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THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN EMOTION REGULATION AND SELF- CONTROL: EFFECTS ON HEALTH-RELATED EXERCISE BEHAVIOURS Samantha Jane Meredith The thesis is submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the award of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy of the University of Portsmouth. October 2018

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Page 1: THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN EMOTION REGULATION AND …...THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN EMOTION REGULATION AND SELF-CONTROL: EFFECTS ON HEALTH-RELATED EXERCISE BEHAVIOURS Samantha Jane Meredith

THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN EMOTION REGULATION AND SELF-

CONTROL: EFFECTS ON HEALTH-RELATED EXERCISE BEHAVIOURS

Samantha Jane Meredith

The thesis is submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the award of the

degree of Doctor of Philosophy of the University of Portsmouth.

October 2018

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Abstract

Within existing literature researchers have acknowledged the need for new

experimental approaches to improve methodological and conceptual issues in the study of

emotion regulation and resource depletion. This PhD thesis examined the relationship

between emotion regulation and self-control with empirical evidence underpinned by novel

representative experimental mixed methods, as well as rigorous qualitative methods.

Chapter 2 presents a review of empirical studies within four long standing sport and

exercise psychology journals to explore the behavioural measures and research methodology

adopted in sport and exercise psychology research. Data indicated a lack of dependent

behavioural measures in sport and exercise psychology, and a reliance on questionnaire-based

methods. The aim of Chapter 3 and 4 was to examine the relationship between emotion

regulation and self-control with representative task constraints. Specifically, Chapter 3

presented an investigation of the effect of upregulating emotions in a faux filmed interview

task on subsequent self-control performance in an unsolvable puzzle task. While individuals

showed effort to regulate their emotions, there were negligible effects on subsequent self-

control performance. Nevertheless, results indicted a potential moderating effect of mood in

this relationship. Therefore, the impact of mood on self-control performance was further

explored in Chapter 4 within an exercise-testing context. Using social psychological methods

of emotion elicitation, anxiety was manipulated, and the impact of spontaneous emotion

regulation on exercise effort was measured across 3 exercise intensities. In depth interview

data in Chapter 4 revealed several key findings, including the impact of the experimenter and

social interactions on participant regulatory processes. Yet, multilevel modelling illustrated

negligible effects of a positive priming video and of anxiety manipulations on exercise

performance between conditions. In contrast to previous Chapters restricted to laboratory-

based approaches, Chapter 5 reported findings from within a natural rehabilitative exercise

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setting with ethnographic approaches and narrative inquiry. Results emerging from this

Chapter included the potential value of emotionally intelligent regulation of emotion, and the

creation of an environment that encourages emotional disclosure.

Empirical data presented in this thesis contributes to a widening evidence base

questioning the existence of the ego depletion effect, and draws on contentious conceptual

issues and methodological critiques in the self-control literature. Using novel mixed methods

research designs, and interpretive perspectives, the current body of work points towards the

importance of relationships, and interpersonal emotion-related abilities within exercise

settings. Future research could benefit from an extended examination of emotional

intelligence and emotion contagion within exercise contexts, and the use of narrative inquiry

as a pedagogical intervention.

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Table of Contents

ABSTRACT………………………………………………………………………………….. ii

TABLE OF CONTENTS……………………………………………………………………. iv

DECLARATION…………………………………………………………………………... viii

LIST OF TABLES…………………………………………………………………………... ix

LIST OF FIGURES………………………………………………………………………….. x

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS…………………………………............................................... xiii

DISSEMINATION………………………………………………………………………… xiv

CHAPTER 1: General introduction………………………….................................................. 1

Aims of this thesis……………………………………………………………………. 5

Structure of this thesis………………………………………………………………... 6

Considerations in the presentation of this thesis……………………………………... 9

CHAPTER 2: A review of behavioural measures and research methodology in sport and

exercise psychology………………………………………………………………………… 10

Abstract……………………………………………………………………………... 11

Introduction…………………………………………………………………………. 12

Methodological and measurement issues in general social

psychology………………………………………………………………….. 13

Methodological and measurement issues in sport and exercise

psychology………………………………………………………………….. 15

Method……………………………………………………………………………… 19

Sample ……………………………………………………………………… 19

Coding………………………………………………………………………. 19

Analyses…………………………………………………………………….. 23

Results………………………………………………………………………………. 26

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Behavioural measures……………………………………………………….. 26

Direct-Indirect behaviour…………………………………………………… 28

Non-Behaviour……………………………………………………………… 29

Research methods…………………………………………………………… 30

Data types…………………………………………………………………… 31

Data forms…………………………………………………………………... 31

Data collection and timing………………………………………………….. 33

Data sources………………………………………………………………… 33

Discussion…………………………………………………………………………... 35

Behavioural and non-behavioural measures………………………………… 36

Research design and methods……………………………………………….. 37

Foreword to Chapter 3…………………………………………..…………………... 44

CHAPTER 3: Effects of a representative emotion regulation task on self-control

performance............................................................................................................................. 45

Abstract……………………………………………………………………………... 46

Introduction…………………………………………………………………………. 47

Methods……………………………………………………………………………... 52

Participants………………………………………………………………….. 52

Procedure……………………………………………………………………. 52

Measures…………………………………………………………………….. 55

Data analysis………………………………………………………………... 59

Results………………………………………………………………………………. 60

Manipulation checks………………………………………………………... 60

Puzzle time………………………………………………………………….. 63

Moderation analyses………………………………………………………… 64

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Discussion…………………………………………………………………………... 65

Foreword to Chapter 4…………………..………………………………………….. 74

CHAPTER 4: The effect of emotion regulation and a positive prime on physically inactive

individuals’ exercise effort in an exercise treadmill test: A novel mixed methods design…. 75

Abstract……………………………………………………………………………... 76

Introduction…………………………………………………………………………. 77

Method……………………………………………………………………………… 80

Participants…………………………………………………………………. 80

Procedures…………………………………………………………………... 80

Measures…………………………………………………………………….. 83

Manipulation checks………………………………………………………... 84

Data analysis………………………………………………………………... 85

Results………………………………………………………………………………. 87

Interview transcripts………………………………………………………… 87

Manipulation checks………………………………………………………... 91

Main quantitative analyses………………………………………………….. 94

Discussion…………………………………………………………………………... 96

Foreword to Chapter 5..……………………………………………………………..101

CHAPTER 5: Getting to the heart of the matter: An ethnography of emotions and emotion

regulation in cardiac rehabilitation………………………………………………………… 102

Abstract……………………………………………………………………………. 103

Introduction………………………………………………………………………... 104

Methods……………………………………………………………………………. 107

Methodology………………………………………………………………. 107

Participants and cardiac rehabilitation setting…………………………….. 108

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Data Collection…………………………………………………………….. 109

Data analysis and representation…………………………………………... 111

Results……………………………………………………………………………... 113

Surviving anxiety: “I mean physically I am fine, but mentally I am

struggling”…………………………………………………….…………… 113

Putting on a brave face: “I think feeling ill is an indication of weakness. It’s

like the runt in a litter of dogs, and the weak one doesn’t

survive”……………………………………………………………………. 118

An inspiration: “It’s having that sense of humour and positive mind

set”…………………………………………………………………………. 123

Discussion…………………………………………………………………………. 127

Conclusion………………………………………………………………………… 131

CHAPTER 6: General discussion…………………………………………………………. 133

Summary of key findings………………………………………………………….. 133

Representative design in the study of self-control and emotion regulation……….. 136

Methodological and philosophical underpinnings………………………………… 139

Mixed methods…………………………………………………………….. 139

Longitudinal hierarchical analysis…………………………………………. 141

Natural social settings……………………………………………………... 142

Philosophical underpinnings………………………………………………. 144

Practical applications………………………………………………………………. 147

Conclusion…………………………………………………………………………. 151

REFERENCES…………………………………………………………………………….. 153

APPENDIX………………………………………………………………………………... 186

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Declaration

Whilst registered as a candidate for the above degree, I have not been registered for any other

research award. The results and conclusions embodied in this thesis are the work of the

named candidate and have not been submitted for any other academic award

Word count: 41, 050

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List of Tables

Table 2.1. The number of included and excluded manuscripts for each journal analysed over

time from 1979 – 2013……………………………………………………………………… 22

Table 2.2. Definitions of the primary research elements investigated in the current study

(Blaikie, 2010)………………………………………………………………………………. 25

Table 3.1. The sequential-task paradigm procedure………………………………………… 54

Table 4.1. Mean ± SD for speed, heart rate, and V̇O2 over the exercise test and between

conditions. Mean ± SD for total distance between conditions……………………………… 94

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List of Figures

Figure 2.1. Elements of social research design (Blaikie, 2010, p. 33).……………………... 18

Figure 2.2. Coding categories, comprising the area of research (i.e. sport, or exercise), the

inclusion of behavioural measures, or manipulations, and the type of behavioural and non-

behavioural measures (i.e. direct vs. indirect, and questionnaire vs. interview vs.

miscellaneous, respectively)………………………………………………………………… 24

Figure 2.3. Comparing the percentage of SEP studies with non-behaviour measures to studies

including dependent behavioural measures over time within four journals (PSE, JASP, TSP,

JSEP)………………………………………………………………………………………... 27

Figure 2.4. This figure presents a cumulative score of coding categories over time (1979–

2013) across four sampled sport psychology journals (PSE, JASP, TSP, JSEP). The figure

illustrates the total percentage of SEP studies including dependent behavioural measures,

non-behavioural measures, indirect behavioural measures, direct behavioural measures, both

dependent and independent behavioural measures, only dependent behavioural measures,

only independent behavioural manipulations, and studies coded as ‘no behaviour’ that used

questionnaires, and interviews……………………………………………………………… 27

Figure 2.5. Percentage of studies including behaviour, or non-behaviour from a cumulative

score of all four journals for each year analysed……………………………………………. 29

Figure 2.6. The percentage of direct and indirect behavioural measures from the sum of four

long- standing journals over time (PSE, JASP, TSP, JSEP)………………………………... 29

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Figure 2.7. The percentage of non-behavioural studies including questionnaires, and

interviews over time within SEP……………………………………………………………. 30

Figure 2.8. Total percentage of studies across data types, data forms, data sources, and data

collection and timing for four long standing SEP journals (PSE, TSP, JASP, JSEP)……… 31

Figure 2.9. Proportion of data forms, including qualitative (Qual), quantitative (Quan) and

Mixed (Mix) data, over time within SEP studies…………………………………………… 32

Figure 2.10. Proportion of cross sectional (CS) and longitudinal (Lon) studies over time

within SEP journals…………………………………………………………………………. 33

Figure 2.11. Proportion of data sources over time within SEP journals, including natural

social settings (Micro and quasi experiments), semi-natural social settings (Individual

characteristics), and artificial settings (Experiments)………………………………………. 35

Figure 3.1. Changes in heart rate (bpm) between baseline and completion of the depleting

(i.e., emotion regulation interview) and non-depleting task (i.e., the University questionnaire).

………………………………………………………………………………………………. 62

Figure 3.2. Systolic blood pressure (mmHg) at baseline and post task between the emotion

regulation condition and no regulation condition…………………………………………… 62

Figure 3.3. Persistence on the puzzle task (min) for control and experimental condition….. 63

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Figure 3.4. The positive association between motivation and puzzle time (min)…………... 64

Figure 4.1. A comparison of state emotion regulation strategies (i.e. reappraisal and

suppression) used across conditions………………………………………………………… 92

Figure 4.2. Changes in core affect (SCAS) between pre-post exercise and between conditions,

including changes in valence, arousal, PAUD, and UAPD…………………………………. 93

Figure 4.3. Changes in core affect (FS) across the exercise test and between conditions….. 95

Figure 4.4. Differences in exercise test distance (km) between conditions………………… 96

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Acknowledgements

I would like to thank my supervisors, Chris Wagstaff and Matt Dicks, for their

encouragement and friendship throughout my PhD. Their intelligence and enthusiasm have

made this process a lot easier. They have helped me to grow as a researcher, and have

provided me with opportunities for professional development.

Thanks also go to the amazing laboratory teams in the department of sport and exercise

science, and the department of psychology, who have provided endless technological help

and advice.

I would like to thank all the dedicated volunteers who have participated in this research.

Thank you to Debbie Lusty, and all the cardiac rehabilitation team, and patients, for sharing

their stories.

My PhD would not have been the same without my friends in the research office. Thank you

to the crazy, intelligent researchers that have given me continued motivation and laughs.

I would like to dedicate this thesis to my family for all their love and support, and to Martin

for his affection and his ability to always make me smile.

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Dissemination

Journal Articles

Meredith, S. J., Dicks, M., Noel, B., & Wagstaff, C. R. D. (2018). A review of behavioural

measures and research methodology in sport and exercise psychology. International

Review of Sport and Exercise Psychology, 11, 25-46.

Meredith, S. J., Wagstaff, C. R. D., & Dicks, M. (2018). Getting to the heart of the matter:

An ethnography of emotions and emotion regulation in cardiac rehabilitation.

Qualitative Research in Sport, Exercise and Health, doi:

10.1080/2159676X.2018.1548373.

Book Chapters *

Meredith, S. J., & Wagstaff, C. R. D. (2016). Evaluating stealth motivation interventions to

promote exercise referral scheme engagement and adherence. In A. Scott & C.

Gidlow (Eds.), Clinical Exercise Science. Oxford: Routledge.

Conference Proceedings *

Meredith, S. J., Wagstaff, C. R. D., & Dicks, M. (2018). An ethnography of emotions and

emotion regulation in cardiac rehabilitation. Poster session presented at the BACPR

Annual Conference 2018. Glasgow, UK.

Wagstaff, C. R. D., Larner, R. J., & Meredith, S. J. (2015). The impact of an autonomy

controlling manipulation on cycling time trial performance in emotion-related ego

depleted athletes. Poster session presented at the 14th FEPSAC European Sport

Psychology Congress. Bern, Switzerland.

*Book chapters and conference proceedings are not reported in this thesis.

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Chapter 1: General Introduction

As a clinical exercise instructor working in various health care settings, I am often

confronted with individuals struggling to change their behaviours. In the UK today,

behavioural and lifestyle factors are thought to be major contributors in around half of all

deaths (Public Health England, 2018). Indeed, one of the major challenges for development

in the 21st Century is the increased mortality and morbidity from chronic health conditions,

including cardiovascular disease, diabetes, cancer, and long term respiratory conditions

(WHO, 2018). Worldwide greater than 36 million people die annually because of chronic

disease (WHO, 2018). Consequently, global action plans (e.g., WHO), and government

policies (e.g., UK Public Health Whitepaper) are implementing interventions to reduce

modifiable risk factors, including cigarette smoking, alcohol consumption, unhealthy diets,

and physical inactivity. Moreover, the emphasis in healthcare is beginning to shift to self-

management, in which individuals living with chronic health conditions are encouraged to

take a lead on maintaining their quality of life (Department of Health, 2001). Nevertheless, I

am often baffled by some individuals’ ambivalence to change despite experiencing a life-

threatening condition, such as a myocardial infarction.

The benefits of health behaviours, such as physical activity, are well established and

include numerous physical (e.g., reduced blood pressure) and psychological (e.g., decreased

depressive symptoms) improvements (e.g., Neufer et al., 2015). Yet, the lifestyle factors that

impact upon one’s successful change toward sustained health and wellbeing are often deeply

entwinedin the fabric of our everyday lives, making health behaviour change a complex and

multifaceted challenge (e.g., Michie & Johnston, 2012). For instance, despite the widespread

health claims and endorsed government guidelines for physical activity (see Department of

Health, 2011), there are still 27 million adults in England who are not active enough to

benefit their health (Department of Health, 2012). Subsequently, health psychologists and

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public health policy are concerned with the development and implementation of cost-

effective health behaviour change interventions and an increased understanding of what

determines our behaviour (Abraham & Michie, 2008; Peters, de Bruin & Crutzen, 2015).

Research suggests that there is a psychological conflict between what people want (i.e., short-

term temptations) and their desire to be healthy in the future. For instance, individuals often

understand that excessive alcohol intake is harmful to health, and moderate exercise is

beneficial. Nonetheless, people might experience positive sensations from drinking alcohol,

while, comparatively, exercising might be uncomfortable and subsequently a negative

experience (Englert, 2016). Therefore, uptake and adherence to health-related behaviours can

involve considerable psychological effort. Subsequently, emerging research in health and

exercise psychology is concerned with the self-regulation of behaviour, and the impact of

emotions on goal attainment (e.g., Mann, de Ridder, & Fujita, 2013; Van Cappellan, Rice,

Catalino, & Fredrickson, 2017).

Self-regulation is an umbrella term used to describe the various processes by which

people pursue and attain goals (see Carver & Scheier, 1998). Successful self-regulation

entails selecting desired goals with appropriate criteria for success (i.e., goal setting), and

engaging in strategies and behaviours necessary to procure that outcome (i.e., goal striving)

(Mann et al., 2013). One of the most studied goal striving strategies from a psychological

perspective is effortful inhibition, or self-control (e.g., Hagger, Wood, Stiff, & Chatzisarantis,

2010a). Anecdotal evidence often refers to the profound difficulty to overcome strong desires

in the pursuit of long-term goals, with individuals blaming unhealthy behaviours on a lack of

‘willpower’. This ‘willpower’, or self-control refers to the capacity to override basic inner

drives, impulses, and dominant responses, regulating behaviour, thoughts, and emotions to

pursue long-term goals at the expense of short-term outcomes (e.g., Metcalfe & Mischel,

1999). For example, as individuals’ fatigue while exercising they might consciously push

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them self to ignore aches and pains to focus on completing a training routine and their long-

term goal for health.

An important facet of self-regulation is the control of emotions, in which individuals

can use regulation strategies to bring about a preferred emotional state for hedonic or

instrumental gains (see Koole, van Dillen, & Sheppes, 2011). Recently, there has been a

renewed interest in the way exercisers control their emotions during exercise (e.g., Wagstaff,

2014). For instance, research suggests that runners and cyclists use emotion regulation to

prepare for physical activity, and during exertional discomfort (e.g., Coudrat et al., 2014;

Giles et al., 2018). Moreover, research within rehabilitative exercise settings illustrates the

commonality of negative emotional states, and the subsequent interference these emotions

can have on adherence to treatment regimens (e.g., Michie, O’Connor, Bath, Giles, & Earll,

2005). Consequently, it is apparent that effective emotion regulation is required for optimal

adherence to health behaviours and improved recovery in rehabilitative settings (see de

Ridder, Geenen, Kuijer, & van Middendorp, 2008).

Individuals might draw on a range of techniques for emotional control, which include

inter alia suppression and reappraisal strategies (see Gross, 2015). Nevertheless, the interplay

and relationships between emotions, emotion regulation and self-control is complex. On the

one hand, positive emotions could bolster self-control performances (e.g., Egan, Clarkson, &

Hirt, 2015), yet on the other hand regulation of emotions could result in a state known as ego

depletion, inhibiting exercise behaviours (e.g., Martin Ginis & Bray, 2010; Wagstaff, 2014).

