutTaylorism,aformofworkingtimecontrolthatreacheditsfulldevelopmentinthe

periodcorrespondingtothesecondspiritofcapitalism,whichwewillseebelow.

Comissopôs-sefim,deumavezportodas,aosistemaderevezamento.Paraotrabalhoinfantil,continuouemvigoraleide1844.”9 Translator note. Free translation from the original quote: “Temos de reconhecer que nosso trabalhador sai doprocessodeproduçãodiferentedequandoneleentrou.Nomercado,ele,comopossuidordamercadoria“forçadetrabalho”, aparece diante de outros possuidores de mercadorias. O contrato pelo qual ele vende sua força detrabalhoaocapitalistaprova–porassimdizer,põeopretonobranco–queeledispõe livrementedesimesmo.Fechadoonegócio,descobre-sequeelenãoera “nenhumagente livre”,queo tempodeque livrementedispõeparavendersuaforçadetrabalhoéotempoemqueéforçadoavendê-la,que,naverdade,seuparasita[Sauger]não o deixará “enquanto houver ummúsculo, um nervo, uma gota de sangue para explorar”. Para se protegercontraaserpentedesuasaflições,ostrabalhadorestêmdeseunire,comoclasse,forçaraaprovaçãodeumalei,uma barreira social instransponível que os impeça a simesmos de, pormeio de um contrato voluntário com ocapital,venderasieasuasfamíliasàmorteeàescravidão.”


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3.Theworking-timeinthesecondspiritofcapitalism.TheTaylorist-Fordistsystemandthe

formsofworking-timecontrolandmanagement.

AccordingtoBoltanskiandChiapello(2009),thesecondspiritofcapitalism-manifestedinthe

period between 1930-1960 - is centered on the development of the large centralized and

bureaucratizedindustrialenterpriseanditsheroicfigureisthedirectorwho,

unlikeashareholderwhoseekstoincreasehispersonalwealth,heisinhabitedbythe desire to unlimitedly increase the size of the enterprise he runs, in order todevelopmass production based on economies of scale, product standardization,business rational organization and new techniques of market expansion(marketing).(BOLTANSKI;CHIAPELLO,2009.p.50)10

Inthissecondspirit,theorganizationoflifeinbusinessandsocietyisbasedontheidea

oflong-termplanning.Organizationsoffercareerandinfrastructureplansfortheiremployees'

daily lives, such as housing and training and leisure centers. There is also a new ideological

strand,thataimstoadaptcapitalismtosocialjusticedemandsandsavingitfromcollapseafter

the1929crisis,whichiscalled“thewelfare-state”,andisguidedbythefollowingvalues:

“Aboutthereferencetoacommongood,itismadenotonlybycomposingwithanindustrial ideal embodied by engineers - belief in progress, hopes in science andtechnique, productivity and effectiveness - evenmore pregnant than in previousversion,butalsowithanidealthatcanbedescribedascivic,meaningtoemphasizeinstitutional solidarity and the socialization of production, distribution andconsumption, aswell as collaboration between large companies and the state inordertoachievesocialjustice.(BOLTANSKI;CHIAPELLO,2009.p.51)”11

ItisinthiscontextthattheTayloristsystemofworkorganizationarises,whosecentral

element is to study and control the working time execution as a way of rationalizing

production as much as possible. Geraldo Augusto Pinto (2013) lists the main elements of

Taylorism:

a)studyoftime;b)numerousandfunctional leadership;c)standardizationoftheinstrumentsandmaterialsuse,aswellasallofworkers'movementsforeachtypeofservice;needforaplanningsection;e)instructionsheetsforworkers;andf)idea

10Translatornote.Freetranslationfromtheoriginalquote:“diferentementedoacionistaqueprocuraaumentarsuariquezapessoal,éhabitadopelavontadedeaumentarilimitadamenteotamanhodafirmaqueeledirige,comofimde desenvolver uma produção de massa, baseada em economias de escala, na padronização dos produtos, naorganizaçãoracionaldotrabalhoeemnovastécnicasdeampliaçãodosmercados(marketing)”11Translatornote.Freetranslationfromtheoriginalquote:“Quantoàreferênciaaumbemcomum,éfeitanãosópormeiodacomposiçãocomumidealdeordemindustrialencarnadapelosengenheiros- crença noprogresso,esperançasnaciênciaenatécnica,naprodutividadeenaeficácia-,maispregnanteaindaquenaversãoanterior,mas também com um ideal que pode ser qualificado de cívico no sentido de enfatizar a solidariedadeinstitucional,easocializaçãodaprodução,dadistribuiçãoedoconsumo,bemcomoacolaboraçãoentreasgrandesempresaseoEstadocomoobjetivodealcançarajustiçasocial.


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of “task” inmanagement, associatedwith high premium for thosewho performeverytasksuccessfully;g)paymentwithdifferentialbonus.(PINTO,2013.p.30)12

Frederick Winslow Taylor himself explains how he standardize the time and

movementsoftheemployeesinvolvedinhisexperiment,whichculminatedintheelaboration

ofthePrinciplesofScientificManagement,whichdictatedthebehavioroforganizationsfrom

thebeginningof the twentieth centuryuntil the shift to Flexibleaccumulation.According to

him,itwasnecessarytofollowtheruleslistedbelow

First-Find10or15workers(preferablyfromvariouscompaniesandfromdifferentregionsof thecountry)whoareparticularly skilledatdoing thework thatwillbeanalyzed. Second - Study the exact cycle of the elementary operations ormovements that each of these men employs in performing the work beinginvestigated, as well as the instruments used. Third - Study, with the automaticstopwatch, the time required foreachof theseelementarymovementsand thenchoose the fastest means of performing the work phases. Fourth - Eliminate allfailed,slowanduselessmoves.Fifth-Afterremovingallunnecessarymovements,gather in one cycle the best and fastest movements, as well as the bestinstruments.(TAYLOR,1995.p.86)13

The principles listed by Taylor resulted in the possibility of using cheap and highly

specializedlabour-powerwithrelativelylowcosttraining,whoseleveloftechnicalknowledge

wassufficientforthemtooccupytheirpostsandperformthetaskspreviouslydeterminedby

management,andcloselymonitoredbythesupervisorofeachteam.Theseprincipleswerethe

basisoftheworkorganizationsystemlaterimplementedbyHenryFordinhisfactories.