According to the strength energy model, “self-control is a finite resource that determines

capacity for effortful control over dominant responses and, once expended, leads to impaired

self- control task performance, known as ego depletion” (Hagger, Wood, Stiff, &

Chatzisarantis, 2010, p. 495). In a seminal series of studies conducted in the laboratory,

Muraven, Tice and Baumeister (1998) illustrated that self-control was susceptible to

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depletion. That is, when individuals engaged in a self-control task their performance

decreased in a second self-control task (i.e., a sequential-task paradigm). The authors

interpreted these data to indicate individuals have a general global resource that is vulnerable

to reductions in strength and capacity, resulting in an exhaustive state of self-control

resources (i.e., ego depletion) (Muraven & Baumeister, 2000). Existing literature suggests

that suppression of emotions can result in reduced exercise effort and performance through

depletion of self-control resources (e.g., Wagstaff, 2014). Moreover, research outside an

exercise setting attests to the importance of efficient regulatory choices, showing that

acceptance-based coping with negative emotions required fewer self-control resources than

suppression (Alberts, Schneider, & Martijn, 2012). Considering the renewed interest in

emotions within exercise settings, further research examining the relationship between

emotion regulation and self-control would be a valuable avenue towards understanding health

behaviour change, and the development of future interventions in practice. Furthermore,

given that self-control is vulnerable to fail in a systematic manner (e.g., Hagger et al., 2010a),

it would appear that emotion regulation and ego depletion are important factors to consider

when exploring physical activity engagement.

Ego depletion has garnered substantial scientific and public attention with around

2,000 researchers investigating the effect (Wolff, Baumann, & Englert, 2018). Research

exploring the effect of ego depletion on health has found reduced exercise effort and

adherence (e.g., Martin Ginis & Bray, 2010), decreased exercise performances (e.g., Englert,

2016), unhealthy eating (e.g., Baumeister, Bratslavsky, Muraven, & Tice, 1998), increased

alcohol intake (Muraven, Collins, & Nienhaus, 2002), and increased temptation to smoke

cigarettes (Shmueli & Prochaska, 2009). Nevertheless, various methodological limitations

have been highlighted in the ego depletion literature, including a reliance on the sequential-

task paradigm, restrictions in laboratory-based research, and concerns with the reliability and

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validity of self-control tasks (see Friese at al., 2018). A multitude of tasks across different

self-control domains (e.g., resisting impulses; controlling thoughts and emotions) have been

used to manipulate resource depletion. Wolff and colleagues (2018) found the seven most

commonly used ego depletion tasks were Stroop tasks, attention control videos, the letter e

task, transcription tasks, the N-back task, Multi-source Interference Task, and emotional

suppression videos. Generally, studies finding a significant ego depletion effect have used

these tasks within a sequential-task paradigm in laboratory settings (see Hagger et al., 2010a).

Yet, there have been very few studies exploring ego depletion from a natural social setting, or

with tasks that generalise to naturalistic behaviours of interest (e.g., exercise effort, physical

activity uptake, exercise related emotions). One such study conducted within a naturalistic

environment, investigated the likelihood of relapse in smokers after resisted temptations to

smoke, and found negligible ego depletion effects (O’Connell, Schwartz, & Shiffman, 2008).

O’Connell and colleagues suggested that theory on ego depletion might not be applicable to

‘real world’ experiences of consecutive self-control challenges. Therefore, the external

validity of ego depletion research is questionable, and resonates with recent concerns in

general social psychology regarding a downward trend in the measurement and study of

behaviour (e.g., Baumeister, Vohs, & Funder, 2007). Subsequently, there are calls for

researchers to approach self-control from novel and alternative methodological perspectives

(e.g., Friese et al., 2018).

Aims of this Thesis

Considering some of the concerns in ego depletion research described above, the

purpose of this thesis was to explore self-regulation concepts, including self-control and

emotion regulation, with empirical evidence underpinned by experimental representative

design (see Brunswik, 1956). Due to a dearth of systematic inquiry examining self-control

and ego depletion with representative design, this thesis sought to examine if ego depletion

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exists outside a sequential-task paradigm, in a natural social setting, or using representative

manipulations and measures. More specifically, the aims of this thesis were to: (a) introduce

the importance of representative design and review the behavioural measures and research

methodology used in sport and exercise psychology (Study 1), (b) explore the ego depletion

effect with an emotion regulation task generalizable to a naturalistic setting (Study 2), (c) use

social psychological methods of emotion elicitation to examine the effects of spontaneous

emotion regulation on exercise self-control in a physically inactive population (Study 3), and

(d) explore emotion regulation from a natural social setting using ethnographic creative non-

fiction (Study 4). An array of methodologies were employed to achieve these aims, ranging

from quantitative methods of data collection (i.e., questionnaires, physiological and

psychophysiological measures) and analysis (i.e., multilevel modelling, analysis of variance)

to qualitative methods of data collection (i.e., interviews, observations, field notes, reflexive

diaries) and presentation (i.e., creative non-fiction narratives). Novel mixed methods designs

were employed in this thesis to extend research outside a dominant sequential-task paradigm,

exploring emotion regulation and ego depletion through the rigorous triangulation of data,

and with new interpretive approaches. The data gathered from each study informed the aims

and research design of the next study. For instance, initial experimental results (Study 2 and

3) highlighted the importance of exploring emotion regulation processes and self-control

from individuals contextualized, and meaningful experiences. Therefore, the research evolved

from positivist to constructivist epistemological perspectives examining concepts from within

a natural social setting.

Structure of this Thesis

This thesis comprises 6 chapters and contains four empirical studies. Following this

introduction, Chapter 2 (Study 1) aimed to review the behavioural measures and research

methodology in sport and exercise psychology (SEP). This chapter begins with a review

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outlining the evolving research paradigms in general social psychology and SEP, and the

subsequent impact of research design processes to produce and disseminate credible

knowledge for advancing theory and practice. Methodological and measurement issues in

general social psychology and SEP were considered and compared to elements of social

research design (see Blaikie, 2010). A systematic coding process was then conducted on a

total of 1377 manuscripts sampled from four long-standing SEP publications to provide a

review of the current status and development of SEP research. Results presented in this

chapter revealed the proportion of behavioural and non-behavioural measures, and the types

of methodology commonly adopted in SEP research. This chapter concluded with a

discussion calling for the inclusion of more dependent behavioural variables in SEP, and a

stronger consideration of how research design processes might shape the efficacy of research

findings.

Chapter 3 (Study 2) aimed to investigate the effects of a representative emotion

regulation task on self-control performance. To improve sampling of emotion stimuli in self-

control research, and enhance the generalizability of findings, emotions were manipulated

with a dyadic interaction task transferrable to a work-performance environment. Using a

sequential-task paradigm, participants were randomly allocated to an experimental self-

control depletion group, or a control with non-depletion group. The findings presented in this

chapter provide valuable insights into the potential impact of self-control moderators,

including positive affect and motivation, on self-control performances. Moreover, the need to

consider variability in depletion when using emotion regulation strategies across differing

times in the emotion generation process was discussed, as well as the need to consider

participants use of spontaneous emotion regulation within experimental designs. Findings

stimulated further questions regarding the conditions in which depletion occurs, and

emphasized the consideration of adopting new experimental methods in the study of self-

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control.

Chapter 4 (Study 3) aimed to further explore the effects of representative emotion

stimuli on regulation processes. Based upon findings in the previous chapter (Chapter 3), the

moderating impact of a positive priming intervention was investigated using a novel mixed

methods research design. Specifically, this chapter aimed to examine the effect of emotion

regulation and a positive prime on physically inactive individuals’ exercise effort and

performance in an exercise treadmill test. Spontaneous emotion regulation measures, and

sensitive psychometric measures of affect were applied, as well as longitudinal data analyses

using multilevel modelling. Interviews facilitated triangulation of data and provided a rich

insight into the role of emotion and emotion regulation in exercise settings. Findings from

this chapter illuminate the functional role of emotion regulation and the impact of the

experimenter on participant emotions during exercise testing. Results in this chapter also

outline the difficulty in studying complex representative behaviours from the confines of the

laboratory, and indicate the potential value of research using natural social settings to create a

stronger research base examining: i) the defining characteristics of emotional experiences; ii)

antecedents of emotional experiences, and: iii) consequences of emotions (i.e., exercise

effort, uptake and adherence) in exercise settings.

Chapter 5 (Study 4) presents data from in-depth qualitative methods to explore

emotions and emotion regulation from a natural social setting. Using an ethnographic

approach, the aim of this chapter was to provide a penetrative insight into the social and

psychological environment of a cardiac rehabilitation exercise setting in the United Kingdom.

Limited attention has been given to heart disease as a lived experience and the presence of the

patient’s voice in cardiac rehabilitation is negligible. Therefore, this chapter presents findings

from four main methods of data collection over a 12-month period, including participant

observation, interviews, reflexive diaries and field notes. Creative non-fiction was adopted to

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fashion non-fictional stories grounded in real events and participant’s lived experiences,

illustrating the emotional intensity of recovering from a cardiac event. The findings in this

chapter highlight the value of cardiac rehabilitation to aid patients in emotional reskilling.

Conclusions emerged regarding the value of narrative medicine as a pedagogical tool for

cardiac rehabilitation staff and patients.

Chapter 6 aimed to collectively summarise and interpret the research findings from

this thesis, considering theoretical and conceptual issues. The strengths and limitations of the

thesis are considered, as well as the implications of the research findings in exercise and

health based practice. Findings are compared to the wider literature and critiqued in

comparison to current methodological scrutiny in ego depletion research. This chapter ends

with a discussion of the complexity and unanswered questions regarding emotions, and

emotion regulation in health research. Future research from a qualitative constructivist

approach are outlined, and interventions to enhance health related behaviours in line with the

key thesis findings are discussed.

Considerations in the Presentation of this Thesis

Since the studies from this thesis will be submitted for peer-review with the intention

of being disseminated via journal publication the following format was adopted for all six

chapters: (a) American Psychological Association (6th Edition) format with English UK

spelling, and (b) Table and Figure numbering re-started with each new chapter and embedded

within the narrative.

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CHAPTER 2: A review of behavioural measures and research methodology in sport

and exercise psychology

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Abstract

This study examined the development of methodologies and measures used in sport

and exercise psychology (SEP) publications between 1979 and 2013. A systematic coding

process was conducted on a total of 1377 manuscripts sampled from four long-standing SEP

publications, namely Journal of Applied Sports Psychology, Journal of Sport and Exercise

Psychology, Psychology of Sport and Exercise, and The Sport Psychologist. Analyses

compared the type of behavioural or non-behavioural measures used, and the research design

employed. Findings suggested that overall SEP has included more behavioural measures in

comparison to other psychology domains, and there has been substantial sampling of sport

and exercise behaviours using direct rather than indirect behavioural measures. Nevertheless,

proportions of dependent behavioural measures in SEP were significantly less than non-

behavioural measures. Questionnaires have remained a dominant non-behavioural measure

over time, and higher proportions of SEP studies were conducted within a semi-natural social

setting. Findings are discussed in line with SEP practice, and the potential implications for

future works.

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Introduction

Research emanating from the domain of sport and exercise psychology (SEP) has

developed substantially over several decades (Eklund, 2014) with an array of data collection

methods used in research, including behavioural observations, psychometrics, questionnaires,

psychophysiological measures, interviews, focus groups, and ethnography and action

research (Breakwell & Rose, 2006). Diverse research methods are required to support the

collection of different types of data across a varied background of research paradigms, and

perspectives (e.g., ontological & epistemological views). Indeed, sport and exercise

psychologists need to make a range of important design choices when planning and

conducting research, from the development of an appropriate research question to the

selection of appropriate data forms (e.g., qualitative, quantitative), sources (e.g., natural

social settings, artificial settings), and consideration of data collection methods and timing

(e.g., cross-sectional, longitudinal) (see Blaikie, 2010). Meticulous research processes are

required in SEP to produce and disseminate credible knowledge for advancing theory and

practice within this domain. Theory and research-based practices are procedures that must be

applied routinely when psychological services are provided to athletes and exercise

participants (Hackfort, Duda, & Lidor, 2005). Therefore, it is important to review and take

note of the current status and development of SEP research and how this might shape the

efficacy of research findings.

Examples from general social psychology may provide some insights on the impact of

changing research paradigms. Berkman and Lieberman (2011) described three main types of

data within (social) psychology, namely: self-report psychological or mental processes (e.g.,

paper and pencil assessments of attitudes), indicators of neurological processes (e.g., task-

related functional activation) and behaviour (e.g., observation and measurement of actions).

A recent examination of the development of methodologies and measures in social

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psychology research has revealed a shift towards investigations of mental processes and a

decline in behavioural measures (Patterson, 2008). Such observations indicate a trend

towards studying internal, typically self-report, processes at the expense of measuring an

individual’s behaviours (cf. Baumeister, Vohs, & Funder, 2007), which foreshadow potential

limitations of the generalisability of psychological research (Dhami, Hertwig, & Hoffrage,

2004). Arguably, a central aim of psychology research is to emphasise the development of

understanding on the control of behaviour, enabling psychologists to communicate theory for

the benefit of society, wherein science and society constitute a feedback loop (cf. Gergen,

1973). For instance, within the context of SEP, practitioners are interested in how

psychological constructs might affect behaviour in such settings, so that interventions can be

implemented to positively impact health, performance, and wellbeing. Nevertheless,

methodological trends in general social psychology suggest that the gap between research and

applied practice may be widening due to a decrease in the study of behaviour (Baumeister et

al., 2007; Dhami et al., 2004; Patterson, 2008). In line with such views, this study seeks to

explore the methodological and measurement developments in SEP journals over the last four

decades. First, we provide a consideration of the inclusion of behavioural and non-

behavioural measures in SEP research, before reviewing the types of methods employed.

Methodological and measurement issues in general social psychology

There has been renewed emphasis in social psychology research on studying brain

and body processes at the behavioural level (Berkman & Lieberman, 2011). In a seminal

review of social psychology literature, Baumeister et al. (2007) highlighted that an

overreliance on questionnaires and other techniques, appear to have supplanted behavioural

observation. Indeed, Baumeister et al. revealed a downward trend in the measurement and

study of behaviour in the Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, from approximately

80% of studies in 1976 to fewer than 20% of studies in 2006. In concluding their review,

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Baumeister et al. (2007) argued that despite the first 10 years of the twenty-first century being

named the ‘decade of behaviour’ by the American Psychological Association, social

psychology research had maintained a focus on the study of internal mental and neural

processes (see also Berkman & Lieberman, 2011). While the exploration of neural and

psychological mechanisms is important, Baumeister et al. argued that these inner processes

are meaningless without understanding of how they relate to the control of actual behaviour.

That is, given the principle goal of psychological research to create positive change in

environmental settings, it is imperative that research samples have application to naturalistic

contexts.

Consistent with the above arguments, there is a need to consider the type or level of

behaviour measured within experimental contexts. For example, in examining the changing

incidence of behaviour measures in personality and social psychology research, Patterson

(2008) differentiated between direct (e.g., face-to-face behaviour/social interaction) and

indirect behavioural measures (e.g., reaction times in response to static images). Patterson

recognised that indirect measures have the potential to act as favourable alternatives to self-

report measures (e.g., questionnaires to examine mental states, such as conscious thoughts

and feelings). However, indirect measures, such as reaction time tests, differ substantially

from the diverse behaviours typically displayed during day-to- day, face-to-face interactions.

Indeed, despite observing a remarkable decline in overall behavioural measures from 70% in

1976 to 25% in 1996 and 2006 within the Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin,

Patterson (2008) emphasised the dearth of studies reporting what people actually do in social

settings (i.e. their contextual behaviours). That is, only 13% of the studies sampled by

Patterson in 1976 used direct social-behavioural measures, with this proportion declining to

just 4% in 2006. Therefore, a pressing concern highlighted across personality and social

psychology research is the decline of requisite behavioural measures within experimental

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contexts (see also Davids & Araújo, 2010).

The shift observed in social psychology research towards the study of mental and

neural processes is in line with the ‘cognitive revolution’ and the heightened interest in

attributing the causes of behaviour to inner processes (Miller, 2003). That is, psychologists

have arguably begun to focus on the study of internal mechanisms to understand the

processes of behaviour without actually including behavioural measures (Patterson, 2008).

Baumeister et al. (2007) suggested that the reduction in behavioural measures in general

psychology might be due to the nature of behavioural data collection, which can place a strain

on time and resource demands in an area of research that is highly competitive. For example,

observing, coding, and analysing behavioural responses, such as an individual’s facial

expressions and nonverbal behaviour require a considerable amount of time and effort.

Moreover, it may be considered unethical when such measures are collected in the context of

an experiment that purposefully seeks to elicit anger or anxiety (Coan & Allen, 2007).

Methodological and measurement issues in sport and exercise psychology

It is unclear whether the decline in behavioural research in general social psychology,

alluded to above, is evident within SEP. Nevertheless, methodological challenges in SEP

have long been acknowledged (e.g., Abernethy, Thomas, & Thomas, 1993; Andersen,

McCullagh, & Wilson, 2007; Biddle, Markland, Gilbourne, Chatzisarantis, & Sparkes, 2001;

Schutz, 1994). For example, Schutz (1994) outlined various methodological problems in

SEP, with the most pressing relating to the definition of psychological constructs and the

validity and reliability of the instruments used to measure these. Specifically, psychological

constructs are not always directly observable but are inferred from behavioural or self-report

measures (i.e., they are latent variables). For instance, an exercisers mood, or an athlete’s

personality traits are often measured via completion of paper and pen questionnaires (e.g.,

Berger & Motl, 2000; Goldberg, 1990). Schutz (1994) proposed that researchers should

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consider the definition, operationalisation and valid measurement of latent variables through

sound theoretical foundations and rigorous standards in constructing measurement tools (i.e.

questionnaire items). Moreover, Schutz, and others (e.g., Andersen et al., 2007) suggested

that researchers should report the extent to which a change in these latent variables can make

a practical difference, and need to consider connecting questionnaire metrics to sport and

exercise behaviours. For example, Andersen et al. (2007) sampled all the issues in the 2005

volumes of the Journal of Sport & Exercise Psychology, The Sport Psychologist, and the

Journal of Applied Sport Psychology and found, of the 54 studies that used quantitative

methods, 25 reported only paper-and-pencil metrics with no connections to behaviour.

Typically, these measures provide an insight into how an athlete might feel, but often provide

little indication to how an athlete’s behaviours might be affected. Therefore, findings could

translate poorly to sport and exercise environments. For instance, questionnaire-based studies

that seek to assess psychological states prior to competition, such as the presence of certain

emotions (e.g., fear, joy), would be more useful in practice if scores on the questionnaires

were related to a magnitude of change in sports behaviours. Hence, Andersen et al. argued

that SEP needs to improve the triangulation of psychometric and behavioural data to provide

a deeper understanding of individuals and psychological phenomena within naturalistic

settings.