Aboutworking-time under the Taylor regime, it is important to say that this system

was in its full force especially in the interwar period (WWI andWWII), although the trade

unionmovementwasinaphaseofgrowthandstrengthening.

AfterWorldWarI,discussionsonthethemeof“working-day”wereinternationalized,

especially with the creation of the ILO in 1919. In the same year, Convention No. 1 about

working-timeinIndustrywaspublished,whichlimited,initsArticle2,themaximumworking-

12Translatornote.Freetranslationfromtheoriginalquote:“a)estudodotempo;b)chefianumerosaefuncional;c)padronizaçãodosinstrumentosemateriaisutilizados,comotambémdetodososmovimentosdostrabalhadoresparacadatipodeserviço;necessidadedeumaseçãodeplanejamento;e)fichasdeinstruçãoparaostrabalhadores;ef) ideiade“tarefa”naadministração,associadaaaltoprêmioparaosquerealizamtodatarefacomsucesso;g)pagamentocomgratificaçãodiferencial.(PINTO,2013.p.30)”13 Translator note. Free translation from the original quote: “Primeira — Encontrar, digamos, 10 ou 15trabalhadores (preferentemente de várias empresas e de diferentes regiões do país) particularmente hábeis emfazerotrabalhoquevaiseranalisado.Segunda—Estudarocicloexatodasoperaçõeselementaresoumovimentosque cada um destes homens emprega, ao executar o trabalho que está sendo investigado, como também osinstrumentosusados.Terceira—Estudar,comocronômetrodeparadaautomática,otempoexigidoparacadaumdestesmovimentoselementareseentãoescolherosmeiosmaisrápidosderealizarasfasesdotrabalho.Quarta—Eliminar todos os movimentos falhos, lentos e inúteis. Quinta — Depois de afastar todos os movimentosdesnecessários,reuniremumcicloosmovimentosmelhoresemaisrápidos,assimcomoosmelhoresinstrumentos.(TAYLOR,1995.p.86)”


2523

time in industrial establishments toeighthoursdaily and forty-eightweekly, excluding from

thislimitationpersonswhorolesleadershiportrustpositionsandthefamilybusinesses.

ConventionNo.1alsoprovidedthepossibilityofrearrangingworkinghours, inwhich

employeeswouldworkninehoursforfivedaystogetonemoredayoffattheweekends,butit

dependsondialoguebetweenunionsandemployers. It alsodealtwith thedurationof shift

work,making it clear thatadailydurationofmore thaneighthoursoraweeklydurationof

morethan48hourswouldbepossible,butonly if theaverageworking-dayoveraperiodof

threeweeksorlesswasnolongerthanforty-eighthoursweeklyandeightdaily.Ifshiftwork

wererequiredbecausethecompanyoperatedcontinuously,theweeklyworkingdaycouldbe

upto56hours,withcompensatoryrests,whichshouldbegrantedbythenationalauthorities

ofthesignatorycountries.

With the extreme rationalization of time and movements of the workers and their

submissiontothepacedictatedbytheTayloristmachineandtimer,itbecamepossiblethat,in

thesamenumberofworkinghours,moregoods,moreusevalues,wereproduced.“Taylorism

compensatesforshorterworking-dayswithgreaterintensificationoftheworkprocess.”(DAL

ROSSO,1996,p.182)

The innovation brought by Ford to the multi-worker division of labor, which had

alreadybeenconsolidatedbyFrederickTaylor,wasthe introductionof theseriesproduction

line through an automatic treadmill, which ran the entire production chain leading raw

materialsandinputsatthepostsofeachworker.

GeraldoAugusto Pinto explains that the Fordist system incorporated and developed

the principles of Taylorism in order to eliminate the porosities existing in the working-day,

makingtheworkers,atanymomentinthefactory,addvaluetotheproducts.Inthissystem,it

wastheautomaticspeedoftheseriallinethatdictatedthepaceoflabor,makingtheprocess

of creative invention ofworkers almost nil through a process of alienation of labor product

moresharplythantheoneatthebeginningoftheindustrialperiod.(PINTO,2013.p.38)

StillonFordism,itisimportanttosaythatthemassiveproductionofgoodsneededan

equally massive consumption capable of absorbing it. Ford's idea of worker and popular

consumption did not consolidate during the early twentieth century because of the

socioeconomic effects of the two GreatWars, despite the increase inwage employment in

that period. “The universalization ofwage-earning, aswell as access to incomedistribution,

made it possible to create this mode of labor consumption only afterWorldWar II.” (DAL

ROSSO,1996,p.182)


2524

Withregardtoworkingtime,itisinterestingunderstandthatinFordismtheextraction

of surplus value, especially in its relative form, increased significantly, thanks to the

combinationofmechanismssuchasthemodernizationofworkactivitiesandinstruments,the

greaterworkercontrolinproductionline,orientedtoeliminateanyporositiesontheworking-

dayandtotheproductionofmassconsumergoods.

The social practice of the working day, which, during the great capitalist crisisbetweenthewars,hadremainedat thenineteenthcentury level,clearlychangesits level.The8/48standard loses itsplacetothe8/40standard.Theapproximateworking-yearof2300hoursdropstolessthan2000hours.Thismeansthat,inthestrugglefortheappropriationofproductivity jumps,theworkersand,with it, theotherwageearnersareabletoreducetheirexploitationandcontroltheirlifetimealittlemore.(DALROSSO,1996,p.184)14

In1929,withthegreateconomiccrisisthatwascharacterizedbythelackofdemand

fortheproducedgoods,thecrashoftheNewYorkstockmarketgainednotoriety,

It was necessary to conceive a new regulation mode in order to meet therequirementsofaFordistproduction;and it took theshockof savagedepressionand thenear collapseof capitalism in the1930s for capitalist societiesdevelopanewconceptionoftheformanduseofstatepowers.(HARVEY,YEAR,p.124)15

In the 1930s, still in the context of the Great Depression, Convention No. 30 was

published,whichlimitedworking-timeincommerceandofficesandalsoadoptedtheprinciple

ofsettingaworking-dayofeighthoursandamaximumofforty-eighthoursaweekforwork

carriedoutintheseestablishments,inaccordancewithConventionNo.1/1919.

Convention30,alongthetermsofconvention1,alsodealswiththerearrangementof

theworking-dayintherestoftheweekdaysinordertoobtainanotherdayofrestattheend

of it. Concerning about overtime, Convention 30 emphasizes its exceptional character and

providesforthepaymentofanadditionalamountofatleastonequarteroftheamountpaid

fornormalworkinghours.

In the year 1935, with totalitarian regimes rising in European countries such as

Germany and Italy, Franklin Roosevelt put into practice the plan of recovering American

economyafterthecrisisof29,knownastheNewDeal,stronglyinfluencedbytheideasofthe

14Translatornote.Freetranslationfromtheoriginalquote:“Apráticasocialdajornadadetrabalho,que,duranteasgrandescrisescapitalistasentreasguerras,permaneceranopatamardoséculoXIX,mudanitidamentedepatamar.Opadrão8/48cedelugaraopadrão8/40.Ajornadaanualaproximadade2300horascaiparaumnúmeroinferiora2000horas.Istoquerdizerque,nadisputapelaapropriaçãodossaltosdeprodutividade,ooperariadoe,comele,osdemaisassalariadosconseguemreduzirsuaexploraçãoecontrolarumpoucomaisseutempodevida.”15 Translator note. Free translation from the original quote: “Foi necessário conceber um novo modo deregulamentaçãoparaatenderaosrequisitosdaproduçãofordista;efoiprecisoochoquedadepressãoselvagemedoquase-colapsodo capitalismonadécadade30paraqueas sociedades capitalistas chegassema algumanovaconcepçãodaformaedousodospoderesdoEstado.”


2525

British economist John Maynard Keynes, who advocated a reconfiguration of capitalism in

which thestate should intervene in theeconomy inorder toadjust consumebygrantingan

incentivetoinvest.

ForKeynes, thisexpansionof state functionswouldbe "theonlyworkablemeans to

prevent the total destruction of the current economic institutions and a condition of a

successfulexerciseofindividualinitiative."(KEYNES,1996.P.324)Asfortheworking-time,the

British, inhisconferenceentitled“EconomicPossibilities forOurGrandchildren” (1930),says

thatworking“forthreehoursadayisenoughtosatisfyoldAdaminmostofus.”

Inthiscontext,theConventionNo.47waspublishedin1935,whichaimedtoreduce

working-week to 40 hours, as an instrument to fight against widespread and continuous

unemploymenttowhichalargepartoftheworkingclasswasexposedinthesucceedingyears

ofthe1929crisis,aswellasthedeprivationsarisingfromit.Initspreamble,itshowsthat,at

the current time, the International Labor Organization argued that the benefits of rapid

technologicaldevelopmentshouldbesharedwithworkersthroughtheprogressivereduction

ofworking-day,asquicklyaspossible.

4. Theworking-day in the third spirit of capitalism. Thewaysof controlling andmanaging

workingtimeinflexibleaccumulationmode.

TheFordist/Tayloristsystemofproductionwascenteredoncorporategigantism, long-term

planning,massproduction,andabsolute controlofworkers timeandmovement inorder to

eliminate idle periods within the working-day by approximating time available to actual

workingtime.

Nevertheless, it was under this system that trade union movements managed to

maintainthelegalreductionofworking-dayasawayforappropriatingtechnologicaladvances

byworking class, but this reduction formally achieved by them faced some resistance from

capital,thatcompensateditwithlaborintensification.

Beforedealingspecificallywiththethirdspiritofcapitalism,itisimportanttoknowthe

reasons that led the second variation to obsolescence. Considering that Taylorist / Fordist

systemhas reached itsmaximumstageofdevelopmentduringperiodsofeconomicgrowth,

andtakingintoaccountitscharacteristics,

The low growth and instability of the markets that emerged from the 1970sonwards, raising the levels of international competition based on product


2526

differentiation (in terms of quality, delivery, prices, etc.), have hampered theexpansion of the Taylorist / Fordist organization system. But its obsolescence,however,wasalsolinkedtoproblemsintrinsictoitsownfunctioning,inshort:thedropinemployeemotivationtowork,areflexthathadalreadybeenfeltinthelowproductivityratesofcompanies.(PINTO,2013.p.53)16

After the 1973 crisis, the fall in rate of profit in production and trade investments

arousedinthegreatcapitaliststheneedtofindanalternativesuchasormoreprofitablethan

thepreviousones.Tocontinuetoappreciate,accumulatedcapitalwasshiftedtothefinancial

sphere,butitwasalsonecessaryforperipheralcountriestoresignprotectionistpracticesand

open theirmarkets for the entry of foreign capital, which gainedmomentum and began to

dictatedeconomictrendsandpoliticsintheseplacesinwaysmostbeneficialtotheirinterests.