Observations of SEP research have highlighted an extensive reliance on cross-

sectional questionnaire designs (Biddle, 1997). Specifically, Biddle examined the research

methodologies used in articles published in the Journal of Sport and Exercise Psychology and

the International Journal of Sport Psychology between 1985 and 1994. Findings demonstrated

that 40% of the studies used cross-sectional questionnaire designs, with less than one third

using experimental or quasi-experimental designs (see also Morris, 1999). The predominant

use of questionnaires in the SEP literature is in line with the increasing trend towards self-

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reported data observed in general social psychology (e.g., Baumeister et al., 2007). Further,

Biddle (2000) suggested that SEP should reduce its use of cross-sectional questionnaires by

employing a diverse range of research methods (e.g., randomised controlled trials, large scale

meta-analyses, narratives, in-depth qualitative studies), in order to establish, ‘a credible bank

of evidence on which to base effective interventions’ (p. 3). Sport and exercise psychologists

are presented with a number of choices throughout the research process that will shape and

restrict study conclusions. Therefore, scholars should be mindful of the range of core

elements when conducting research (see Blaikie, 2010) and the number of choices, and

combinations, leading to a wide variety of possible research designs (see Figure 2.1).

In light of the above overview, the aim of this study was to examine the development

of methodologies and measures used in SEP publications between 1979 and 2013. First, we

analysed if the decline in behaviour observed within general social and personality

psychology was mirrored in research published in SEP journals by comparing the proportion

of behavioural measures with non-behavioural measures overtime. Second, we analysed

whether behavioural measures included in SEP were indirect, or direct in nature, and the

types of non-behavioural measures utilised. Finally, and in line with previous reviews of SEP

research (see Biddle et al., 2001) and the core elements of social science (Blaikie, 2010), we

examined variation in the types of research designs and methods used overtime.

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Research topic and problem

RESEARCH QUESTIONS

and purposes

RESEARCH STRATEGIES

RESEARCH PARADIGMS

Concepts, theories, hypotheses

and models

Data types, forms and sources

Selection from data sources

Data collection and timing

Data reduction and analysis

Ontology

Epistemology

Basic research

Applied research

‘What’ questions

‘Why’ questions

‘How’ questions

Inductive

Deductive

Retroductive

Abductive

Empiricism, Rationalism,

Falsificationism, Neo-

realism, Constructionism,

Conventionalism

Positivism, Critical rationalism,

Classical hermeneutics,

Interpretivism, Critical theory,

Social science realism,

Contemporary hermeneutics,

Ethnomethodology, Structuration

theory, Feminism

Natural social settings

Semi-natural settings

Artificial settings

Social artefacts

Population, Single-stage

probability sample, Multi-

stage sample, Single-stage

non-probability sample

Cross-sectional

Longitudinal

Historical

Qualitative methods

Quantitative methods

Mixed methods

Explore

Describe

Explain

Understand

Predict

Change

Evaluate

Assess impacts

Top down

Bottom up

Shallow realist,

Conceptual realist,

Cautious realist, Depth

realist, Idealist, Subtle

realist

Primary

Secondary

Tertiary

Qualitative

Quantitative

Figure 2.1. Elements of social research design (Blaikie, 2010, p. 33).

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Method

Sample

Following previous research examining the frequency of behavioural measures in

psychology (e.g., Baumeister et al., 2007), this study adopted a systematic approach. A step-

by-step coding process was conducted on a total of 1377 manuscripts sampled from four

long- standing SEP publications, namely Journal of Applied Sports Psychology, Journal of

Sport and Exercise Psychology, Psychology of Sport and Exercise, and The Sport

Psychologist. Starting with the first odd numbered year of each journal, all the articles from

issues 1, 2 and 4 for every other journal year (e.g., 1979, 1981, 1983 ...) were analysed. A

coding system was adopted that allowed the quantification of the type of behavioural or non-

behavioural measures used, and the research design employed. The systematic sampling

approach adopted was informed by previous research in the general psychology domain

(Baumeister et al., 2007; Patterson, 2008). For example, Baumeister et al. (2007), selected

issues from March and May in years 1966, 1976, 1986, 1996, and 2006 in the Journal of

Personality and Social Psychology for coding. This study sought to sample a larger number

of manuscripts across SEP overtime compared to previous reviews (e.g., Andersen et al.,

2007; Baumeister et al., 2007). Only full length manuscripts were included, and any non-

empirical articles were excluded from analyses (e.g., editorials, reviews, conceptual papers,

newsletters etc.). The number of manuscripts and studies for each journal coded are presented

in Table 2.1.

Coding

Coding was conducted to quantify the extent to which the dependent and independent

variables used in SEP were behavioural measures or manipulations. Behaviour was defined

as the actions made by participants in relation to the immediate environment (experimental

situation). Self-report measures (e.g., questionnaires and interviews) of past or hypothetical

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behaviours were coded as no behaviour. Each behavioural variable was differentiated

according to the type or level of behaviour; specifically, direct behaviours entailed requisite

sport, and exercise actions, while indirect behaviours entailed simplified sport, and exercise

action (cf. Patterson, 2008). For instance, a ‘gold standard’ direct measure of sports

behaviour would be the measurement of a requisite sports action against opponents within a

sports setting, such as the number of successful basketball free throws in a game, or a

participant’s competition running time. Other examples of direct behaviour measures include

the number of times a player acts aggressively in a tennis match, or the measurement of

coach-athlete interactions during training. In contrast, indirect measures of sports behaviour

included reaction time tests, and other simulated sports measures and manipulations, such as

participants responding with shadow movements to a video or computer-based display in the

laboratory (see Dicks, Button, & Davids, 2010).

The authors worked together to establish the comprehensive coding criterion, which

was informed by extant literature (e.g., Baumeister et al., 2007; Blaikie, 2010; Patterson,

Giles, & Teske, 2011). Based on the methods of Patterson et al. (2011) two individuals in the

research team piloted the coding for several issues (Journal of Applied Sport Psychology,

year 2013, issues 1, 2 and 4). The codes given to each article were then compared between

authors to establish if any discrepancies existed. Although no discrepancies emerged, judging

the codes helped in the development and improvement of the coding criteria. Following

agreement of the coding criterion one author coded the selected studies, of which a sample of

10% was also coded by the remaining authors. No coding discrepancies were observed.

Each study was first coded for its topic (e.g., sport, exercise), before being coded for

behaviour (i.e. behaviour or non-behaviour). If the study included behaviour, it was then

coded as behavioural dependent, behavioural independent, or both behavioural independent

and dependent. Next, the behavioural variable was coded as direct or indirect behaviour. If

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the study did not include behavioural measures, the research method adopted was coded (i.e.

questionnaire; interview), or if the study was not empirical (i.e. reviews and commentaries) it

was coded as ‘miscellaneous’ and excluded from analyses (Figure 2.2). The coding process

was also conducted to quantify the research designs used in SEP (cf. Biddle, 2000). Coding

focused on classifying research studies using core components from Blaikie’s (2010)

elements of social research design, including (1) data types, (2) data forms, (3) data sources,

and (4) data collection and timing (see Table 2.2).

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Table 2.1. The number of included and excluded manuscripts for each journal analysed over time from 1979 – 2013.

JSEP TSP JASP PSE

Year

Total

Study Empirical Excluded

Total

Study Empirical Excluded

Total

Study Empirical Excluded

Total

Study Empirical Excluded

1979 27 15 12 _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _

1981 25 15 10 _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _

1983 32 15 17 _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _

1985 25 16 9 _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _

1987 29 19 10 23 7 16 _ _ _ _ _ _

1989 30 23 7 26 18 8 19 1 18 _ _ _

1991 32 28 4 30 9 21 14 8 6 _ _ _

1993 31 20 11 26 12 14 17 8 9 _ _ _

1995 25 20 5 28 11 17 13 7 6 _ _ _

1997 22 17 5 26 17 9 22 7 15 _ _ _

1999 19 14 5 25 17 8 22 14 8 _ _ _

2001 14 11 3 19 16 3 15 14 1 14 7 7

2003 25 22 3 30 13 17 21 19 2 34 18 16

2005 28 24 4 36 15 21 19 16 3 33 19 14

2007 25 19 6 28 12 16 26 24 2 36 27 9

2009 31 21 10 28 18 10 27 24 3 59 40 19

2011 27 21 6 33 18 15 24 22 2 53 38 15

2013 34 30 4 35 23 12 28 19 9 57 44 13

N.B. The empirical studies included in analyses have been highlighted in bold.

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Analyses

The frequencies of every dimension and theme in the coding criteria (e.g., behaviour;

no behaviour) were calculated as a proportion of each year and journal being analysed. The

summative scores for all four journals were calculated for each year, and as a total of all

years, before being converted into percentages. The different coded themes (e.g., behavioural

measures vs. non-behavioural measures) were analysed over time through descriptive

statistics, figures, and statistical analyses. The different coded themes (e.g., behavioural

measures vs. non-behavioural measures) were analysed over time by separating the

publication year into three different time stamps. Each time stamp encompassed a total of 10

years (i.e., 1979, 1981, 1983, 1985, 1987, 1989 consisted of a time stamp). Thus, three

different periods of time were compared; (i) 1979–1989; (ii) 1991–2001; and (iii) 2003–2013.

Repeated measures ANOVA’s were conducted to compare the frequencies of coding criteria

(e.g., behavioural measures vs. non-behavioural measures) over time. Dependent variables

included (1) behaviour vs. non-behaviour (2) direct behavioural measures vs. indirect

behavioural measures (3) comparisons between the types of articles containing non-

behavioural measures (questionnaires vs. interview), and comparisons between research

methods, including (4) primary vs. secondary vs. tertiary data, (5) qualitative vs. quantitative

vs. mixed methods, (6) natural vs. semi-natural vs. artificial vs. social artefact sources, and

(7) cross-sectional vs. longitudinal designs (see Blaikie, 2010). If the repeated measures

ANOVAs indicated any significant effects, Bonferroni corrected post hoc analyses using

repeated measures one-way ANOVAs and t-tests were conducted to explore the relationships

further, and effect sizes were reported (Partial Eta squared and Cohen’s d, respectively).

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Figure 2.2. Coding categories, comprising the area of research (i.e. sport, or exercise), the

inclusion of behavioural measures, or manipulations, and the type of behavioural and non-

behavioural measures (i.e. direct vs. indirect, and questionnaire vs. interview vs.

miscellaneous, respectively).

Behaviour (B)

. Behavioural independent & dependent variables (3)

. Behavioural dependent variable (2)

. Behavioural independent variable (1)

. Direct e.g., requisite sport/ exercise action (DI)

. Indirect e.g., simulated sport/ exercise tasks (IN)

Non- behaviour (N)

. Self-reported measures of a past behaviour (02)

. Self-reported measures of a hypothetical behaviour (01)

. Miscellaneous (e.g., reviews, comments)

. Questionnaire based (Q)

. Interview based (I)

Sport (S)/ Exercise (E)

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Table 2.2. Definitions of the primary research elements investigated in the current study

(Blaikie, 2010).

Research element/ design Description & Categories

Data Type

Primary

Secondary

Tertiary

Primary data are generated by a researcher who is responsible for the

design of the study, and the collection, analysis and reporting of the

data. Secondary data are raw data that have already been collected by

someone else, in which the original purpose in collecting such data

could be different from that of the secondary user.

Tertiary data have been analysed by a researcher who generated the

data or by a user of secondary data; the raw data may not be

available, only the results of analysis.

Data Form

Qualitative

Quantitative

Mixed

Qualitative studies adopt a methodological position that emphasizes

words rather than quantification in the collection and analysis of

data.

Quantitative studies generate numerical data or data that can be

transformed into useable statistics.

Mixed methods involves the collection, analysis and mixing of both

quantitative and qualitative data.

Data Source

Natural social setting

Semi-natural setting

Artificial setting

Social artefacts

In natural social settings researchers enter an area of social activity

and study people going about their everyday lives at a micro (e.g.,

individuals, small groups, social episodes), meso (e.g., organizations,

communities, crowds, social movements) and macro (e.g., social

institutions, social structures, nations, multinational bodies) social

level and through quasi-experiments (research in which experimental

procedures are used outside the laboratory; rather than contriving an

experiment, researchers may use opportunities as they arise in

natural settings.). In a semi-natural setting individuals are asked to

report on their own and/or other people’s activities, attitudes and

motives, or on social processes and institutionalized practices that

occur in natural settings (e.g., individual characteristics, individuals

as informants, representative individuals, life histories, and

individuals as case studies). In an artificial setting, social activity is

contrived for experimental or learning processes, including

experiments (hold some variables constant while others are

manipulated, and then observe the outcome, or test whether a

treatment causes an effect), and simulation and games (a way of

modelling some aspect of social life). Social artefacts is a social

setting in the past and involves the examination of records or traces

left by individuals or groups (e.g., official statistics, public

documents, private documents, personal records).

Data Collection & Timing

Cross-sectional

Historical

Longitudinal

Cross-sectional data capture aspects of social life in the present time

and cannot study social processes and social change. Historical data

are social events of phenomena in the past. Longitudinal data extend

over a period of time, such as before and after designs (e.g., studying

the impact of an intervention), or analysing change over time.

Longitudinal studies can be split into prospective (studies that begin

in the present and plan further stages in the future, including time

series, panel and cohort data) and retrospective (studies that take

present as base and seek info on the past).

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Results

Behavioural measures

Figure 2.3 illustrates that the number of behavioural-dependent measures included in

the SEP journals sampled has generally remained lower than non-behavioural measures

1979–2013. The dependent behaviour × time ANOVA revealed a significant main effect for

behaviour, F(1, 10) = 80.865, p < .001, η2 = .89. Overall, 31.01% of empirical articles pub-

lished between 1979 and 2013 in SEP included dependent behavioural measures and 68.99%

of empirical articles included non-behavioural measures. Nevertheless, when examining

independent behavioural variables it was apparent from Figure 2.4 that SEP journals sampled

included a large proportion of behavioural manipulations (33.91%). Analysed together,

behavioural measures and manipulations accounted for 44.64% of studies in the sample of

SEP research. Whilst the behavioural manipulations and measures × time ANOVA revealed a

significant interaction effect, F(2, 20) = 4.96, p = .018, η2 = .33, and main effect for behaviour,

F(1, 10) = 9.62, p < .011, η2 = .49, effect sizes were lower than observed for dependent

behavioural measures. These data indicate that when observing both dependent and

independent measures and manipulations together, the difference between behaviour and

non-behaviour is small (Figure 2.3).

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Figure 2.3. Comparing the percentage of SEP studies with non-behaviour measures to studies

including dependent behavioural measures over time within four journals (PSE, JASP, TSP,

JSEP).

Figure 2.4. This figure presents a cumulative score of coding categories over time (1979–

2013) across four sampled sport psychology journals (PSE, JASP, TSP, JSEP). The figure

illustrates the total percentage of SEP studies including dependent behavioural measures,

non-behavioural measures, indirect behavioural measures, direct behavioural measures, both

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

80

1979

1981

1983

1985

1987

1989

1991

1993

1995

1997

1999

2001

2003

2005

2007

2009

2011

2013

Per

cen

tage

Year

Dependent Behavioural

Dependent Non Behavioural

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

Per

cen

tage

Coding Category

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dependent and independent behavioural measures, only dependent behavioural measures,

only independent behavioural manipulations, and studies coded as ‘no behaviour’ that used

questionnaires, and interviews.

Direct-Indirect behaviour

Overall, 35.94% of behavioural articles published between 1979 and 2013 in SEP

included direct behavioural measures and 13.3% of articles included indirect behavioural

measures and manipulations (Figure 2.5). The behaviour type × time ANOVA revealed a

significant main effect for type of behaviour, F(1, 10) = 32.42, p < .001, η2 = .76. Direct

behavioural measures were consistently more prevalent than indirect behavioural measures

(Figure 2.6), aside from 1981 in which indirect measures were proportionally higher than

direct behavioural measures. Analyses indicated no significant effect for time, F(1.23, 12.29) =

.91, p = .38, η2 = .08, but there was a significant interaction effect, F(1.23, 12.29) = 6.32, p = .02,

η2 = .39. Follow-up t-tests revealed that there were no significant differences between direct

and indirect behavioural measures between 1979 and 1989, t(10) = .73. p = .49, d = 0.42.

Nevertheless, in comparison with indirect behaviour, there were significantly more

manuscripts published presenting direct behavioural measures between 1991 and 2001, t(10) =

10.98. p < .001, d = 6.34, and between 2003 and 2013, t(10) = 5.69. p < .001, d = 3.28.

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Figure 2.5. Percentage of studies including behaviour, or non-behaviour from a cumulative

score of all four journals for each year analysed.

Figure 2.6. The percentage of direct and indirect behavioural measures from the sum of four

long- standing journals over time (PSE, JASP, TSP, JSEP).

Non-Behaviour

Further breakdown of the non-behaviour articles (55.69%) revealed that 39.38% were

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

80

1979

1981

1983

1985

1987

1989

1991

1993

1995

1997

1999

2001

2003

2005

2007

2009

2011

2013

Per

cen

tage

Year

Behaviour

No Behaviour

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

Per

cen

tage

Year

Indirect

Direct

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questionnaire, and 14.7% were interview-based data. Whilst questionnaire measures

remained consistently high over time, the proportion of studies using interviews consider-

ably increased between 1979 (0%) to 2013 (19.83%) (Figure 2.7). A non-behaviour × time

ANOVA revealed a significant main effect for non-behaviour articles, F(1, 10) = 153.5, p <

.001, η2 = .94. There was no significant interaction effect, F(2, 20) = 2.6, p = .1, η2 = .21, but

there was a significant effect for time, F(2, 20) = 4.06, p = .033, η2 = .29. Follow up paired

samples t-tests revealed significant increases in the proportion of interviews from time stamp

1 to time stamp 2, t(5) = −4.97; p = .01, d = 1.89, and from time stamp 2 to time stamp 3, t(5) =

−2.69; p = .04, d = 1.37.

Figure 2.7. The percentage of non-behavioural studies including questionnaires, and

interviews over time within SEP.

Research methods

Observing the total percentage of studies across data types and forms indicated that

studies in SEP were mainly primary data (97.07%), and quantitative (73.54%), respectively

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

1979

1981

1983

1985

1987

1989

1991

1993

1995

1997

1999

2001

2003

2005

2007

2009

2011

2013

Per

cen

tage

Year

Questionnaire

Interview

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(Figure 2.8). Overall, a larger proportion of studies sampled were sourced from a semi-

natural setting, reporting individual characteristics (59%), and were relatively balanced

between cross-sectional (51.15%) and longitudinal (48.85%) data collection and timing

(Figure 2.8).

Figure 2.8. Total percentage of studies across data types, data forms, data sources, and data

collection and timing for four long standing SEP journals (PSE, TSP, JASP, JSEP).