Capital,whichinthefirsttwovariantsofcapitalismwasaccumulatedandremunerated

mainly for the production and sale of consumer goods, became capital money. With the

financialization process, it became remunerated both through interest, assuming a clearly

speculativecharacter,aswellasthroughtheproductionofgoodsandservices,prioritizingthe

sphere in which it could appreciate more, obtaining higher yields. For MONTAÑO and

DURIGUETTO:

“Capital under financial hegemony needs to promote the deregulation of theeconomy,nationalborders,andtocreatetheconditionsforitsaccumulation:risinginterestrates, reducingfiscal (especiallysocial)spendingand loweringthecostofthelaborforce.(2011,p.187)”17

Considering that one of the reasons for the emergence of a third set of beliefs

associatedwiththecapitalistorderto justifyandsustain it inatimeofseriouscrisiswasthe

lowproductivityduetotheworkersnon-engagementinthecorporateproject,severalstudies

were made in order to promote the initiative of the employees. These include Maslow's

“hierarchyofneeds”theories,ArgyrisandHerzberg's“organizationandpersonality”,the“job

enrichment”systemandthe“semi-autonomousworkinggroup”systempresentedbyAfonso

FleuryandNiltonVargasinajointworkentitled“LaborOrganization”.

16Translatornote.Free translation fromtheoriginalquote: “obaixocrescimentoea instabilidadedosmercadossurgidosapartirdadécadade1970,elevandoosníveisdeconcorrência internacionalpautadapeladiferenciaçãodos produtos (em termos de qualidade, entrega, preços etc.), impuseram entraves à expansão do sistemataylorista/fordista de organização. Mas, sua obsolescência, no entanto, esteve também ligada a problemasintrínsecos ao seu próprio funcionamento, em suma: à queda da motivação para o trabalho por parte dosfuncionários,reflexoquejávinhasendosentidonasbaixastaxasdeprodutividadedasempresas.”17Translatornote.Freetranslationfromtheoriginalquote:“Ocapitalsobahegemoniafinanceiraprecisapromoveradesregulaçãodaeconomia,dasfronteirasnacionaiseaconstituiçãodecondiçõesparasuaacumulação:aumentodos juros, redução de gastos fiscais (especialmente sociais) e diminuição do custo da força de trabalho. (2011,p.187)”


2527

Thetheoryofhierarchyofneeds,formulatedbyAbrahamMaslow,wasbasedonthe

idea that humans apparently works better when fighting for something they needed or in

ordertoachievesomethingtheywant.Thepurposeofthisstrugglechangesaccordingtothe

circumstances.Therewouldbeahierarchyofneeds,

that would guide people's behavior in such a way that an individual would notpursuehigher-levelneedsuntiltheyhadmetlower-levelneeds.Primaryneedsarephysiological,followedbysecurityneeds,socialneeds,self-esteem,andfinallyself-fulfillment.(FLEURY;VARGAS.1983.p.29)18

The theory that combines work organization and personality, developed by Argyris,

argues that Taylorist/Fordist-oriented work organizations were founded “on the model of

immature man, demanding behaviors of childish personality”. This is the reason of its

inefficiency,becausetakinghisemployeesasimmaturecausedthemtoexperiencefrustration;

psychologicalproblems;ashort-termperspectiveandconflicts.Accordingtohim,

The expected reactions would be: 1. To fight against the organization, trying toredesign it and gain control over it, 2. abandon the organization permanently orperiodically;3. stay in theorganization,butabandon itpsychologically,alienatingitself, becoming apathetic and indifferent, to reduce the intrinsic importance ofworkand4.Increasetheimportanceoftherewardsreceivedformeaninglessworkortobecomeorientedtoconsumption.(FLEURY;VARGAS.1983.p.30-31)19

Herzberg, in formulation of his theory, eventually corroborated Argyris's view. He

concluded that there are factors that determine job satisfaction different from factors that

leadtojobdissatisfaction.Accordingtohim,

Themotivational factors are those thatpromoteone'spsychological growth, andtheyareallrelatedtotheorganizationofwork:accomplishment,intrinsicinterestin the job, recognition for achievement, responsibility and promotion. In otherhand,hygienicfactorsareaimedto“avoidingsuffering”,andarenotdirectlylinkedtotheworkerdevelops:companypolicyandadministrativepractices,supervision,interpersonal relationships, working conditions and wages. (FLEURY; VARGAS.1983.p.31)20

18Translatornote.Freetranslationfromtheoriginalquote:“queorientariaocomportamentodaspessoas,detalmaneiraqueum indivíduonãopassariaaperseguirasnecessidadesdenívelmaiselevado,enquantonão tivessesatisfeitoasnecessidadesdenívelmaisbaixo.Asnecessidadesprimáriassãodecaráterfisiológico,vindoaseguirasnecessidadesdesegurança,asnecessidadessociais,asdeautoestimaefinalmenteasdeautorrealização.”19Translatornote.Freetranslationfromtheoriginalquote:“Asreaçõesesperadasseriamasseguintes:1.combatera organização, procurando replanejá-la e ganhar controle sobre ela, 2.abandonar a organização permanente ouperiodicamente; 3.continuar na organização, mas abandoná-la psicologicamente, alienando-se, tornando -seapático e indiferente, para reduzir a importância intrínseca do trabalho e 4.aumentar a importância dasrecompensasrecebidaspelotrabalhosemsentidooutornar-seorientadoparaoconsumo.(FLEURY;VARGAS.1983.p.30-31)”20 Translator note. Free translation from the original quote: “os fatores motivadores são os que propiciam ocrescimentopsicológicodapessoa,esãotodoseles relacionadosàorganizaçãodotrabalho: realização, interesseintrínseco pelo trabalho, reconhecimento pela realização, responsabilidade e promoção. Por sua vez, os fatoreshigiênicos estão voltados para “evitar o sofrimento”, e não estão ligados diretamente ao trabalho que a pessoa


2528

The job enrichment system, also designed to promote workers engagement, and

developed by Robert Ford, consisted of expand working in such a way to provide greater

opportunities for laborers to develop a job thatwould lead them to achievematurepeople

personalitytraits.