Data types

The data types × time ANOVA revealed a significant main effect for data types, F(2,

15) = 24303.8, p < .001, η2 = 1. There was no significant effect for time, F(1.34, 20.06) = .17, p =

.76, η2 = .01, and no significant interaction effect, F(2.68, 20.06) = 1.84, p = .18, η2 = .2. Figure

8 clearly illustrates the dominance of primary data types in SEP (97.07%) compared to

secondary (2.72%) and tertiary (0.31%).

Data forms

Whilst the percentage of quantitative data was consistently higher than qualitative and

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

80

90

100

P S T

Qu

al

Qu

an

Mix

Mic

ro

Mes

o

Mac

ro

Qu

asi

Ind

Ch

ar

Ind

Inf

Rep

Ind

s

Life

His

t

Cas

e

Exp

Sim

/Gam

Stat

s

Pu

b d

oc

Pri

v d

oc

Per

s re

c

CS

His

t

TS

Pan

el

Co

ho

rt

Ret

ro

Per

cen

tage

Study Criteria

Data Type

Data Form

Data Source

Data Timing

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mixed data over time, trends indicated a gradual decline in quantitative studies 1979– 2013 (a

decrease of 21.66%). In line with these changes, Figure 2.9 illustrates increases in the

proportion of qualitative data between 1979 (0%) to 2013 (23.53%). A data forms × time

ANOVA revealed a significant main effect for data forms, F(2, 15) = 735.61, p < .001, η2 =

.99. There was no significant effect for time, F(2, 30) = .022, p = .98, η2 = .001, but there was a

significant interaction effect, F(4, 30) = 11.64, p < .001, η2 = .61.

Bonferroni post hoc analyses indicated a significantly higher proportion of

quantitative studies compared to qualitative and mixed studies (p < .001). Further, paired

samples t- tests indicated significant increases in qualitative articles between time stamp 1

and 2, t (5) =−4.61; p=.006, d=3.75, and a significant decrease in quantitative studies from

time 1 to time 2, t(5) = 3.75; p = .01, d = 1.96. There was a non-significant increase in

qualitative studies between time stamp 2 and time stamp 3, t(5) = −1.51; p = .19, d = 0.94.

Figure 2.9. Proportion of data forms, including qualitative (Qual), quantitative (Quan) and

Mixed (Mix) data, over time within SEP studies.

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

80

90

100

Per

cen

tage

Year

Qual

Quan

Mix

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Data collection and timing

There were no evident patterns or differences between cross-sectional and

longitudinal data over time in sampled SEP research (Figure 2.10). A data collection × time

ANOVA revealed no effect for time, F(2, 30) = .02, p = .98, η2 = .001, and no interaction

effect, F(4, 30) = .439; p = .78, η2 = .06. Nevertheless, there was a significant main effect for

data collection, F(2, 15) = 76.77; p < .001, η2 = .91, due to the significantly low proportions of

historical studies sampled in SEP compared to longitudinal and cross-sectional data (Figure

2.8).

Figure 2.10. Proportion of cross sectional (CS) and longitudinal (Lon) studies over time

within SEP journals.

Data sources

Key observations between data sources revealed that SEP research was mainly

15

25

35

45

55

65

75

85

Per

cen

tage

Year

CS

Lon

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conducted in a semi-natural social setting, in which individuals were asked to provide self-

report characteristics occurring in a natural sport and exercise environment (Figure 2.11). For

instance, participants often completed self-report questionnaires or interviews on their

experience and perceptions of, or attitudes towards an experienced event, such as completion

of anxiety questionnaires prior to or interviews following a major competition. A small

proportion of SEP studies were conducted within a natural social setting (18.83%), including

quasi-experiments (10.46%) and the exploration and observation of individuals in their

everyday settings (i.e. micro environments, 7.64%). Artificial experimental settings were also

proportionally low (24.27%). Figure 2.11 shows a decline in the amount of experimental

studies in SEP from 38.89% in 1979 to 14.29% in 2009, before increasing slightly to 27.73%

in 2013. A data sources × time ANOVA revealed no significant effects for time, F(2, 40) = .15;

p = .86, η2 = .007, and no significant interaction effects, F(6, 40) = 2.22; p = .06, η2 = .25.

Nevertheless, there was a significant main effect for data source, F(3, 20) = 187.65; p < .001,

η2 = .97. Bonferroni post hoc analyses indicated significantly higher proportions of semi-

natural data compared to natural social settings (p < .001) and artificial settings (p < .001),

and significantly higher proportions of artificial settings compared to natural social settings

(p < .001) (Figure 2.11).

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Figure 2.11. Proportion of data sources over time within SEP journals, including natural

social settings (Micro and quasi experiments), semi-natural social settings (Individual

characteristics), and artificial settings (Experiments).

Discussion

The aim of this study was to quantify the proportion of research methodologies and

behavioural measures used in SEP research between 1979 and 2013. Using a rigorous coding

criterion, this study analysed the types of measures and methods used across a total of 1377

manuscripts sampled from the Journal of Applied Sports Psychology, Journal of Sport and

Exercise Psychology, Psychology of Sport and Exercise, and The Sport Psychologist.

Previous research in other disciplines of psychology has reported a significant decline in the

use of behavioural measures over the past several decades (Baumeister et al., 2007; Patterson,

2008). Rather than relying extensively on self-report measures (e.g., questionnaires), there

have been calls in SEP for researchers to include behavioural measures, in order to

effectively bridge the gap between research and practice (Biddle, 1997; Patterson, 2008).

Further, in sport and exercise, a related issue is the proposed need to better represent the rich

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diversity of research methods in leading outlets (Biddle, 1997).

Behavioural and non-behavioural measures

A key finding of this analysis was that dependent behavioural measures used in SEP

research between 1979 and 2013 represent a significantly and meaningfully (η2 = .89) lower

proportion of studies (31.01%) compared to non-behavioural measures (68.99%). Baumeister

et al. (2007) reported that personality and social psychology research has seen a significant

decrease in behavioural measures overtime. In contrast, the current review of SEP research

found no decline in the proportion of behavioural measures between 1979 and 2013 (Figure

2.3). Therefore, the rapid decline in behavioural studies in JPSP and PSPB over the past

several decades (Baumeister et al., 2007; Patterson, 2008) was not replicated in TSP, JSEP,

JASP, and PSE over the 1979–1989, 1991–2001, and 2003–2013 time periods. Further, when

researchers have employed behavioural measures in SEP, there has been substantial sampling

of sport and exercise behaviours (i.e. direct rather than indirect). That is, requisite sport and

exercise actions were used significantly more often in SEP research than simulated sport and

exercise tasks (Figure 2.6). Although there have been renewed calls in some domains of SEP

to ensure that researchers accurately sample experimental contexts that are representative of

sport and exercise settings (e.g., Pinder, Davids, Renshaw, & Araújo, 2011), the current

results place SEP favourably in comparison with other domains of psychological research

(e.g., social and personality psychology). Moreover, when considering independent measures

and manipulations, the inclusion of behaviour within SEP is relatively well balanced with

non-behavioural studies (Figure 2.4).

Nevertheless, a key finding from the current review is the lack of dependent

behavioural measures in SEP with results indicating that non-behavioural measures have

largely consisted of questionnaires (Figure 2.7). Self-report measures are commonly seen as

an important tool within SEP to capture internal processes. For instance, the profile of mood

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states is commonly used to capture feelings associated with exercise (e.g., Berger & Motl,

2000). However, it has been argued that researchers should be aware of the importance of

connecting these internal processes to behavioural outcomes (Andersen et al., 2007; Martens,

1979). To elaborate, recent analysis has revealed a potential dissociation between self-report

measures of cognitive load and systematic physiological measures (heart-rate variability) of

cognitive demands (Luque-Casado, Perales, Cárdenas, & Sanabria, 2016). These findings

complement the proposal that the study of cognition in sports performance is increasingly

moving from a disjunction between mind and body to an integrated relationship between

thinking and skilled action (see Davids & Araújo, 2010; Moran, 2012). It has also been

argued that a primary requirement of SEP is to conduct applied psychological research to

help understand and address practical issues (e.g., Carron, 2007). A potential implication for

future work is for SEP research to become less reliant on questionnaires, whilst being

mindful of the argument that psychological constructs cannot be directly observed or

measured (see review of latent variables in psychology, Bollen, 2002).

Research design and methods

The application of Blaikie’s (2010) research criteria, led to the observation that SEP

mainly uses primary, quantitative data within a semi-natural social setting. That is, data have

been: (1) primarily generated by the researchers themselves through design, collection and

analysis rather than generated by another researcher (η2 = 1); (2) data have largely been

quantified using numerical analyses (η2 = .99), and; (3) the data have been sourced through

asking individuals to attempt to self-report characteristics that have occurred within natural

settings (η2 = .97). An advantage of sampling semi-natural social settings is that the reported

characteristics have social origins and consequences (Blaikie, 2010).

For example, Cox, Ullrich-French, and Sabiston (2013) collected individual

characteristics via an in-class survey asking students to report their experiences of social

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physique anxiety (SPA) in PE, motivation regulations for PE, enjoyment, and effort in PE

and leisure-time physical activity. These data were based upon the participant’s experiences,

and revealed that higher feelings of SPA in PE were associated with lower levels of

enjoyment and effort in PE and leisure-time physical activity when coupled with higher

external regulation. Connecting this data to natural experiences might be beneficial to link

findings to the applied/practical situation that a given SEP experiment is proposed to sample,

compared to an artificial setting (e.g., an experiment), in which individuals may behave

differently in experimental situations than they do in natural settings (Blaikie, 2010; Dicks et

al., 2010; List, 2005). Nevertheless, there are disadvantages associated with self-reported

data, including self-presentation and socially desirable responding (van de Mortel, 2008),

recall bias (Stone & Shiffman, 2002), and the effectiveness of introspection (Wilson, 2002).

Moreover, Blaikie (2010) suggested that data could be taken out of context, in which there

could be differences between what people report and what they actually do. For example,

Nortje, Dicks, Coopoo, and Savelsbergh (2014) found that self-report measures of decision-

making did not correlate with on-field performance measures. Consequently, reported

behaviour could be interpreted differently by the researcher compared to instances when a

researcher actually observes or measures behaviour (i.e., studying participants in their natural

settings).

The present results illustrated that a small proportion of SEP studies source data from

natural social settings (18.83%). Of the natural social settings coded, findings illustrated that

scholars were more likely to sample from a micro setting, or conduct quasi-experiments

(Figure 2.8). Biddle (2000) called for more quasi-experiments in SEP and a renewed focus on

intervention studies. Quasi-experiments allow researchers to apply experimental procedures

within a natural social setting compared to contriving an experiment through manipulating

specific variables in an artificial environment (Blaikie, 2010). Hence, natural social settings

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allow sampling of situations towards which researchers aim to generalise findings (cf.

Brunswik, 1943). Nevertheless, controlled experimental designs can determine whether a

treatment causes an effect within rigorously standardised settings (Conroy, Kay, & Schantz,

1992). Opinions on what constitutes effective design in SEP will depend upon one’s

philosophical underpinnings, including differences in epistemological and ontological

assumptions (see Bird, 2008). For instance, following a positivist research paradigm might

lend support to more experimental designs in SEP; whereas a focus on interpretivism might

lead to increased sampling of behaviours within natural social settings (for more detailed

discussions see, Heller, 2011; Kuhn, 1970; Uher, 2015). The current study highlighted that

10.46% of SEP studies were quasi-experimental and 18.62% were experimental. Thus, quasi-

experiments and experiments together only accounted for 29.08% of SEP research 1979–

2013. These results are similar to proportions reported in previous reviews, in which 30% of

articles sampled in Biddle’s (1997) review of SEP, and <20% in a later review by Morris

(1999), accounted for quasi-experimental and experimental studies. Hence, trends in

experimental and quasi-experimental designs have not changed considerably since earlier

reviews.

With regards to data forms, findings revealed dominance in the proportion of

quantitative studies compared to qualitative and mixed methods (Figure 2.8). Notably, closer

observations indicated a gradual increase in qualitative studies (Figure 2.9) and interviews

(Figure 2.7). This emergence is in line with the growing appreciation and use of qualitative

methodologies in SEP research, including inter alia ethnography and narrative inquiry, in

which researchers can examine the multiple meanings that individuals attach to their

subjective experiences (Smith & Caddick, 2012). The use of interviews also supports calls for

researchers to focus on in-depth individual differences and experiences of phenomena, rather

than relying on the establishment of group averages (e.g., Barlow & Nock, 2009; Martens,

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2007). Recently, it has been argued that SEP provides an ideal platform to study the

individual differences between elite athletes’ cognitive processes and neuroanatomy (Walsh,

2014). For instance, Taubert et al. (2015) examined expertise-related differences in brain

anatomy through measuring changes in MRI results of individual athletes over a period of

two years. Taubert and colleagues argued that group analyses may fail to detect structural

brain alterations linked to the individual performance levels of an athlete. Therefore, in light

of these findings and the potential adoption of research methods and measures from

neuroscience, it is possible that the proportion of single- case research designs will increase.

Further, these research directions can help identify meaningful differences between

individuals, rather than ignoring inter-subject variability (see Barlow & Nock, 2009).

Nevertheless, it has been suggested that some of the limitations imposed by the techniques

used in some neuroscience research might have implications for the degree to which findings

can be generalised. For instance, Mann, Dicks, Cañal-Bruland, and van der Kamp (2013)

proposed that the experimental requirements imposed by neuroimaging techniques can

restrict experimental tasks, causing them to be over simplified and not representative of skills

used in a natural sports environment. Hence, there are some concerns with the appropriate

replication of experimental tasks with the fundamental components of behaviour, if and

where such applications are the aim of research. Similarly, despite there being some

advantages associated with increases in interview studies as alluded to above, a caveat may

be poor transference of self-reported measures to sport and exercise behaviours in natural

social settings (Pinder et al., 2011). In consideration of the strengths and weaknesses of

different research methods, some scholars support mixed methods research to provide a

holistic analysis of a particular subject area (see Giacobbi, Poczwardowski, & Hager, 2005).

For instance, to investigate the antecedents of norm-breaking behaviours during tennis

competitions, Hanegby and Tenenbaum (2001) coded one hundred and fifty five behaviours

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of players in 23 matches. Findings illustrated that norm-breaking behaviours against property

and verbal self-directed behaviours were the most frequent. To further explore the causes of

such behaviours observed, interviews were conducted and revealed that expectations, and

feelings of stress, were the main causes of such behaviours during the first phase of the match

or in a tie situation. Therefore, combinations of self-reported and behavioural measures were

used to investigate hypotheses, encapsulating advantages of a range of research methods.

Nevertheless, some of the challenges of mixed methods research in SEP still need to be

considered (see Sparkes, 2015).

Findings relating to data collection and timing highlighted that the differences in

proportions between cross sectional and longitudinal designs in SEP were negligible. Results

illustrated that, overall, cross-sectional designs accounted for about half of articles in SEP

(51.15%), compared to 40% reported in previous reviews (Biddle, 1997). Cross-sectional

designs capture a snap shot of psychological phenomena (e.g. emotions, attitudes) that can be

used to understand associations between psychological concepts and sport and exercise

performances or behaviours (e.g., associations between exercise participation and

autonomous forms of motivation; Duncan, Hall, Wilson, & Jenny, 2010). Nevertheless,

cross-sectional research designs do not provide evidence on causal relationships. An example

of how choice in research designs can shape conclusions is illustrated in the recent variations

in longitudinal design options used to explore how physical activity can affect mood (see

Ekkekakis, Hall, & Petruzzello, 2008). Ekkekakis and Petruzzello (1999) suggested that

research protocols limited to pre- to post-exercise assessments of affect (i.e., feelings) offered

a restrictive and misleading representation of dose-response relationships. Subsequently,

recent research has measured affective change across time, both during exercise and into

recovery, which has revealed changes in affect across exercise intensity and duration (e.g.,

Ekkekakis & Lind, 2006). Collins (2006) advocated that research designs should aim to

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provide a detailed and unobstructed view of the change phenomenon. As such, research

should be planned carefully with appropriate consideration given to the core elements of the

research process, including the development of appropriate research questions and strategies,

relation to paradigms and theory, and the inclusion of effective data collection and analysis

(see Blaikie, 2010).

A potential limitation of the current study relates to the sampling strategy adopted.

Rather than sampling all of the articles in each journal analysed (PSE, JSEP, JASP&TSP), a

systematic selection of manuscripts were coded within issue 1, 2 and 4, for every odd

numbered year, in each journal. Although, important trends in data might be missed from

articles not included in the current analyses, the sampling strategy was chosen to model a

widespread sample of SEP literature. Previous studies have only sampled a restricted amount

and limited scope of articles within single journals (Andersen et al., 2007; Baumeister et al.,

2007; Patterson, 2008). For example, Baumeister et al. (2007) selected issues from two

months of the year in only five years of a single journal to analyse methodological trends in

social psychology. Comparatively, the current sample systematically coded studies over a

larger range of time (1979–2013) and included a larger quantity of coded manuscripts (1377)

across 4 different journals.

Leading SEP organisations, such as the Association for Applied Sport Psychology,

and the International Society of Sport Psychology, propose that dissemination of knowledge

is a key mission to advance the research and practices within our domain. Indeed, SEP is

considered as the scientific study of people and their behaviours in sport and exercise

contexts and the practical application of that knowledge (Gill & Williams, 2008). Therefore,

credible research based on grounded theory is required to justify the efficacy of the field

(Hackfort et al., 2005). The current review provides an overview of measures and research

designs used in a sample of SEP outlets and highlights aspects that are essential for the

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conclusions we make in different research projects. Specifically, the review above indicates

that sport and exercise psychologists may take a number of different approaches to designing

and implementing research, including a balance between nomothetic and idiographic designs,

the integration of quantitative and qualitative methods, and consideration of the types of

measures applied to satisfy research aims and perspectives.

Recently, a stronger emphasis has been placed on the inclusion of behavioural

measures to bridge the gap between research and practice (see Carron, 2007). Findings from

this study indicate that dependent behavioural measures are lacking in SEP compared to non-

behavioural measures. Studies have typically collected primary, quantitative data within

semi-natural settings, using self-reports (i.e., from questionnaires and interviews).

Nevertheless, when considering independent variables and manipulations, research trends

suggest that proportions of behaviour are relatively balanced with non- behavioural articles

and have included more direct behavioural measures that can be generalised to sport and

exercise environments. Overall SEP has included more behavioural measures in comparison

to broader psychology (Baumeister et al., 2007). Although this is encouraging, researchers

should aim to include more dependent behavioural variables in SEP. Self-report methods

provide valuable data and have an important place among a pantheon of research methods,

yet researchers should be mindful of an overreliance on such measures, especially in view of

calls to enhance behavioural measures within psychology research (e.g., Patterson, 2008).

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Foreword to Chapter 3

The results presented in Chapter 2 highlight the important steps involved in the

research process, and the need to consider developing research designs that improve

generalization of conclusions to sport and exercise environments. Important findings

emerging from Chapter 2 included the lack of dependent behavioural measures in SEP, and a

strong reliance on questionnaire based data. Subsequently, Chapter 3 aimed to examine the

relationship between emotion regulation and self-control using representative experimental

design. Specifically, emotion regulation and self-control tasks were designed to be applicable

to a naturalistic context. This study aimed to extend the theme of representative design in

self-control domains by sampling task constraints from a work-performance environment.