Thiscouldbeachievedbythefollowingmethods:1.JobRotation-entailsonlytherelay of workers involved in the tasks of a productive process; although eachperson has to do several tasks, he has only one task to do for a considerableamountoftimewhenchangespositions.2.HorizontalMagnification-Inthiscase,several tasks of the same nature are grouped into one position; for example,instead of a worker assemble only one component of a product, he wouldassembleseveralcomponents;Thiswouldincreasethenumberofskillsrequiredofthe worker. 3. Vertical Magnification - assigning tasks of different natures to aposition; for example, a lathe operator would also be responsible for productinspection and machine maintenance; This would allow greater autonomy andcontrol over the job content by the operator. 4. Job Enrichment - horizontalmagnification and vertical magnification would be applied to a single position;thereisasumofthebeneficialeffectsfromboth.(FLEURY;VARGAS.1983.p.32).21

ThelastexperimentpointedbyFleuryandVargas(1983)inordertoachieveworkers'

adherence to thecompany'sproductiveneedswas the implementationof semi-autonomous

groups,whichareteamsofworkerswhocooperativelyperformgrouptaskswithoutapreset

rolepresetforitsmembers.(FLEURY;VARGAS.1983.p.34)

AlloftheseexperimentsdemonstratedthefailureoftheTaylorist/Fordistversionto

competewiththerising flexiblemodeofaccumulation in the1970s. It is in thiscontext that

one can speak of the third spirit of capitalism,which "must be isomorphic to a 'globalized'

capitalism, that puts new technologies into practice, just to name the twomost frequently

mentionedaspectsoftoday'scapitalismqualification.”(BOLTANSKI;CHIAPELLO,2009,p.52.)

Thus,capitalhasbeenpressuringallsocietysectorstoliveinconstantadaptationtoits

needs,withchangesinablinkofaneyeevenifnotwellestablished.Allsocialinstitutionsare

becoming liquid, even if it’s calledbyothernames, tomodify interpersonal relations and to desenvolve: política da companhia e práticas administrativas, supervisão, relações interpessoais, condições detrabalhoesalário.”21 Translator note. Free translation from the original quote: Isto poderia ser alcançado através dos seguintesmétodos:1.RotaçãodeCargos—implicasomenteorevezamentoentreaspessoasenvolvidasnastarefasdeumprocesso produtivo; embora cada pessoa tenha de desenvolver várias tarefas, ela só tem uma tarefa paradesenvolverporumconsiderávelespaçode tempo,quando,então, trocadeposição.2.AmpliaçãoHorizontal—nestecaso,agrupam-sediversastarefas,demesmanaturezanumúnicocargo;porexemplo,emvezdeumoperáriomontarapenasumcomponentedeumproduto,elepassariaamontarvárioscomponentes;comistoseaumentariaonúmerodehabilidadesrequeridasdooperário.3.AmpliaçãoVertical—éocasoemqueseatribuemtarefasdediferentes naturezas para um cargo; por exemplo, um operador de torno seria também responsabilizado pelainspeçãodoprodutoepelamanutençãodamáquina;com istoexistiriamaiorautonomiaecontroledooperadorsobre o conteúdo do cargo. 4. Enriquecimento de Cargos— este é o caso em que a ampliação horizontal e aampliaçãoverticalseriamaplicadasaumúnicocargo;somaria,então,osefeitosbenéficosdasduas.


2529

influencepoliticalandlegaldecisionsintheirfavor.Politically,itisimportanttopointoutthe

roleofneoliberalisminthisadvanceofcapital towardsprofitandthe intenseexploitationof

humanlabor.

Toyotism has emerged in a context of low economic growth and to meet Japan's

demandstoproducesmallquantitiesofdifferentproductmodels.Todothis,KiichiroToyoda22

implemented what he called “autonomation” - a combination of the words autonomy and

automation - a process bywhich an automatic stopmechanism is coupled to themachines

whichdetectsifthereisanydefectduringmanufactureinordertopreventtheproductionof

defective parts. With this mechanism, the same worker from Toyota factories could drive

severalmachinesduringtheproductionprocess.(PINTO,2013.p.62)

TaiichiOhno,responsibleengineer for thecreationof theToyotaProductionSystem,

aimed to concentratedifferentwork functions in the sameemployee, such asprogramming

the machines, planning and coordinating production, performing maintenance of the

production apparatus and controlling the products quality. To achieve this goal, he merge

these activities into few jobs, and called theworkers responsible for it “multifunctional” or

“multipurpose”.

Another innovation introduced by Taiichi Ohno at Toyota factorieswas the kan ban

system, which is amechanical information andmaterial transport system carrying boxes in

production opposite direction with information of inputs amount required on subsequent

stations justontime,whileotherboxesgoes inthenormaldirectionof theproductionflow,

loadedwiththepartsormaterialsorderedbyeachstation.Anothercharacteristicinherentto

thetoyotistasystemispreciselythe“justintime”production,whichconsistsinproducingonly

thenecessary, thenecessaryquantityandthenecessarytime,avoidingtheformationof idle

capacitystocks.(PINTO,2013.p.65and69)

Toyota also reshaped the production space through cellularization, which organized

jobsintoopensetsandconcentratedeachonaspecificstageofproduction.Thesesetswere

called“productioncells”andwere filledwithworkers teamswhocouldalternatetheirposts

accordingtothevolumeofproductionorthemanagementgoals.Themanagementactivities

prescription and separation between who thinks and who performs the work tasks of

Taylorism/FordismwasmaintainedinToyotism.(PINTO,2013.p.66-67)

Workforce management is based upon establishment of manager goals, which are

directed to the multipurpose workers, whose performance is stimulated through stress

22ToyotaMotorCorporationfounder.