Later Chapters will return to the exercise behaviour theme.

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CHAPTER 3: Effects of a representative emotion regulation task on self-control

performance

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Abstract

This study aimed to examine the impact of a filmed interview emotion regulation task

on subsequent self-control performance using a sequential task paradigm. Participants

randomised to the experimental group were asked to display and exaggerate positive

emotional expressions in a faux filmed interview, compared to control participants who

completed a non-depletion university satisfaction questionnaire. Self-control was assessed

using an unsolvable puzzle task within the domain of controlling impulses.

Psychophysiological measures of emotion, including skin conductance, heart rate and blood

pressure, indicated successful manipulation of anxiety in the experimental group compared to

the control. Moreover, participants reported effort to regulate their emotions during the

interview task. Nevertheless, main analyses showed no differences in self-control

performance (i.e. puzzle persistence) between groups. Manipulation checks revealed

significant improvements in positive mood states following the depletion task compared to

the control. Furthermore, regression analyses showed a positive association between

motivation and puzzle persistence. Findings are discussed relative to current debates in the

ego depletion literature, outlining the potential impact of self-control moderators, and the

consideration of adopting new experimental methods in the study of self-control.

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Introduction

Self-control refers to, “the effortful suppression of an impulse or a dominant, well-

learned response in favor of an alternative course of action.” (Hagger & Chatzisarantis, 2013,

p. 39). Individuals often override impulses, break habits, and change ingrained, well-learned

patterns of behaviour to function optimally in everyday life (Hofmann, Baumeister, Forster &

Vohs, 2012). One common example of self-control is that related to remaining consistent

with one’s emotional goals to optimise one’s social climate (Van Kleef, 2009). For instance,

appropriate emotional communication, through facial expression, voice and posture, evokes

complementary and reciprocal emotions in others that help individuals respond to significant

social events (Keltner & Haidt, 1999). The ability to change and manage emotions (i.e.,

emotion regulation) is an essential skill for individuals to function effectively and flourish

within society (Gross, 1998). For instance, within a Western cultural context individuals may

wish to accentuate positive emotions to impress an employer in an interview, or disguise

negative emotions, such as anxiety, fear and anger, to avoid pain or social judgement (Gross,

Richards & John, 2006). Emotion regulation has been defined as, “any process that

influences the onset, offset, magnitude, duration, intensity, or quality of one or more aspects

of the emotional response” (McRae, Ochsner, & Gross, 2011, p. 187). Researchers (see

Diefendorff & Gosserand, 2003; Grandey, 2000; Gross et al., 2006; Gross & John, 2003)

have argued that individuals who regulate their emotions appropriately have more beneficial

intrapersonal (e.g., emotional consequences, motivation) and interpersonal (e.g., relationship

satisfaction) outcomes during interactions with others than those who do not.

Self-control has been conceptualised as a limited resource, in which acts of self-

control, including the control of emotions, draw from a general global resource that is finite

(The Strength Energy Model: Baumeister, Vohs, & Tice, 2007). Therefore, much like a

muscle gets fatigued and loses its strength; self-control resources might become depleted

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after use (Muraven & Baumeister, 2000). A burgeoning body of research indicates that some

emotion regulation strategies (e.g., emotion suppression) lead to cognitive costs, such as

decrements in social functioning and reduced self-control (e.g., Butler et al., 2003; Richards,

Butler & Gross 2003; Srivastava, Tamir, McGonigal, John & Gross, 2009). To elaborate,

Butler et al. (2003) found that suppressing emotions inhibited relationship formation through

poor communication and decreased rapport. Moreover, self-control researchers (see Hagger,

Wood, Stiff & Chatzisarantis, 2010a) have suggested that some types of effortful emotion

regulation processes have resulted in decreased self-control across diverse domains of

behaviour. For instance, suppressing emotions when watching a sad movie, and the effortful

upregulation of emotions to act happy, have resulted in reductions to Stroop task performance

(i.e., cognitive inhibition), and increased impulsive buying behaviours (Inzlicht & Gutsell,

2007; Vohs & Faber, 2007). Hence, situations where an individual may be inclined to

regulate emotions effortfully (e.g., trying to increase positive emotions to impress employees

despite feelings of anxiety, or suppressing anger when in conflict with an important

authoritative figure) may lead to a decrease in self-control (e.g., inhibiting the desire to eat

unhealthy food, or decreasing persistence in demanding cognitive tasks). Self-control

researchers have labelled this phenomenon ego depletion and have found a moderate to large

effect size (Cohen’s d = .62) of effort-induced ego depletion effects on subsequent self-

control tasks (e.g., handgrip strength task, unsolvable puzzle task, resisting tempting food,

suppressing emotion, mental arithmetic task) (Hagger et al., 2010a). However, researchers

have recently called for a revaluation of the ego depletion phenomenon, highlighting various

limitations in research design, such as issues with the reliability and validity of self-control

manipulations and measures (Carter & McCullough, 2014; Dang, 2016a; Hagger et al.,

2016).

When accounting for publication bias, Carter and McCullough’s (2014) meta-analysis

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indicated a null-small effect size for ego depletion. Subsequently, researchers have called for

a reconsideration of ego depletion, with increased scrutiny on the conceptualisation of self-

control and the application of alternative experimental designs (Dang, 2016a; Hagger et al.,

2016). In a recent meta-analysis, Dang (2016a) found a small-medium effect size (g=0.38) of

ego depletion when only including research that clearly defined depleting self-control tasks.

For instance, emotional control tasks revealed medium-high levels of effect; whereas a

crossing out letters task indicated small effects of effort induced ego depletion (Dang, 2016a).

Arguably, the range of self-control measures available could lead to the realisation of

different self-control processes, questioning the convergent validity of such measures (see

Duckworth & Kern, 2011). Consequently, there have been calls for strict standardisation of

the ego depletion protocol to improve the internal validity of findings (see Hagger et al.,

2016).

Hagger and colleagues (2016) asked University students to complete two consecutive

computer-administered tasks, including the letter “e” task, followed by the modified multi-

source interference task (MSIT). In the letter “e” task, participants were presented with a

series of words on a video screen and were required to press a button when a word with the

letter “e” was displayed and withhold this response if the “e” was next to or one letter away

from a vowel. Self-control was conceptualized as the ability to overcome the immediate

desire to press the button in response to every “e” using response inhibition. Despite adopting

this rigorous design across multiple laboratories, Hagger et al. (2016) found that the results

were consistent with a null effect for ego depletion. Scholars point to the adequacy of self-

control tasks as a possible cause for negligible ego depletion effects (e.g., Friese et al., 2018).

It is questionable whether the simplified computer tasks, used in Hagger’s pre-registered

study, represented natural self-control, or if these tasks were suited to studying the complex

behavioural facets of ego depletion (see Baumeister & Vohs, 2016). Given the domain

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generality of the self-control resource (Muraven, Tice & Baumeister, 1998), an important

challenge concerns the study of ego depletion, in the typical conditions when this facet of

self-control occurs (e.g., Dang, 2016; Lee, Chatzisarantis & Hagger, 2016). Hagger et al.

(2016) deemed the tasks used in the original ego depletion experiments too elaborate or

complex to be appropriate for a multi-laboratory replication. However, if the complexity of

everyday behaviour is compromised in experimental methods, it may be questionable

whether generalizable self-control processes are adequately realized.

Self-control research has typically relied on constraining laboratory manipulations

that, arguably, have limited generalization to naturalistic environments. For example, studied

tasks include suppressing facial expressions to an emotive video clip (e.g., Inzlicht & Gutsell,

2007), or overriding thoughts of a white bear (e.g., Muraven, Baumeister & Tice, 1999).

Arguably, such tasks may limit the possibility of studying natural self-control, as they do not

reflect the situational aspects that individuals encounter within naturalistic environments.

Such suggestion is in line with a pressing concern highlighted across personality and social

psychology research, which has highlighted a decline in the use of requisite behavioural

measures in experiments (Baumeister, Vohs & Funder, 2007; Meredith, Dicks, Noel &

Wagstaff, 2017; Patterson, 2008). For instance, Baumeister et al. (2007) revealed a

downward trend in the measurement and study of behaviour in social psychology and

advocated a renewed commitment to including direct behavioural observation to generalise

research to the meaningful activities people perform in their everyday lives. Patterson (2008)

argued that indirect measures, such as reaction time tests, differ substantially from the diverse

behaviours typically displayed during day-to- day, face-to-face interactions.

Complementary to the perspective of Baumeister et al. (2007), one methodological

framework that places critical importance on the external validity of research investigations is

representative design (Brunswik, 1956). Representative design implies that the choice of

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variables in experimental psychology should be sensitized to their biological relevance, and

represent the circumstances, and stimuli, in which the results are to be generalized. Brunswik

advocated that the study of psychology should concern examination of the interrelations

between a performer and the environment from which behaviour has emerged (e.g., see

Araújo, Davids & Passos, 2007; Dhami, Hertwig & Hoffrage, 2004). Arguably, routine tasks

in self-control research, such as the Stroop test (MacLeod, 1991), do not allow participants to

exploit the inherent adaptive nature of behaviour as evident during everyday interactions with

the environment (see also, Hammond, 1966). An important consideration is that regulating

emotions in such experimental conditions might not adequately represent everyday

environments, which could lead to an alteration of participant behaviour in such a way that

the obtained results no longer represent typical emotion regulation behaviours (see Dhami et

al., 2004). Coan and Allen (2007) highlighted the importance of developing and validating

transferable elicitation procedures in emotion research, and emphasized the value of emotion

elicitation procedures that can inform interventions and the control of emotions in practice.

Therefore, improved sampling of emotion stimuli in self-control research, such as the

consideration of dyadic interactions (see Roberts, Tsai & Coan, 2007), may enhance the

generalisability of findings.

The present study aimed to examine the impact of emotion regulation on subsequent

self-control performance using a representative experimental design. According to the

emotions as social information model (EASI model, Van Kleef, 2009) emotional expressions

shape social interactions and decisions. Sampling a situation in which an individual’s

behaviour influences and is influenced by others can be generalised to the interpersonal

functions of emotion regulation in society. In the current study, participants were asked to

display and exaggerate positive emotional expressions during an anxiety-inducing interview

task. We postulated that deliberately upregulating positive expressions of emotion and

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overriding feelings of anxiety would require self-control (cf. Vohs & Faber, 2007). The study

endeavoured to explore the manipulation of emotion in the laboratory using a social

psychological method transferrable to a naturalistic environment, and sought to investigate

ego depletion effects in a current period of psychological and methodological scrutiny.

Method

Participants

Using G*Power 3.1 (Faul, Erdfelder, Buchner & Lang, 2009) a sample size of 60 was

calculated (two tailed test, d= .62, α err prob= .05, power= .65). Participants were 26 female

and 35 male University staff and students (mean age 22.45±5.56 years; 67.2% Caucasian).

Three participants were not included in the final analysis due to two of the participants

identifying that the puzzles were unsolvable, and one participant stating they had solved the

puzzles. The remaining participants were randomly assigned using permuted block

randomization to the experimental or control condition (29 in each group). There were no

significant differences in trait self-regulation (z = -0.11; p = .92; r= .01), or the daily use of

cognitive reappraisal between groups (z = -0.25; p= .81; r= .03).

Procedure

On arrival participants were given a cover story, informing them that the study aimed

to assess different measures of anxiety in the laboratory. Following informed consent,

participant demographics were recorded (e.g., age, gender, ethnicity) and manipulation

checks were completed, including trait measures of emotion regulation and self-regulation

(Emotion Regulation Questionnaire, Gross & John, 2003; Twenty-item Toronto Alexithymia

Scale, Bagby, Parker & Taylor, 1994; Short Self-Regulation Questionnaire, Carey, Neal &

Collins, 2004), subjective fatigue (Martijn et al., 2002), and self-reported mood (the Self-

report Mood Inventory, Gross & Levenson, 1993; Brief Mood Introspection Scale, Mayer &

Gaschke, 1988). Baseline physiological data, including pre-test blood pressure, and a 2-

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minute seated rest period recording baseline heart rate (Team Polar, U.K) and skin

conductance (Contact Precision Instrument’s Psychlab System) were completed. Participants

were then randomly allocated to either an emotion regulation interview task (experimental

group), or a questionnaire task (control group) (Table 3.1).

In the current study the depleting self-control task was operationalised as displaying

and exaggerating positive emotional expressions within an anxiety-inducing environment.

Participants were asked to upregulate their emotions in a filmed interview. The interview was

introduced as part of a faux University-wide student recruitment campaign to produce a

positive video for the University website. Participants in this group (experimental) were

given a letter detailing the rationale and procedures of the interview, which included the

following instructions:

“We would like you to answer a few questions about your course and your experiences

so far at the University. We are aiming to make a positive promotional University video,

so during this short interview we would like you to answer questions positively with an

enthusiastic tone of voice. Also, it would be good if you smiled regularly and used

positive confident body language. So, sit up tall with a good body posture. The

interview will only take a few minutes”.

During the interview participants were sat at a table in front of a video camera with

the University logo behind them on a board. They were frequently reminded to act

enthusiastically with a specific emphasis on the promotion of a positive promotional video.

For instance, at a mid-way point in the filming (i.e., 2 minutes), the camera was stopped and

all participants were asked to “really try and increase the happiness in your response to

questions”. The length of the interview was standardised to 4 minutes. We postulated that the

interview task would require self-control to deliberately enhance positive expressions of

emotion and to override feelings of anxiety from the unfamiliar setting of participating in an

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important University film (cf. Vohs & Faber, 2007). In comparison, control participants

completed a written University satisfaction questionnaire (non-depleting task), in which they

answered questions about the University and their course. The completion time of the

questionnaire task was standardised to 4 minutes to align with the experimental condition

time points.

Physiological measures of emotion experience, including heart rate and skin

conductance, were recorded throughout the interview and questionnaire tasks. Post-task

blood pressure and manipulation checks were also completed (mood, subjective fatigue, task

effort). Next, both the experimental and control groups completed the same dependent

measure of self-control, which consisted of an unsolvable puzzle task, in which individuals

had to inhibit and control impulses to give up, to achieve the goal to finish the puzzles (Webb

& Sheeran, 2003). Following the self-control task, participants completed manipulation

checks (mood, subjective fatigue, task effort and motivation and self-reported task

performance) and a semi-structured post-experiment interview, checking for the clarity of

instructions and participant suspicion of the true aims of the study. Participants were then

fully debriefed on the real purpose of the study.

Table 3.1. The sequential-task paradigm procedure

Condition Task 1 Task 2

Experimental

Group

Depleting emotion

regulation: Filmed interview

with upregulation of

emotion

Dependent measure of self-

control: Persistence on an

unsolvable puzzle,

controlling impulses

Control

Group

Non-depleting control:

University satisfaction

questionnaire

Dependent measure of self-

control: Persistence on an

unsolvable puzzle,

controlling impulses

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Measures

Self-control. The assessment of self-control (i.e., the dependent variable) consisted of

an unsolvable puzzle task within the self-control domain of controlling impulses. Participants

were given three unsolvable tracing puzzles, requiring the participant to trace the lines of a

geometric shape, without retracing any lines, or removing the pen from the piece of paper

(Webb & Sheeran, 2003). Self-control was operationalised as persistence on the unsolvable

tracing puzzles (minutes). One (solvable) example puzzle was demonstrated to participants

before providing the test puzzles. Participants were given the following instructions:

“You can take as much time and as many trials as you want. You will not be judged on

the number of trials or the time you take. You will be judged on whether or not you

finish tracing the figures. If you wish to stop before you finish (i.e., solve all the

puzzles), knock on the table.”

Participants worked on the puzzles for a maximum of 20 minutes, with any

participants still working on the puzzle at the end of this time point being stopped by the

experimenter. Self-control was required during this task to overcome the desire to give up on

challenging, but ultimately unsolvable, geometric tracing puzzles (Webb & Sheeran, 2003).

Various studies (e.g., Baumeister, Bratlavsky, Muraven & Tice, 1998; Webb & Sheeran,

2003) have found significant variation in puzzle time persistence between individuals in a

non-depletion and depletion group, highlighting the sensitivity and validity of this task in the

measurement of self-control.

Manipulation checks

To enhance internal validity and to maximise statistical power, various manipulation

checks were applied to a) confirm that experimental manipulations were successful (i.e., the

interview task elicited anxiety; participants upregulated their emotions during the interview

task; the interview task and the puzzle task taxed self-control resources), and b) to investigate

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variables that could moderate the relationship between emotion regulation and self-control

performance (i.e., additional factors that could alter the dependent variable of interest, such as

motivation, mood, or trait emotion regulation and self-regulation abilities).

Psychophysiological measures of anxiety. Unpleasant emotions, such as anxiety, are

thought to be associated with physiological changes in heart rate, blood pressure and skin

conductance (Lang, Davis & Ohman, 2000). Skin conductance response (SCR) is a widely-

used and sensitive way to assess affective arousal and directly reflects sympathetic nervous

system reactions (Dawson, Schell, & Filion, 2000). Hence, psychophysiological measures,

such as SCR, are an effective means to assess anxiety symptoms (e.g., Miu, Heilman &

Houser, 2008), with physiological responses unlikely to be masked by conformations to

social desirability that is often experienced in the measurement of subjective ratings of

emotion (Mardaga, Laloyaux & Hansenne, 2006). Subsequently, blood pressure, heart rate

and skin conductance were measured to assess changes in anxiety during the self-control

depletion task to ensure that the social psychological method successfully manipulated

participant’s anxiety levels.

Blood pressure. Blood pressure was measured manually with a sphygmomanometer

and stethoscope by the principle investigator at rest and on completion of task 1. A mean of 2

measures was recorded from the participant’s right arm for each blood pressure assessment.

Heart rate. A Team Polar, U.K heart rate monitor was used to assess resting heart

rate, and heart rate at the beginning of each minute during the first task. The heart rate

monitor strap was coated with K-Y jelly to enhance electrical conductance, and fastened

below the sternum. The connecting Polar watch was activated and placed in view of the

principle investigator.

Skin conductance. The Contact Precision Instrument’s Psychlab System was used to

measure skin conductance (SC5 24 bit Skin Conductance system). Participant’s index and

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middle phalanges on their non-preferred hand were checked for abrasions prior to placement

of electrodes and cleaned with surgical spirit. A pair of 8 mm pre-wired Ag/AgCl electrodes

were positioned on the medial Phalange of the index and middle fingers. K-Y jelly was used

as the skin conductance electrode paste and surgical tape was used to firmly attach the

electrodes in place. A small constant voltage (0.5V) was applied across the electrodes to

measure skin conductance (microSiemens). The SC5 24 bit accuracy A-D converter ran at a

sample rate of 600Hz. During the collection of physiological data, the onset and termination

of periods of interest was defined using an event marker (i.e., baseline at rest; when the first

task begins and when it finishes). Second-by-second variables for skin conductance (skin

conductance latency, SCL; skin conductance response amplitude, SCR amplitude) were

averaged for each of two epochs; baseline pre-task, and during completion of the first task

(e.g., the interview, or the University questionnaire). Electrodes were cleaned between

participants using standard departmental procedures to avoid any cross contamination.