2530

manipulation. In addition, the performance evaluation is collective in a way that any team

memberwho isnotperformingwellhis job issupervisedbycolleagues,making itdifficult to

formsolidaritybondsandunionidentity.

Thus, the production cells isolate theworkers, restricting, bywork overload, anykindofpersonalcontactduringtheactivities.Cellularspacealsopreventsworkersfrom communicating without being seen or heard, making it difficult to do anyarticulationwithoutmanagementknowing.(PINTO,2013.p.75)23

With flexible accumulation prevalence, the working-day demands lost strength, as

workers find themselves in a defensive position due to employment insecurity, precarious

workingconditionsandunionrepresentationdifficulties.Theworking-dayreductioneventually

lostitsspacetoflexibilizationofwork,whichmanifestsitselfinschemeslike“part-timework;

work&study;flexibleworkinghours;temporary job;workinginselectbandsof life;working

consortiumworking,etc.”(DALROSSO,1996,p.184-185)

SadiDalRossopoints as a characteristicsof social praxis participation the subjective

involvement of the worker in the working process and with the company's destinies, the

flexibility ofworking times according to their needs, and the increase in productivity results

from the technological innovations introduced in the organization of work in the third

industrialrevolutioncontext.Inthissense,hesaysthat“workbecomesagodandademon.In

agod, forabsorbingtheworker internaland innermostenergies. Inademon, forconsuming

hissoul.”(DALROSSO,1996,p.188-189)

Neoliberalismisthepoliticalformcorrespondingtotheneedsofflexibleaccumulation,

whichaccordingtoMONTAÑOandDURIGUETTOfollowsthreecentralpaths:

a)creationofsuperprofitsareasoutsideofoverproductionandunderconsumption(privatization of state enterprises is the mainly one); b) capital extremecentralization,emphasizingmonopoliesdominance(speciallythroughmergers);c)capitalproductioncostsreduction-throughlabor(throughsubcontracting,pensionreform,relaxationof labor laws,cuts instate funding in thesocialarea,etc.)andthe overall costs of production/commercialization (via tax reform, opening ofnational state borders for the movement of goods, automation, reengineering,etc.).(2011,p.192)24

23Translatornote.Freetranslationfromtheoriginalquote:“Assim,ascélulasdeproduçãoisolamostrabalhadores,restringindo,pelasobrecargadetrabalho,qualquertipodecontatomaispessoalduranteasatividades.Oespaçocelularizado também impede aos trabalhadores se comunicarem sem serem vistos ou ouvidos, dificultandoqualquerarticulaçãosemqueaadministraçãonãosaiba.”24 Translator note. Free translation from the original quote: “a) a criação de áreas de superlucros fora dasuperprodução e do subconsumo (fundamentalmente via privatizações de empresas estatais); b) extremacentralizaçãodocapital,acentuandoodomíniodosmonopólios(particularmenteviafusões);c)reduçãodoscustosde produção para o capital – como trabalho (via subcontratação, reforma da previdência, flexibilização das leistrabalhistas, recortes do financiamento estatal na área social etc.) e com os custos gerais deprodução/comercialização(fundamentalmenteviareformatributária,aberturadefronteirasdosEstadosnacionaisparacirculaçãodemercadorias,automação,reengenharia,etc.).”


2531

It is valuable knowing and understanding the relationship of the three spirits of

capitalismandtheirrespectivewaysofworkingtimecontrolabroadtobeginthestudyof its

dynamicinBrazilianexperience,especiallyatpresenttime,whentheLaborlawproductionhas

beenstronglyinfluencedbythisthirdspirit,aswewillshowinthefollowingsection.

6.TheworkingtimeandthethreespiritsofcapitalisminBrazilianexperience.

In Brazil, the first debates about working time limitation started in the first decade of the

twentieth century, the period of immigrants’ arrival and beginning of urbanization and

industrialization processes in the country. It is possible to verify is this context the

manifestationofthefirstvariantofcapitalisminBrazilianlands. It istofightagainstthelong

working-daysandworkingconditionsfromthebeginningoftheindustrializationprocessthat

thefirstworkingclasssocialmovementsarise.Theworkingtimewasitsmainagenda.

In 1911, Member of Parliament Nicanor do Nascimento introduced Bill B79, which

providedthelimitationofcommercialemployeesworking-day,recognizingtheexistenceofan

employeeeconomicvulnerabilitywhenfacinghisemployer,becausehe,inordertomaintain

hisworkplace,wouldhavetoaccepttheconditionsimposedbyhiscontractor.Theprojectwas

debatedbutnotapproved.

Onlyin1917theissuecameupagainintheBrazilianparliament,withpresentationof

BillNo.284byMemberMauriciodeLacerda,whichsetworking-dayofeighthours,sixdaysa

weekandweeklyrest,forbidovertime,exceptinlawexpressedcases.Theprojectwasalsonot

approvedandwasre-presentedin1919,whenthethemegotinternationalized.

ItwasonlyattheperiodofVargasprovisionalgovernmentthatbroadernormsbegan

tobe issuedlimitingworking-day.Themaindifferencebetweenthelaws issued inthe1930s

andthebills introducedinthe1920swastheirterritorialeffectiveness,whichwaspreviously

restricted to certain cities and categories andbecamenationwide from1932, although they

stillspecifiedthecategoriestowhichtheyapplied.