Subjective fatigue. Following acts of self-control individuals often feel tired and

report reduced energy levels (Hagger et al., 2010a). Consequently, subjective fatigue was

used as an indicator of resource depletion (e.g. Martijn et al., 2002). Participants indicated

their agreement to 8 statements (I feel tired/ energetic/ fit/ drowsy/ not clear/ exhausted/ I

don’t feel like doing anything/ I have the feeling I can handle the world) assessed on a 4-

point Likert scale from 1 (‘definitely do not feel’) to 4 (‘definitely feel’) (𝛼 = .52).

Self-reported mood. Previous research highlights mood as a moderator of self-

control performance, with positive mood states alleviating resource depletion (e.g. Tice,

Baumeister, Shmueli & Muraven, 2007). The self-report mood inventory (Gross & Levenson,

1993) and Brief mood introspection scale (Mayer & Gaschke, 1988) were used to measure

participant’s mood before and after the interview. In the self-report mood inventory,

participants rated their responses to 8 statements (I feel amused/ disgusted/ sad/ anxious/

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neutral/ surprised/ aroused/ aversion) on a 4-point Likert scale from 1 (‘definitely do not

feel’) to 4 (‘definitely feel’) (𝛼 = .64). Completion of the brief mood introspection scale

involved indicating the extent to which each item/ adjective (e.g. ‘lively’, ‘drowsy’)

described the participant’s present mood. Responses were made on a seven-point Likert scale

ranging from 1 (‘definitely do not feel’) to 7 (‘definitely feel’) (𝛼 = .70).

Task effort. Self-reported levels of effort, frustration and pleasantness are commonly

used to assess the extent of effort and resource depletion used during self-control tasks (e.g.

Graham, 2011). In the current study participants rated their level of effort on a 7-point Likert

scale for 4 items (how much effort did you exert doing the task/ how tired do you feel after

doing the task/ how frustrated do you feel after doing the task/ how pleasant did you find

doing the task) from 1 (e.g. ‘little effort’) to 7 (e.g. ‘extreme effort’) (𝛼 = .40).

Motivation and self-reported task performance. Motivation has been shown to

significantly moderate self-control performance (e.g., Muraven & Slessareva, 2003).

Following the geometric figure tracing puzzle participants were asked to rate their responses

to 4 items, on a 7-point Likert scale to determine their level of motivation and persistence

during the task (how motivated were you to persist/ how in control of your performance did

you feel/ to what extent did the interview or questionnaire prior to the puzzles impact your

performance/ how would you rate your performance during the puzzle task) (𝛼 = .34).

Trait measures of emotion regulation and self-regulation

Self-regulation questionnaire. Individuals’ general self-regulatory abilities may

moderate the relationship between ego-depletion and subsequent self-control performances in

the present research (e.g., De ridder, Lensvelt-Mulders, Finkenauer, Stok & Baumeister,

2012). Therefore, participants were asked to complete the short self-regulation questionnaire

(SSRQ; Carey et al., 2004) containing 31 items (e.g. ‘I put off making decisions’) rated on a

5-point Likert scale from 1 (‘strongly disagree’) to 5 (‘strongly agree’) (𝛼 = .35). The SSRQ

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is a measure of general self-regulation capacity developed from, and highly correlated (r =

.96) with, the original self-regulation questionnaire (SRQ; Brown, Miller, & Lewandowski,

1999).

Twenty-item Toronto alexithymia scale (TAS-20). Alexithymia (i.e., a disturbance

in affective and cognitive functioning and a deficit in emotional regulation) is a condition that

may moderate individuals’ emotion regulation abilities in the initial self-control depleting

task. Hence, the TAS-20 was used to assess the presence and severity of alexithymia through

the measurement of three-factors, including, difficulty identifying feelings; difficulty

describing feelings to others; and externally-oriented thinking (Bagby et al., 1994).

Participants rated 20 items (e.g. ‘I am often confused about what emotion I am feeling’)

along a 4-point Likert scale from 0 (‘strongly disagree’) to 4 (‘strongly agree’) (𝛼 = .77).

Emotion regulation questionnaire (ERQ). The way in which an individual regulates

their emotions may moderate results in the present study. Therefore, ERQ (Gross & John,

2003) was administered to determine the extent to which individuals control their emotions

and to assess the emotion regulation strategies they use, including cognitive reappraisal and

expressive suppression. The questionnaire included 10 items (e.g. ‘I keep my emotions to

myself’) rated on a 7-point Likert scale from 1 (‘strongly disagree’), to 4 (‘neutral’), to 7

(‘strongly agree’) (𝛼 = .60).

Data Analysis

IBM SPSS Statistics 22 software was used for all analyses. Descriptive statistics and

tests for normality (e.g. histogram plots; skewness & kurtosis) were completed prior to data

analysis. Mixed model ANOVA’s were conducted to analyse various manipulation checks,

including psychophysiological measures (e.g. heart rate, blood pressure, skin conductance),

subjective fatigue, task effort, and self-reported mood, between experimental and control

conditions, and pre-post self-control tasks. Post hoc analyses were conducted using t-tests.

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The main analysis was performed using a t-test to investigate the difference in puzzle time

between conditions (i.e. changes in self-control performance). Additionally, the moderating

impact of motivation, trait self-regulation and trait emotion regulation were performed with

regression and Hayes (2013) PROCESS analysis. Effect sizes were calculated for each test

based upon the type of data (i.e. parametric vs. non-parametric), and the type of samples (i.e.

independent vs. dependent), including Cohen’s (d), Pearson’s correlation coefficient (r), and

Partial eta squared (ηp2) (Field, 2009; Grissom & Kim, 2005). The level of significance was

assessed as p< .05.

Hypotheses

H0: There will be no significant difference in puzzle time persistence between the

control (i.e., non-depletion) and the experimental (i.e., depletion) group.

H1: There will be a significant difference in puzzle time persistence between the

control (i.e., non-depletion) and the experimental (i.e., depletion) group.

Results

Manipulation checks

The participants exerted significantly more effort (4.17±0.93) to act happy during the

interview task compared to participant’s in the control task (2.83±1.67) (z= -3.32; p= 0.001;

r= .44). Moreover, physiological data, including significant interaction effects for heart rate

(F(4, 204)= 13.11; p< .001; ηp2= .21) and systolic blood pressure (F(1, 54)= 7.78; p= .007; ηp

2=

.13) indicated that participants were more anxious during the interview compared to

participants completing the questionnaire (see Figures 3.1 and 3.2). Post hoc analyses

indicated that heart rate significantly increased within the first minute of the interview task

compared to participants completing the control task (t= -3.14, df= 55; p= .003; d = .76), and

showed that systolic blood pressure was considerably higher after the interview task

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compared to controls, approaching significance with a moderate effect size (t= -1.88, df= 54;

p= .07; d = .6).

Figure 3.1. Changes in heart rate (bpm) between baseline and completion of the depleting

(i.e., emotion regulation interview) and non-depleting task (i.e., the University questionnaire).

Figure 3.2. Systolic blood pressure (mmHg) at baseline and post task between the emotion

regulation condition and no regulation condition.

70

75

80

85

90

0 1 2 3 4

He

art

rate

(b

pm

)

Task (min)

Control

Emotion Regulation

70

80

90

100

110

120

130

1 2

Syst

olic

blo

od

pre

ssu

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mH

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Condition

Baseline

Post task

Control Emotion Regulation

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A mixed model ANOVA of skin conductance showed a significant main effect of

time (F(2.69, 96.82)= 20.95; p< .001; ηp2= .37) and a significant interaction effect (F(2.69, 96.82)=

11.76; p<0.001; ηp2= .25). Post hoc analyses indicated that skin conductance significantly

increased from baseline to the interview task (t= -3.1, df= 19; p= .01; d = .21). There were no

significant differences between groups (F(1, 36)= .72; p= .4; ηp2= .02).

Despite evidence that participants engaged in effortful regulation of their emotions

during the interview, it appeared that they did not show signs of emotion related ego

depletion. For instance, there were no differences in feelings of tiredness between groups (F(1,

56)= 4.13; p= .05; ηp2= .07), and no interaction effects (F(1, 56)= .37; p= .54; ηp

2= .01).

Moreover, participants in both the control and experimental groups reported significantly

lower feelings of tiredness following the questionnaire and interview task (F(1, 56)= 18.32; p<

.001; ηp2= .25). A two-way mixed model ANOVA examining positive mood pre-post task

(i.e., questionnaire vs. interview) and between groups (i.e. control vs. experimental), revealed

no significant effects over time (F(1, 56)< .001; p= 1; ηp2< .001), or between groups (F(1, 56)=

2.45; p= .12; ηp2= .04). Nevertheless, there was a significant interaction effect (F(1, 56)= 6.39;

p= .01; ηp2= .1) showing that individuals experienced increased positive mood following the

interview task, compared to decreased positive mood following the questionnaire task.

Furthermore, participants reported greater energy levels following the interview task

compared to participants completing the questionnaire (F(1, 56)= 5.98; p= .02; ηp2= .1).

Manipulation checks following the experimental task indicated that participants in

both groups enacted self-control to persist at the puzzle task. A two-way mixed model

ANOVA indicated increased feelings of tiredness post task for experimental and control

groups (F(1, 56)= 13.95; p< .001; ηp2= .2), a non-significant interaction effect (F(1, 56)= .05; p=

.83; ηp2= .001), and no significant differences in tiredness between groups (F(1, 56)= 3.76; p=

.06; ηp2= .06). Two-way mixed model ANOVA’s also revealed decrements in pleasant mood

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post task for both groups (F(1, 56)= 58.59; p< .001; ηp2= .51), and elevated negative feelings

with decreased feelings of relaxation post task (F(1, 56)= 24.65; p< .001; ηp2= .31). There were

no significant differences in pleasant mood (F(1, 56)= .006; p= .94; ηp2< .001), or negative

feelings and relaxation (F(1, 56)= .06; p= .8; ηp2= .001) between groups. Moreover, a Mann

Whitney U test indicated that both groups exerted similar amounts of effort on the puzzle task

(z= -1.13; p= .27; r= .15).

Puzzle time

Normality tests indicated that puzzle time data was not normally distributed (p< .05).

Therefore, the main analysis of the relationship between emotion regulation and self-control

performance was performed using a Mann-Whitney U test. Results showed that there were no

significant differences in puzzle time between the experimental and control groups (z= - .28;

p= .79; r= .04) (Figure 3.3).

Figure 3.3. Persistence on the puzzle task (min) for control and experimental condition.

0

5

10

15

20

Control Experimental

Pu

zzle

Tim

e (m

in)

Condition

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Moderation analyses

Regression analyses, with puzzle time as the dependent variable and motivation to

complete the puzzle as the independent variable, found that motivation significantly predicted

self-control performance (F(1, 56)= 7.86; p= .007). Specifically, 12.3% of the variability in

puzzle time was accounted for by differences in motivation to complete the task (R2 = .12).

Moreover, for every 1 unit increase in motivation there was an increase in puzzle time by

1.45 minutes (b= 1.44). Therefore, differences in motivation appeared to moderate the

relationship between emotion regulation effects on self-control performances by altering the

strength and size of this relationship (Figure 3.4). Nevertheless, further analyses using Hayes

(2013) PROCESS analysis illustrated a non-significant interaction effect (p= .12) between

emotion regulation and motivation.

Figure 3.4. The positive association between motivation and puzzle time (min).

0

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4

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6

7

8

0 5 10 15 20 25

Mo

tiva

tio

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self

-rep

ort

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scal

e)

Puzzle Time (minutes)

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Using Hayes’ Process macro, group (i.e., emotion regulation vs. control) was entered

as the predictor, scores from the SSRQ were entered as the moderator, and puzzle time was

inputted as the outcome measure. Analyses indicated that there was not a significant

interaction between group and SSRQ, indicating that SSRQ did not moderate the relationship

between emotion regulation and self-control performance (F= 1.54; p= .13 [CI= -.04, .33]).

Further, there was no significant interaction between group and cognitive reappraisal abilities

(F= 1.33; p= .19 [CI= -.18, .91]), or emotional suppression use (F= 1.25; p= .22 [CI= -.27,

1.18]), indicating that trait emotion regulation strategies did not moderate the relationship

between upregulating emotions in the interview task and puzzle persistence.

Discussion

The aim of the present study was to examine whether exaggerating positive emotional

expressions in an anxiety-inducing interview task would result in reduced persistence in an

unsolvable puzzle task requiring self-control, when compared to a non-regulation control

group. Extant literature illustrates that effortful emotion regulation can diminish subsequent

acts of self-control (e.g., Muraven & Baumeister, 2000; Wagstaff, 2014). For instance,

suppressing emotional responses to an upsetting video clip significantly decreased handgrip

strength performance (e.g., Muraven & Baumeister, 2000). Nevertheless, the present findings

do not support the previous research showing that effortful emotion regulation did not

manifest into reductions in self-control (p= .79; r= .04). That is, individuals who regulated

their emotions to act happy and enthusiastic during an interview did not experience

decrements in their persistence to complete a subsequent unsolvable puzzle, compared to

controls (Figure 3.3).

In the current study the depleting self-control task was operationalised as displaying

and exaggerating positive emotional expressions within an anxiety-inducing environment.

Participants were required to upregulate positive emotional displays. Manipulation checks

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confirmed that participants experienced anxiety during the interview, as indicated by an

increase in heart rate, blood pressure and skin conductance. Participants also reported

investing substantial effort to alter their emotions to act happy and enthusiastic during the

interview. Nevertheless, further checks highlighted that individuals upregulating their

emotions experienced decreased feelings of tiredness post task. Levels of fatigue are

commonly used as a measure of resource depletion in ego depletion experiments. For

instance, Vohs and Faber (2007) found that reading a book passage in an exaggerated

emotionally expressive fashion increased levels of tiredness, which supposedly led to more

impulsive buying behaviours in subsequent self-control tasks. Hence, it was somewhat

surprising that our data showed patterns of fatigue in the opposite direction. This could

suggest that upregulating positive emotions with significant effort does not result in

perceived resource depletion. Recent research highlights the variability in depletion when

using emotion regulation strategies across differing times in the emotion generation process

(see Sheppes, Catran & Meiran, 2009), as well as the need to consider participants use of

spontaneous emotion regulation within experimental designs (e.g., Ehring, Tuschen-Caffier,

Schnulle, Fischer, & Gross, 2010; Sheppes & Levin, 2013). It is feasible that participants in

the current study were stimulated by the interview, or relieved that it had finished, which

could have altered levels of fatigue. To address these speculations future works should

examine an individual’s natural choice of emotion regulation strategies within experimental

designs, and continue to study the complexity of outcomes across the emotion generation

process (see Sheppes et al., 2014). Moreover, scholars have called for the improved

examination of ego depletion mechanisms, and the use of measures other than self-reported

fatigue, such as changes in blood glucose (e.g., Gailliot & Baumeister, 2007), or brain blood

flow (e.g., Heatherton & Wagner, 2011).

The sequential task paradigm, which is used in ego depletion research has been

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criticised, and null findings have begun to appear in the literature (e.g., Lurquin et al., 2016;

Xu et al., 2014). For example, across four studies, Xu et al. (2014) revealed no evidence for

the depletion effect, despite employing frequently used dependent measures of self-control

that had previously shown large effect sizes in the literature (i.e., the crossing out letters

protocol; the modified Stroop task; and handgrip persistence). Moreover, multi-laboratory

replication attempts using rigorously standardized self-control tasks have shown insignificant

results and small effect sizes (e.g., Hagger et al., 2016). The inability of recent research to

reproduce the basic depletion effect has been attributed to various limitations in research

design, and problems with the conceptualisation of self-control (see, Carter & McCullough,

2014) Subsequently, stringent and updated meta-analyses with regression based methods

(e.g., PET-PEESE, trim and fill; binomial test), highlighted that the true underlying effect

from the overall sample of ego depletion experiments was not distinguishable from 0 (Carter

& McCullough, 2014). The present findings contribute to this literature and the debate on the

ego depletion effect showing that the upregulation of emotions did not lead to decrements in

self-control to persist at a difficult puzzle task.

Significant decreases in levels of fatigue following the depleting self-control task in

the current study, highlights the need to consider limitations in experimental manipulations,

and the potential effect of self-control moderators. For instance, alternative

conceptualisations, such as the resource allocation model of self-control (RAMS; Beedie &

Lane, 2012) highlight the importance of motivation to operationalise self-control resources.

Beedie and Lane (2012) suggested that resources are allocated in line with individual priority,

availability of resources and the perceived importance of the self-control task. Consequently,

if a situation is appraised as consistent with personal priorities, an individual is more

motivated to persist, and increase allocation of resources to self-control. Current results

partially support RAMS, indicating that motivation to complete the puzzle task, irrespective

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of whether participants were in the control or experimental group, predicted 12.3% of the

variability in puzzle time. These findings align with an array of research illustrating that

manipulations in motivation cause changes in ego depletion (e.g., Muraven, Rosman &

Gagne, 2007; Muraven & Slessareva, 2003), and reinforce calls for further research regarding

motivation and self-control with more refined psychometric measures of motivation (see

Inzlicht, Shmeichel, & Macrae, 2014).

Current results also highlight the potential impact of mood as a moderator of self-

control. The participants in the present study who upregulated their emotions indicated

elevated positive mood states, and increased energy levels compared to controls. Several

researchers suggest that positive mood states can alleviate resource depletion (Tice et al.,

2007). In a seminal series of studies, Tice and colleagues found that positive mood can help

replenish depleted resources following ego depletion. For instance, after the exertion of self-

control to resist impulses to eat tempting snack foods, participants’ persistence in a

subsequent unsolvable puzzle task was improved when they were exposed to a positive mood

manipulation (watching a stand-up comedy video), compared to individuals who were

exposed to a neutral mood manipulation (resting with no stimulus) (Tice et al., 2007). In

other research (e.g., Neuhoff & Schaefer, 2002) smiling and laughing has been shown to

increase positive mood states. Hence, in the present study, it is possible that individuals

upregulating their emotions by smiling and exaggerating their happiness in the interview task

could have optimised their self-control resources, rather than depleting them through self-

regulatory effort. The positive mood generated may have led to renewed vigor toward tasks

such that individuals increased their efforts and motivation to expend self-control resources

in the puzzle task (e.g., Hagger et al., 2010a).

The way in which participants controlled their emotions might also have influenced

positive mood states and altered ego depletion effects. For instance, scholars have identified

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different processes in which individuals regulate their emotions (e.g., attentional deployment;

suppression) and highlight divergent consequences for different regulatory strategies (e.g.,

Gross, 1998; Sheppes et al., 2014). Participants that changed their feelings to be congruent

with the emotional requirements of the interview task (deep acting) arguably expended less

effort than those who suppressed their feelings and covered their true emotions with a

‘superficial mask’ (surface acting) (e.g., Wallace, Edwards, Shull, & Finch, 2009). This

notion is in line with emotional labour literature (see Grandey & Gabriel, 2015), highlighting

the negative impacts of surface acting (i.e., pretending, suppressing and faking expressions)

on social communication in work settings, and improved consequences for individuals using

deep acting (i.e., reappraisal or refocusing to improve moods in difficult interpersonal

exchanges). Therefore, future emotion regulation research should consider the different

strategies used within dyadic interactions (see also Goldberg & Grandey, 2007).

In addition to the contribution of this work regarding the influence of moderators on self-

control, they also provide insight regarding the effectiveness of depleting tasks. The validity

and reliability of experimental tasks has recently been scrutinised within ego depletion

experiments (e.g., Hagger et al., 2016, Lurquin et al., 2016, Dang, 2016b). Self-control is an

important executive function that is ubiquitous to everyday life, contributing to changes in

many behaviours, including healthy eating (e.g., Davis, Patte, Curtis & Reid, 2010),

gambling (e.g., Von Hippel et al., 2009), drug addictions (e.g., Baler & Volkow, 2006),

exercise (e.g., Hagger, Wood, Stiff & Chatzisarantis, 2010b), and education (e.g., Stadler,

Aust, Becker, Niepel & Grieff, 2016). Given the multidimensional nature of self-control, it is

unsurprising that the ego depletion literature contains a myriad of different experimental

measures and manipulations. Scholars have reported substantial heterogeneity within and

across types of self-control measures (e.g., Duckworth & Kern, 2011) and have highlighted

the need to consider the effectiveness of depleting tasks (e.g., Dang, 2016b). Therefore, a

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caveat to improving the generalisability of results might have implications for the strength of

depleting self-control tasks. Indeed, Dang (2016b) recognised that tasks across ego depletion

experiments might be assessing and constructing self-control differently, subsequently

dampening ego depletion effects. Arguably, the range of self-control measures available in

the literature have produced methodological moderations, and potentially encapsulated

different underlying self-regulatory processes (Allom, Panetta, Mullan & Hagger, 2016). In

consideration of these findings, one area of reflection appears to be the trade-off between the

internal validity (i.e. the reproducibility, or accuracy of results), and external validity (i.e. the

generalisability of results across populations, and settings) of study findings within future ego

depletion works. Arguably, it is important to establish a rigorous, standardized

methodological ego depletion paradigm to optimize cause and effect and the understanding of

underlying psychological processes (e.g., Dang, 2016b; Hagger et al., 2016). However, it is

also important that these results hold across samples and settings to improve generalizability

(Simons, Shoda & Lindsay, 2016). Therefore, a potential limitation in the current study

relates to sampling a largely Caucasian, student population, that restricts the transfer of

findings to other population groups. Future research should explore ego depletion across

cultures and different populations to improve diversification of sampling to enhance external

validity (e.g., Lee et al., 2016).

Although the current study acknowledges a limitation in sample size and constraints

in the generality across population groups, a strength of the current study is the emphasis on

the effective sampling of situations within experimental psychology. The current study

contributes to an emerging research agenda highlighting the important inclusion of

behavioural measures and manipulations in social psychology (e.g., Baumeister et al., 2007;

Patterson, 2008). Scholars point to the importance of considering the measurement of

behaviours as they occur in naturalistic environments (e.g., Baumeister et al., 2007) and

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highlight the advantages of sampling stimuli from environments in which the behavior has

emerged (e.g., Dhami et al., 2004). The current study sought to sample emotion stimuli from

naturalistic dyadic interactions relating to the management of emotions within the context of

interviews, thereby improving the generalisation of results to work-performance

environments. Studying self-control and ego depletion with simplified research designs that

improve experimental control are at risk of compromising the generalisability of conclusions

(cf. Araújo et al., 2007). In line with such assertion, it would be advantageous to extend and

conduct additional research projects in ego depletion that design representative empirical task

constraints in experimental psychology. This view is commensurate with established

methodological perspectives in experimental psychology, including representative design

(e.g., Brunswik, 1956; Dhami et al., 2004).

The current data showed that the representative emotion regulation task increased

anxiety and stimulated effortful upregulation of emotion. Yet, the task appeared to lack

pertinence in depleting self-control resources. These findings stimulate further questions

regarding the conditions in which depletion occurs. That is, the mechanisms triggering ego

depletion remain equivocal, and scholars remain unclear as to what constitutes the “resource”

in the strength-energy model of self-control (e.g., Lee et al., 2016). Such issues present

considerable difficulties measuring ego depletion, with researchers relying on indirect

assessments, including changes in self-control performances, and subjective ratings of

fatigue. Isolating the processes involved in ego depletion might be challenging, and the

confounds that researchers might wish to control in experiments could potentially be an

important component in the processes involved. That is, the erroneous variables (e.g.,

motivation, mood, personal goals) experimenters might wish to reduce, or standardise in

controlled positivist research designs, could be key variables in determining ego depletion.

Therefore, future works might benefit from investigating self-control, emotion regulation and

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ego depletion from varied epistemological and ontological perspectives, and investigating

these phenomena from a natural social setting.

There has been very little ego depletion research conducted within a field setting.

Hofmann, Vohs and Baumeister (2012) investigated self-control in everyday life, outside the

confines of the laboratory using ecological momentary assessment (see Stone, Shiffman,

Atienza, & Nebeling, 2007). Participants reported frequency and strength of desires (e.g.,

sleep, sex, tobacco, alcohol, media use), the degree to which they conflicted with goals, and

success at resisting desires (Hofmann et al., 2012). Such research could provide guidance for

future ego depletion studies, exploring self-control within a natural social setting (see also

Totterdell et al., 2012). However, as mentioned earlier, scholars need to be aware of the

caveats involved in representative design (i.e., poor internal validity, see Dhami et al., 2004).

Arguably, a broad research agenda to research self-control and ego depletion is required,

using mixed methodologies and varied epistemological and ontological foundations to guide

research processes (see Meredith et al., 2017). Indeed, such diverse approaches might better

inform experimental psychology research, by providing researchers with a detailed

understanding of phenomena within natural social settings.

In summary, the current findings revealed that an emotion regulation interview task

did not result in decrements to self-control performance on an unsolvable puzzle task. Results

are in line with recent studies that have failed to reproduce depletion effects (e.g., Xu et al.,

2014). Manipulation checks demonstrated that the relationship was potentially moderated by

changes in mood and motivation. Nevertheless, the suitability of the emotion regulation task

to induce depletion was also questionable. As such, the author has undertaken a discussion

reflecting on the balance of internal and external validity in ego depletion research.

Moreover, views to adopt representative experimental research designs in self-control

research were considered in accordance with calls to improve the measurement of behaviour

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in social and personality psychology (e.g., Baumeister et al., 2007; Patterson, 2008). In line

with perspectives elsewhere (e.g., Dang, 2016a; Hagger et al., 2016), emotion regulation and

self-control appear to be complex processes and further research is required to extend insights

into the emotion related depletion phenomenon.

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Foreword to Chapter 4

The representative experimental design used in Chapter 3 enabled the examination of

a dyadic emotion regulation task on a behavioural measure of self-control performance that

could be generalized to work-performance environments. Despite finding a negligible

relationship between emotion regulation and self-control, data presented in Chapter 3

revealed significant differences in mood between conditions, pinpointing positive affect as a

potential moderator of performance effects. Therefore, an important question considered in

the next Chapter concerns the moderating impact of positive affect on self-control

performance. In addition, the importance of intra-individual and inter-individual differences,

such as emotion-related abilities, and spontaneous choice in emotion regulation strategies,

emerged as key variables that could have impacted the effectiveness of the depleting task in

Chapter 3. Subsequently, to capture the complexity of emotion regulation and self-control,

Chapter 4 presented data investigating regulatory processes and exercise behaviours with a

novel mixed methods approach, providing a broader research agenda outside of the dominant

positivist sequential task design used in hitherto ego depletion literature. Qualitative

approaches were adopted to better understand ego depletion and emotion regulation,

evaluating processes with greater detail and alternative perspectives.

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CHAPTER 4: The effect of emotion regulation and a positive prime on physically

inactive individuals’ exercise effort in an exercise treadmill test: A novel mixed methods

design

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Abstract

Using a novel mixed methods design, this study aimed to examine the effect of

anxiety and positive priming on physically inactive individuals’ emotion regulation (ER), and

performance during exercise. Individuals completed a clamped RPE treadmill test consisting

of three, self-paced, 10 minute stages (RPE 11, RPE 14, and RPE 17) within 3 different

conditions (viz. control, anxiety only, and, anxiety with positive prime). A representative

design was used to prime anxiety using a pressure situation and stereotype threats. In the

anxiety with positive prime condition, participants watched a funny 4-minute video prior to

the exercise test. Interviews provided a rich insight into the role of emotion and ER in

exercise settings and facilitated triangulation of data with quantitative performance measures.

These data illuminated the functional role of ER and the impact of the experimenter on

participant emotions during exercise testing. Nevertheless, multilevel modelling showed no

significant differences in performance measures between conditions.

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Introduction

Physical activity is central in the prevention and management of chronic disease,

conveying a range of physiological and psychosocial benefits for health and well-being

(World Health Organisation, 2014). Guidelines endorse moderate cardiovascular exercise for

30 minutes, 5 days a week, and muscular exercises 2 days per week, to promote health in

adults (Department of Health, 2011). The nature of these recommendations may present

considerable challenges for new exercisers, placing demands on motivation and self-

regulation processes, including self-control, to adhere to exercise training over extended time

periods, and to overcome feelings of discomfort and negative affect (e.g., Ekkekakis, Hall, &

Petruzzello, 2004; Englert, 2016). Scholars have advocated for an improved research agenda

to enhance exercise interventions, with emerging research concerned with improving

affective states and emotions during exercise, enhancing self-control and regulation processes

(e.g., Ekkekakis, 2017; Hagger, Wood, Stiff, & Chatzisarantis, 2010).

Self-control refers to, the effortful suppression of a dominant, well-learned response

in favour of an alternative course of action, such as the persistence to engage in physical tasks

despite feelings of discomfort (Hagger & Chatzisarantis, 2012). The strength-energy model

proposes that all acts of self-control (e.g., persisting in arduous physical tasks) are

underpinned by a single global metaphorical strength that has limited capacity (see

Baumeister, 2002). Therefore, individuals that have engaged in a primary act of self-control

are vulnerable to decreased exercise performances (Dorris, Power, & Kenefick, 2012;

Englert, 2016; Wagstaff, 2014), and are more likely to act upon predominant responses, such

as relaxing instead of adhering to an exercise regime, or reducing training volumes (e.g.,

Martin Ginis & Bray, 2010; Oaten & Cheng, 2005). The fatigued, or depleted state following

acts of self-control has been labelled ego depletion (e.g., Muraven, Tice, & Baumeister,

1998). There has been increased attention towards understanding self-control moderators,

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with research highlighting the importance of positive affect to bolster self-control (e.g., Egan,

Clarkson, & Hirt, 2015; Tice, Baumeister, Shmueli, & Muraven, 2007). Tice and colleagues

(2007) found that individuals who were ego depleted and watched a comedy video increasing

positive affect had greater persistence in a task, compared to individuals who watched a

neutral video (i.e., control).

The relational processes associated with positive affect, self-control, and exercise

have been related to unconscious behaviour regulation, in which affects underpin approach or

avoidance to self-control and physical activity opportunities (e.g., Niermann, Hermann, von

Haaren, van Kann, & Woll, 2016). The affective-reflective theory of physical inactivity and

exercise (see Brand & Ekkekakis, 2017) proposes that situated decisions about exercise are

determined by an interplay between automatic affective valence (i.e., exercise pleasure or

displeasure) and reflective processes (i.e., exercise appraisal). In the event of low self-control

resources, higher positive affective valence towards an exercise is more likely to produce an

automatic action towards that behaviour (Brand & Ekkekakis, 2017; Tice et al., 2007).

Therefore, the role of affective attitudes to enhance self-control and exercise behavior,

suggests that interventions should emphasise increased affective and emotional facilitators in

exercise (see also Wienke & Jekauc, 2016).

In a recent review of self-control, Englert (2016) argued that the tasks designed to

manipulate self-control strength are not sport, or exercise specific. There has been a renewed

emphasis on the inclusion of behaviour within social psychology research to improve the

applicability of results to naturalistic settings (see Meredith, Dicks, Noël, & Wagstaff, 2017).

Therefore, situations sampled in the manipulation of self-control within the laboratory should

generalise to situations encountered within the naturalistic area of study (Hammond, 2001).

The current study used social psychological methods to elicit spontaneous emotion regulation

through manipulating anxiety. Anxiety is a common emotion experienced in physically

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inactive individuals entering an unfamiliar exercise environment (e.g., Yates, Price-Fowlkes,

& Agrawal, 2003). Individuals experiencing negative emotions, such as anxiety may wish to

redirect the flow of their emotions for hedonic or instrumental gains (see Koole, van Dillen,

& Sheppes, 2011). A range of regulation strategies can be applied to control emotions,

including situation modification and attentional deployment (see the process model of

emotion regulation, Gross, 2015). Nevertheless, some emotion regulation strategies (e.g.,

suppression) have been linked to reduced exercise performances within a sequential-task

paradigm (Wagstaff, 2014). The current study sought to extend previous findings through

exploring emotion regulation and ego depletion using in depth qualitative methods.

Investigating psychological processes with rich qualitative insights will allow individual

differences and experience of phenomena to emerge, and promotes the examination of

multiple meanings that individuals attach to their subjective experiences (Smith & Caddick,

2012). Therefore, the functional, personalised role of emotion regulation can be explored

during exercise testing, and individuals’ subjective experiences of ego depletion can be

examined.

The current study investigated the impact of emotion regulation, and positive affect

on exercise behaviour using a mixed-methods research design. In line with a burgeoning

research agenda towards the inclusion of qualitative approaches in contemporary sport and

exercise psychology (see Meredith et al., 2017), this study investigated emotion regulation

and ego depletion with in depth qualitative interviews. To improve triangulation of data,

spontaneous emotion regulation measures (see Ehring, Tuschen-Caffier, Schnulle, Fischer, &

Gross, 2010), and sensitive psychometric measures of affect (e.g., Ekkekakis, 2013) were

applied, as well as longitudinal data analyses using multilevel modelling (e.g., Stenling,

Ivarsson, & Lindwall, 2017). There is a lack of empirical research investigating the causal

effects of negative emotions (e.g., anxiety) on resource depletion and subsequent exercise

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performance, or in examining the moderating influence of positive affect within this

relationship using representative experimental designs that adequately characterise the

conditions of exercise environments. In response to this shortcoming, the current study

utilized transferable emotion elicitation procedures, and in situ exercise behaviours with

alternative mixed methods approaches.

Method

Participants

Based upon G*power calculations (d= 0.62; α= 0.05; power= 0.95; No. of

experimental conditions = 3), 9 physically inactive individuals with a mean age of 25.78 (SD

= 4.92) years were recruited, including 4 males and 5 females (5 Caucasian; 3 African

Descent; 1 South Asian). Participants’ physical activity levels were screened using the

International Physical Activity Questionnaire (IPAQ; Craig et al., 2003) and a “readiness to

become more physically active” scale (Long et al., 1996). The participants did not meet

recommended physical activity guidelines of at least 150 minutes of moderate aerobic

activity each week (Department of Health, 2011), and all participants identified as “thinking

about starting physical activity”.

Procedures

Prior to testing, participants completed an exercise health history questionnaire and

written informed consent. Participants visited the laboratory on three separate occasions. Each

visit comprised one of three conditions: (i) control (no manipulations); (ii) emotion-related

depletion (anxiety manipulation); and (iii) emotion-related depletion with positive affect

(anxiety manipulation & positive priming). Conditions were counterbalanced to prevent any

order effects. Each participant visited the laboratory at the same time of day to account for any

circadian rhythms, and each visit was separated by at least 1 week to alleviate variances from

fatigue. Participants were asked to refrain from the consumption of alcohol, and to avoid any

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vigorous exercise the day before each visit. Further, they were asked to avoid caffeine and

nicotine for at least 3 hours before testing. On completion of all three experimental visits social

validation interviews were completed and participants were fully debriefed and thanked for

volunteering.

Control condition. On arrival participants’ weight and resting blood pressure were

assessed and manipulation checks were completed, including state anxiety, core affect, and

subjective fatigue. On completion of the questionnaires participants were fitted with a heart

rate monitor and a face mask to measure oxygen uptake (�̇�O2) during exercise. Once on the

treadmill participants indicated their current pleasure-displeasure on an exercise-based feeling

scale prior to the start of exercise.

The clamped RPE exercise test consisted of three incremental 10-minute stages, starting

at RPE 11 (“Light”), increasing to RPE 14, and finishing at RPE 17 (“Very hard”). Participants

were asked to self-pace by adjusting the treadmill speed to work to the specific RPE target.

They were informed of the target RPE at the start of each exercise stage and shown the 6-20

Borg scale (Borg, 1982) every 2 minutes to ensure they were working to the correct target RPE

throughout. Participants were blind to the speed they selected. During the exercise test speed,

heart rate, and �̇�O2 were measured every minute and ratings of displeasure-pleasure were

recorded every 5 minutes. After a standardised cool down period of 5 minutes, participants

completed Likert scales to assess subjective fatigue and state emotion regulation and provided

a post exercise rating of core affect and pleasure-displeasure to provide an accurate and

comprehensive representation of the shape of affective responses over time (Hall, Ekkekakis,

& Petruzzello, 2002).

Emotion-related depletion. The same procedures were followed as the control

condition, but with the addition of an anxiety manipulation. On arrival to the laboratory

participants were greeted by the experimenter wearing a white laboratory coat with a

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stethoscope round their neck, holding a clip board. This reflected a clinical setting to induce a

sense of anxiety through emphasising participant evaluation and examination (ego-relevance).

Following measurement of resting blood pressure the experimenter primed anxiety through

explaining the exercise test in a standardised ‘pressure’ script (see Baumeister & Showers,

1986), as follows:

This is a sub-maximal diagnostic exercise test to assess your health and fitness levels

(ego-relevance). We will be measuring your heart rate, and oxygen consumption. Also,

you will be filmed during the test to assess your lower body gait pattern (audience).

Your results will be reviewed in detail by the research team to establish your health and

fitness levels (audience). When we have collected all your data the results will be

placed in a table of scores alongside other participants in the study and compared

(showed a faux table) (competition).

In addition to creating a pressure situation (Baumeister & Showers, 1986), anxiety

was elicited through priming stereotype threat (Johns, Inzlicht, & Schmader, 2008). Large

posters consisting of stigmatised messages towards physically inactive individuals and the

incidence of chronic disease were displayed on the walls in the laboratory (see also Beilock

& McConnell, 2004). Posters were presented to manipulate knowledge of negative

stereotypes relevant to physically inactive groups, including prevalence of diabetes, risks of

overweight and obesity, incidence of chest pains and common mental health concerns (see

Appendix). Following the anxiety prime participants completed manipulation checks, and the

clamped RPE protocol, as explained in the control condition.