The post-30 state triggered a social policy of production and implementation oflabor market regulating laws and, with this new resource of power, conqueredworkingmassesadhesion.Thesocialpactthusassembledwasanagreementthatexchanged the benefits of social legislation for political obedience, since onlylegally unionized workers could have access to labor rights, synonymous of


2532

citizenship in an authoritarian regime such as Brazilian one. (GOMES, 2005. p.178)25

ThemainrulesissuedduringthisperiodregardingworkingtimewereDecrees21.186,

which regulates working-day in commerce and offices, limiting the normal working-time of

theseestablishmentsemployeestoeighthoursadayandforty-eighthoursaweek,withaday-

offeverysixdaysofwork.AndDecreeNo.21,364,whichsetateighthoursadayorforty-eight

hoursaweekthenormalworking-timeinindustrialestablishments.

The beginning of this strategy of incorporating workers' demands into the

government's agenda, as away to avoiding social upheavals that could disrupt the Varguist

countryproject,coincideswiththeriseoftotalitarianstatesinEuropeandtheperiodcovered

by the second spirit of capitalism, based on the values and management of Taylor-Fordist

workingtime.

Thechange instatementalitybegan inBrazil fromEstadoNovo,whichshiftposition

fromtheminimalinterventionineconomylogic,thatwouldonlyhelpcapitalincrisistime,to

aninterventionistpolicyinthe“socialquestion”,seenasabarriertoBrazil'sindustrialgrowth.

From this we can also detect - especially during the Estado Novo (1937-45) - awhole political-ideological strategy to fight against “poverty”,whichwas focusedprecisely onpromoting the valueof labor. Thequintessentialwayof overcomingthecountryserioussocioeconomicproblems,whoserootswere inthepopulationabandonment, would be to ensure for this population a decent way of life.PromotetheBrazilianman,defendtheeconomicdevelopmentandsocialpeaceofthecountrywereobjectivesthatwereunified inonegreatgoal:transformingthemanincitizen/worker,responsibleforhisindividualwealthandalsoforthewealthofthenationasawhole.(GOMES,1999.p.55)26

In the1940s,DecreeNo.5452/1943,alsocalled“ConsolidaçãodasLeisTrabalhistas”

(CLT) 27, was build to regulate capital-labor relations in a new model of society under

construction in Brazil, based upon economy industrialization, urbanization and corporatism

25Translatornote.Freetranslationfromtheoriginalquote:“OEstadodopós-30desencadeouumapolíticasocialdeprodução e implementação de leis que regulavam o mercado de trabalho e, com este novo recurso de poder,conseguiuaadesãodasmassastrabalhadoras.Opactosocialassimmontadotraduzia-seemumacordoquetrocavaosbenefíciosdalegislaçãosocialporobediênciapolítica,umavezquesóostrabalhadoreslegalmentesindicalizadospodiamteracessoaosdireitosdotrabalho,sinônimodacondiçãodecidadaniaemumregimepolíticoautoritáriocomoobrasileiro.”26Translatornote.Freetranslationfromtheoriginalquote:É a partir daí que podemos igualmente detectar— em especial durante o Estado Novo (1937-45) — toda uma estratégia político-ideológica de combate à“pobreza”,queestariacentradajustamentenapromoçãodovalordotrabalho.Omeioporexcelênciadesuperaçãodos graves problemas socioeconômicos do país, cujas causas mais profundas radicavam-se no abandono dapopulação, seria justamente o de assegurar a essa população uma forma digna de vida. Promover o homembrasileiro,defenderodesenvolvimentoeconômicoeapazsocialdopaíseramobjetivosqueseunificavamemumamesma e grandemeta: transformar o homemem cidadão/trabalhador, responsável por sua riqueza individual etambémpelariquezadoconjuntodanação.(GOMES,1999.p.55)27Translatornote:LaborLawConsolidation.


2533

policy.Work became considered as a right and a duty by the 1937 Constitution,where the

legalfoundationsoftheEstadoNovowereexpressed.Workhasbecomeanobligationtostate

andsociety,andalsoaconditionforcitizenship.

TheMinistriesofLabor,HealthandEducationwerecreated,followedbytheissuingof

laws on social security, whose benefits were only for those with the employee status. In

addition, unions have become collaboration agencies of the government, creation and acts

were strict controlled by the state, based upon uniqueness principle, and strikes were

criminalized.

With theStateasproviderof standardprotections forhealthyand safety, aswell as

social security benefits, the working classes slowed their struggle movements to enjoy this

system, a choice based on the idea of cost-benefit. During this period, in line with the

internationalplan,Brazilwasundertheinfluenceofthesecondspiritofcapitalismintermsof

labormanagement,althoughnotyetconsolidatingaKeynesianmodelof“welfarestate”inthe

socialplan.

Theperiodfromthe1950stothemilitarycoupin1964andthedictatorshipyearswere

fullofattemptstoreformulatetheCLT,butwithoutsuccess.Inthe1980s,withthebeginning

ofredemocratizationnegotiationsinBrazilandtheelaborationprocessofanewconstitution,

different proposals of the theme working time were presented. The suggestions were

presentedbythemainactivesocialgroupsinBrazilianbythetime,suchastheCatholicChurch

(CNBB),leftistpoliticalparties,tradeunionsandthebusinesscommunity.

The business community argued that "social" rights should not be the basis of the

EconomicOrder,becausethepreviousconstitutionsonlyunderlinedwork,valuingitasabasic

principle,constitutionalizingtheserights, forthem,wouldbeanexcessofstate intervention.

In1987,theCNBBissuedPastoralDocumentNo.36,whichrequiredadebateaboutadivision

of labor that would allow the political, economic, social and cultural rise of the Brazilian

workingclass.Theleftsectorspresentedproposalstoreducetheworking-dayto40hoursper

week.

Theguaranteeofa“normal”working-day limitedtoeighthoursandforty-fourhours

per week, allowing time offsetting and working-day reduction by collective agreement or

convention, become constitutionally enforced, against the patronage expectations to revival

theirclassicliberalismandalsofrustratingtheexpectationsoftheprogressivesectorsfora40-

hourworking-day.


2534

It is from the 1990s, when the neoliberal agenda was an important issue of

governments, that many initiatives to promote the flexibilization of labor rights in 1988

constitution began, that is the reasonwhyAltamiro Borges andMarcio Pochmann indicates

the Fernando Henrique Cardoso government as responsible for a profound and radical

dismantlingofpartofBrazilianlaborlegislation.(BORGES;POCHMANN.2002).

Regardingworking time, aswe saidabove, themain changes cameupwith LawNo.

9.601/1998, which created the “compensatory time off”, the ProvisionalMeasure (MP) No.

1,709/199828,whichexpandedtheuseofpart-timework(upto25hoursperweek),reducing

thecostoflaborforcompanies,andLawNo.10,101/2000,whichpermitsonSundaysinthe

retailtrade,ifapprovedbythemunicipalgovernment.

During this period Brazil puts itself under the third spirit of capitalism influence,

characterized by capital financialization, opening market to foreign capital through

privatization and also by the beginning of flexibilization of Labor Rights process, in order to

enablethemarkettolowerlaborcosts.

This flexibilization process was interrupted from 2003 to 2014, when the issue of

reducing working-day as a way of combating unemployment was once again discussed by

workers'movements,especiallyDIEESE,which issuedsometechnicalnotesabout that topic.

Nevertheless,therewasnoreductioninworking-dayduringthisperiod.

BythetimeofissuanceLawNo.13.467/2017,alsocalled“laborreform”,theworking

timehasundergonesignificantchanges, like removingprotectiveprovisions fromtheCLT, in

ordertoprovideanewlevelofflexibilityinlaborrelations,requiredbythepatronalclassasan

alternativeofsalvationinfaceoftheeconomiccrisis.

Amongthechangesintroducedbythe“LaborReform”ontheissueofworking-day,the

followingshouldbeemphasized:theexclusionofinitineretimefromthecountingofeffective

service time; the emergence of new forms of part-time work; the possibility of individual

agreementtoextendorcompensateworkingtime;thepossibilityof individualagreementto

institutework inshiftsofuninterrupted12hoursofservicefollowedby36daysoff;andthe

inclusionofintermittentworkintheCLT,atypeofworkcharacterizedbyalternatingperiodsof

service and downtime, determined in hours, days ormonths, for any type of activity of the

employeeoremployer.

28 ThisMPhas itswriting changed,was repealed and reissued under various numbers, from the date of its firsteditionin1998untilthelastamendmentbyMPNo.2,164-41,ofAugust24,2001.


2535

ItisinthereformcontextthattheinfluenceofthethirdspiritofcapitalisminBrazilis

consolidated, by flexibilization of constitutional rights and attacking centenary workers

achievements,suchasthelegallimitationofworkingtime.

FinalComments

In the context of changing the set of beliefs associatedwith the capitalist order throughout

history, the world of labor suffered significant impacts, especially from the third spirit of

capitalism.About the identityandcollective labor relations, thereareconsequences suchas

the weakening of trade union organizations, and the dispersal of working class, due to

structuralunemploymentandtheprecariousnessoftheremainingformaljobs.

About individual labor relations, the precariousness is growing. The new forms of

subcontracting and their almost unlimited scope change the dynamics of the employment

relationship,leavingworkersinaconstantstateofinstability,allowinganincreasingintensity

ofexploitationfromlaborpower.

Inaddition,strongpressure for fullderegulationof labor laws isconstant inorder to

meetthecapitalneedforusingpeopleasamereresource,tohirethem,toexploitthemand

to dispense them without regarding about the economic and social consequences of their

actions. This is what is meant by the externalization of production risks, which transfer to

workersthesocialcostsoftheiremployers'personalsuccess.

Fromthedocumentsconsultedtocomposethisarticle29,itwaspossibletorealizethat

themainchangesintermsofworkingtimewereachievedinmomentsofworkingclassgreat

mobilization.Likewise,it’spossibledosaythatduringtheperiodswheretheworkers'struggles

slowdown,thenumberofworking-timeremainedunchangedandstablebothinternationally

andnationally.

In periods of greater union fragility, it is possible to see the implementation of

strategies to achieve the flexibilization of labor standards about working time, what is

29Duringtheresearchfortheelaborationof thisarticle, theauthorsconsultedseveralparliamentarydocuments,amongwhich thereare recordsof speechesanddiscussionshighlighting the influenceof themobilizationof theworkingclassesintheprocessofelaborationofthelabornorms,especiallythoserelatedtotheworkingday.Theparliamentarydocumentsareorganizedincollections,classifiedbasedondatesofthesessionsandavailableattheChamberofDeputiesDigitalLibrary.Inaddition,therearealsodigitizedreportsintheNationalDigitalHemerotecanewspapers of the early twentieth century and the years before the 1988 Constituent. Available at:http://bd.camara.gov.br/bd/handle/bdcamara/32019.Accessedon:01.04.2019.


2536

happeningsincethe1990s, inBrazil, reaching itspeakwiththe“laborreform” in forcesince

November2017year.

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AbouttheauthorsLarissaXimenesdeCastilhosMestraemDireitodoTrabalhopelaUniversidadeFederaldePernambuco,ProfessoranoCentroUniversitárioMauríciodeNassau,Recife,Brasil.E-mail:[email protected]ós-doutorandano IRES/France.ProfessoraAdjuntadaFaculdadedeDireitodoRecifedaUFPE. PresidentedaAcademia PernambucanadeDireito do trabalho. Lidera oGrupodePesquisaCNPQ/UFPE‘DireitodotrabalhoeTeoriaSocialCrítica’integrantedoRENAPEDTS– Rede Nacional de Pesquisa e Extensão em Direito do Trabalho e Seguridade. E-mail:profjuliana.ufpe@gmail.comTheauthorsarebothequallyresponsibleforwrittingthispaper.

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