Emotion-related depletion with positive affect. The same procedures as the

emotion-related depletion condition were followed, including the anxiety manipulation and

the exercise test. The method to elicit anxiety was the same, however the specific content was

different, and counterbalanced, to prevent familiarisation. For instance, the specific posters

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were changed, but still contained stigmatised messages towards physically inactive

individuals. To explore the potential moderating impact of positive affect on resource

depletion, a positive priming task was completed following the anxiety manipulation.

Previous research has highlighted significant improvements in mood and positive affect when

watching others smile and laugh (e.g., Hatfield, Bensman, Thornton, & Rapson, 2014).

Subsequently, the positive prime consisted of a 4-minute video “Skype Laughter Chain” of

individuals laughing. Participants wore headphones and watched the video on a laptop screen

in a quiet area of the laboratory. Pilot data (N= 54) showed significant increases in valence

after watching laughing videos (Z= -3.54; p < .0001). Following completion of the positive

priming task, participants completed manipulation checks and the exercise test, as explained

above.

Measures

Interviews. Semi-structured interviews were conducted to assess the emotions

participants experienced, to explore the emotion regulation strategies participants used, and to

explore the effectiveness of experimental manipulations. A semi-structured approach was

selected to allow flexibility in responses and freedom to discuss experiences most important to

them but enabling the interviewer to focus on areas of interest (Sparkes & Smith, 2014).

The interview guide was split into three main sections. First participants were asked for

their general thoughts about the study and the emotions they experienced, and whether they

tried to control their emotions (e.g., “What kind of emotions did you experience during the

exercise tests?”) Secondly, the interviewer explored the manipulations used in the study and

checked for the participants suspicion of the true aims (e.g., “How do you think your

performances differed between your three visits?”). Lastly, participants were fully debriefed

and asked to comment on the manipulations used in the study (e.g., “How do you think the

anxiety manipulations affected you?”). Interviews were conducted in the laboratory on

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completion of each participant’s last experimental visit and were recorded with a Dictaphone

and transcribed verbatim.

Exercise performance. Exercise performance was calculated as the distance (km)

completed on the test, and the speed (km.h-1) achieved during each clamped RPE stage.

Heart rate. Heart rate (bpm) was measured every minute. Participants were fitted with

a Polar heart rate monitor (Polar T31) prior to testing. Accuracy of wireless heart rate monitors

has been recognised (see Achten & Jeukendrup, 2003) and the Polar equipment has

demonstrated strong validity and reliability (Terbizan, Dolezal, & Albano, 2009).

Oxygen uptake. Participants’ �̇�O2 (ml.kg.-1min-1) was assessed with breath by breath

analyses using the Cosmed quark B2 online system. An average �̇�O2 was recorded every

minute during the exercise test.

Pleasure-Displeasure. Changes in valence during exercise were tested with the

affective dimension of pleasure-displeasure within the broader circumplex model of core affect

(Feldman Barrett & Russell, 2009). The Feeling Scale (FS) is a valid measure used to assess

pleasure-displeasure during exercise (see Hardy & Rejeski, 1989). The FS is an 11-point,

single-item, bipolar rating scale ranging from 5 (very good) to -5 (very bad).

Manipulation checks

State anxiety. The state anxiety scale from the State-Trait Inventory for Cognitive and

Somatic Anxiety (STICSA) (Gros, Antony, Simms, & McCabe, 2007) was used as a

manipulation check (𝛼 = .88). There are 10 cognitive (e.g., “I think that others won’t approve

of me”) and 11 somatic (e.g., “My heart beats fast”) items on the State scale. Respondents rate

each item on a 4-point Likert scale, ranging from 1 (not at all) to 4 (very much so).

Subjective fatigue. Participants completed a self-report subjective fatigue measure as

previous research has demonstrated that individual’s feel more tired and are less able to

concentrate on a task following an act of self-control (e.g., Egan et al., 2015). Participants

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indicated their agreement to 7 statements assessed on a 4-point Likert scale (𝛼 = .54).

Individuals were also asked to report the extent to which they could concentrate at the present

moment (i.e., “How well can you concentrate right now?”) on a 9-point scale ranging from 1

(Not well at all) to 9 (Very well).

State emotion regulation. Two brief 3-item scales were used to measure reappraisal

(e.g., “I thought of the situation in a way that made me stay calm.”) and suppression (e.g., “One

could see my feelings during the situation.”) during the exercise testing session (Egloff et al.,

2006). The latter two items of the suppression scale were reverse scored. Participants indicated

on a 6-point scale ranging from 0 (not at all) to 5 (extremely) which emotion regulation

behaviour they used during the exercise session (𝛼 = .61).

Core affect (SCAS). The Swedish core affect scale (Västfjäll, Friman, Gärling, &

Kleiner, 2002) was used to measure changes in core affect over the course of the exercise

testing session, and as a manipulation check for the positive priming intervention. Participants

were asked to rate the degree to which bipolar adjectives (e.g., sleepy-awake; sad-glad;

indifferent-engaged) represented how they were currently feeling on a scale from 10-90 (𝛼 =

.93). The SCAS has been shown to reliably discriminate mood differences within and between

individuals (Västfjäll et al., 2002).

Data analysis

Interviews. Interviews were transcribed verbatim and analysed using thematic

analysis, procedures involving a series of analytical steps which were conducted to facilitate

the interpretation of data, and the development of meaningful concepts relating to the topic of

inquiry (Braun & Clarke, 2006). Salient statements from each participant were assembled in

list form and subsequently compiled together in broad categories. Raw data themes were

developed from the statements and grouped together in common themes, tagging them with a

label that reflected their content and meaning, before being organised into general dimensions.

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Critical friends were utilised to establish rigour, involving a process of critical dialogue

between researchers, encouraging reflexivity through challenging construction of knowledge

(see Smith & McGannon, 2017).

Manipulations checks. IBM SPSS Statistics 22 software were used for data analysis.

Descriptive statistics and tests for normality (e.g., histogram plots; skewness & kurtosis) were

completed. Two-way repeated measures ANOVAs were conducted to analyse changes in

subjective fatigue, and core affect between conditions, and to analyse differences in types of

motivation (i.e., amotivation; external regulation; identified regulation; internal motivation)

and emotion regulation (i.e., suppression; reappraisal) across conditions. Bonferroni post hoc

analyses were conducted, and effect sizes were calculated for each test using Partial eta squared

(ηp2) (Field, 2009). The level of significance was assessed as p < .05.

Main quantitative analyses. A one-way repeated measures ANOVA was used to

analyse distance (km) between conditions. Multilevel growth curve analysis using MLwiN

2.26 software (Rasbash, Steele, Browne, & Goldstein, 2012) was employed to examine the

inter-individual variability in intra-individual patterns of change for speed, heart rate, pleasure-

displeasure (FS), and �̇�O2 over time (see Curran, Obeidat, & Losardo, 2010). This type of

analysis allowed modelling of time-varying (e.g., speed, heart rate, �̇�O2) and time-invariant

variables (e.g., condition), to provide an in-depth exploration of the impact of emotion

regulation and positive affect on exercise behaviours (see Stenling et al., 2017).

First, simple linear fixed models, constituting the repeated observations over the

exercise test (e.g., speed, heart rate, FS, and �̇�O2), were calculated (Level 1). Data points

every 5 minutes were included in the analyses to provide an accurate and comprehensive

representation of measures over the course of the clamped RPE exercise test. The total

sample size for each model included 154 data points for speed, and FS, 146 data points for

�̇�O2, and 143 data points for heart rate, as some tests included missing data. Nevertheless,

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multilevel modeling does not require complete data sets (Hox, 2010). The models were then

further developed, adding participants as a second level, and calculating random slopes and

intercepts (Level 2). A predictor variable (e.g., condition) was added to the model with the

control condition acting as a reference category (Level 3). Critical values of chi-squared

distribution were calculated to establish the significance of the models (𝜒 2).

Hypotheses

H0: There will be no significant differences in exercise performance (distance, speed,

oxygen consumption, and heart rate), and/or pleasure-displeasure between conditions (i.e.,

control, anxiety, and anxiety with positive prime).

H1: There will be significant differences in exercise performance (distance, speed,

oxygen consumption, and heart rate), and/or pleasure-displeasure between conditions (i.e.,

control, anxiety, and anxiety with positive prime).

Results

Interview transcripts

Interview transcripts included 10 pages of single spaced text. The participants’

collated responses revealed 53 raw data strands categorised into 5 themes, including:

responses to the laughing video, emotions experienced during exercise, emotion regulation,

changes in anxiety, and influential life events.

Responses to the laughing video. Effects of the laughing video varied between

participants. Five participants found the video funny and explained that the video changed

their mood and caused them to feel happy and positive. “...when I watched the happy video it

changed my emotions, so I was seeing everything more positively. It put me in a good

mood.” Whereas, four participants did not find the video funny, as highlighted by one

individual, “I think normally I would only watch that video for a bit and then turn it off, or

switch to a different video”. Although some individuals found the video enhanced positive

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feelings, these feelings were potentially transitory in nature, and therefore some participants

expressed other ways in which they controlled their emotions during the exercise test:

The laughing video. I was kind of hoping that it would give me a massive boost of

energy, but I think that it’s all down to you, how you’re going to control your

emotions. Because the video did make me laugh. And to begin with I was like yeah it

was so funny, it’s great, I’m happy, I’m laughing. But then I forgot about that video

very quickly, so then I had to use my own incentives...

Emotions experienced during exercise. Typically, participants thought the exercise

test was physically challenging, especially towards the end of the test. One participant

described how exercising at different intensities affected the way he could think, detailing

that his thoughts and focus turned inwards during the ‘very hard’ stage and limited his

outward responses to external stimuli:

During ‘light’ exercise I think I could think in a broad sense about many things. I

could contemplate on them. But during the moderate part I couldn’t keep up as

much… and during the extremely hard part, the difficult stage, I could only focus on

my inner thoughts. If there was anything external, like the cord touching on my arm,

even if somebody asked me a question, I wouldn’t be able to respond properly to that.

I was inhibited in my responses.

There was a main consensus that post exercise participants expressed improved,

positive emotions, and would use exercise in a conscious way to change their mood and

emotions: “regardless of how I’m feeling before exercising, there’s always a significant mood

boost… it gives me an indication that if I’m feeling sad, or depressed, anxious, then that’s the

easiest and best way to change how I’m feeling.” Exercise also appeared to change the way

individuals thought about, and coped with certain negative thoughts or stressors in life, as can

be seen in this quote from an individual struggling during exams:

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It shows that exercise can change your emotional state… It made me feel composed

and calm with the things I’m dealing with. I was more focused regarding my attitude.

It removed most of the negative aspects that I was thinking about before. After the

exercise the negative thoughts didn’t affect me as much as before the exercise.

Emotion regulation. Participants acknowledged that their thoughts and emotions

affected their exercise performance, and subsequently recognised that they could regulate

their emotions to improve their exercise effort and pacing to push through physical

discomfort and enhance performance levels: “I think thoughts are very powerful. And people

don’t realise how much their thoughts affect their lives. So, inducing or invoking kinds of

thoughts could affect your performance… I was just trying to see it from a different

perspective.” Moreover, positive incentives, such as, “I’m going to have a massive bit of cake

afterwards…” were used to prevent negative thoughts that might hinder performances. One

participant also described using imagery to boost his motivation, and explained how he felt

the three sessions improved his ability to regulate his emotions during exercise:

Your choice of how you control these feelings, or how you express those feelings

during the exercise can be developed through those three sessions. I tried to think

about other things or seeing the benefits of what exercise like this can do. For me

personally, I just sort of envisaged myself on the football pitch (as a referee) and the

importance of getting a decision right and having the required fitness to get there in

the first place. And to get to the situation, and the possible consequences of being that

yard too short, and what it could mean further on. So that’s how I sort of dealt with it,

especially during the last part (RPE 17).

In addition to regulating the negative thoughts induced through physical discomfort

during exercise, participants also expressed the need to alter their emotions in line with their

impressions and social relationship with the experimenter: “…I think I regulate and alter my

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emotions and how I am around strangers. So, I didn’t really know you and I was quite

focused on your opinion of me, and of my general fitness”.

Changes in anxiety. Before participants were debriefed as to the true nature of the

study, they were asked if they felt anxious at all during any of their visits to the laboratory.

The majority of participants said they did not feel anxious or did not notice feeling anxious.

Nevertheless, some participants pinpointed specific points in the study that they felt

uncomfortable, including being compared on a score board to other participants,

“…definitely the score board. I was focusing on it quite a lot actually. I kept trying to think

it’s not for a competition!”. Participants also explained that they noticed some of the posters,

which elicited discomforting thoughts during the exercise test, “I did notice posters, which

made me suspicious (laughing). But I was thinking ‘oh god do I have diabetes? Does my

house mate have diabetes?’ and I was thinking this throughout the exercise too.”

Most participants described feeling anxious before completing the first exercise test,

due to a lack of confidence in starting exercise, uncertainties communicating with the

experimenter, and experiencing an unfamiliar environment:

…in the first one I felt very anxious because I didn’t know what to expect, or how I

would progress through the exercise. I’ve been living a sedentary lifestyle, so I

suppose I was anxious… I didn’t really know you, and everything was a bit

unfamiliar. You looked very professional in that lab coat… then there were all the

measurements as well that just generally made me feel a bit anxious. But I think I got

calmer every time and more thoughtful. I relaxed a bit more, you know……. I got to

know you; I became more comfortable.

Ultimately, the anxiety manipulations did not seem strong enough to elicit strong or

obvious feelings of anxiety in participants, and will perhaps depend upon differences between

individuals, as suggested in the following text:

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…I didn’t feel more anxious in the anxiety conditions. Maybe you need something a

bit stronger… I would definitely get anxious if I had to do a presentation, or

something. I think speaking out in front of people gets me more worried.

Influential life events. Participants’ recent daily experiences appeared to influence

emotions and exercise performance more than the manipulations in the study. Arguably the

participants’ life events were more meaningful and salient than the manipulations in the

laboratory. The following quotations highlighted how events before the experimental session

altered mood and emotions:

In this session I feel happier because all my exams are finished, and I feel calmer

overall. Also, the first or second time I came in I hadn’t had much sleep because of

my house mates. So, I think that probably affected my running, because I was quite

tired. I’ve also had some news that has made me have to go back to square one with

plans for next year. So, hearing stuff like that just before coming in can affect my

mood and emotions a bit.

Manipulation Checks

Subjective fatigue. A two way repeated measures condition x time ANOVA revealed

that there were no significant effects for tiredness (F(1,8)= .17; p= .69; ηp2 = .02), exhaustion

(F(1,8)= 2.07; p = .19; ηp2 = .21), or ability to concentrate (F(1,8)= .67; p = .44; ηp

2 = .08) over

time, and no interaction effects for tiredness (F(2,16)= .32; p = .73; ηp2 = .04), exhaustion

(F(2,16)= .08; p = .93; ηp2 = .01), or ability to concentrate (F(2,16)= 1.05; p = .37; ηp

2 = .12).

Moreover, there were no significant differences between conditions for tiredness (F(2,16)= .2;

p = .82; ηp2 = .02), exhaustion (F(2,16)= .97; p = .40; ηp

2 = .11), or ability to concentrate

(F(2,16)= .17; p = .85; ηp2 = .02). These results indicate that individuals might not have

experienced resource depletion during experimentation.

State emotion regulation. A two way repeated measures ANOVA of state emotion

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regulation x condition showed that individuals used reappraisal strategies significantly more

than suppression (F(1,7)= 33.61; p= .001; ηp2 = .83) across all conditions (Figure 4.1).

Nevertheless, there were no differences in emotion regulation between conditions (F(2,14)=

.27; p = .77; ηp2 = .04), and no interaction effects (F(2,14)= .78; p = .48; ηp

2 = .1).

Figure 4.1. A comparison of state emotion regulation strategies (i.e. reappraisal and

suppression) used across conditions.

Anxiety. One way repeated measures ANOVA’s exploring participant’s levels of

anxiety between conditions revealed no differences in somatic state anxiety (F(2,16)= .38; p =

.69; ηp2 = .05), cognitive state anxiety (F(1.7,9.34)= .55; p = .50; ηp

2 = .06), or total state anxiety

scores (F(2,16)= .10; p = .90; ηp2 = .01).

Core affect (SCAS). A two way repeated measures ANOVA of condition x time

revealed no significant differences in valence levels between conditions (F(2,16)= .49; p = .62;

ηp2 = .06), and no interaction effect (F(2,16)= 1.59; p = .24; ηp

2 = .17). These analyses indicate

0

2

4

6

8

10

12

14

16

Control Anxiety Anxiety with positive prime

Stat

e Em

oti

on

Reg

ula

tio

n S

core

Condition

Reappraisal Suppression

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that the laughing video did not significantly alter levels of positive affect. Nevertheless, there

was a significant increase in valence levels following the exercise test (F(1,8)= 41.68; p < .001;

ηp2 = .84). Further analyses of arousal, PAUD, and UAPD revealed no significant differences

between conditions and no interaction effects. However, there were significant effects over

time, showing increases in arousal (F(1,8)= 29.9; p = .001; ηp2 = .79), PAUD (F(1,8)= 29.85; p =

.001; ηp2 = .79), and UAPD (F(1,8)= 23.01; p = .001; ηp

2 = .74) post exercise (Figure 4.2).

Figure 4.2. Changes in core affect (SCAS) between pre-post exercise and between

conditions, including changes in valence, arousal, PAUD, and UAPD.

0

50

100

150

200

250

300

Pre Post Pre Post Pre Post Pre Post

Valence Arousal PAUD UAPD

Co

re A

ffec

t Sc

ore

Type of Core Affect

Control Anxiety Anxiety with positive prime

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Main Quantitative Analyses

Table 4.1. Mean ± SD for speed, heart rate, and �̇�O2 over the exercise test and between

conditions. Mean ± SD for total distance between conditions.

�̇�O2

(ml.kg.min-1)

Control

Mean SD

Anxiety

Mean SD

Anxiety with

positive affect

Mean SD

RPE 11 13.1 4.13 13.71 3.87 12.68 3.7

RPE 14 22.91 8.97 25.02 9.53 22.03 7.33

RPE 17 27.06 8.88 30.02 9.31 26.31 8.72

Heart Rate

(bpm)

RPE 11 105 10 104 11 100 10

RPE 14 141 21 144 26 139 20

RPE 17 160 20 162 21 156 21

Speed (km.h-1)

RPE 11 3.92 1.46 4.08 1.34 3.72 1.26

RPE 14 5.84 1.49 6.46 1.32 6 0.91

RPE 17 7.24 1.47 7.94 1.61 7.24 1.57

Distance (km)

2.81 0.71 2.9 0.51 2.8 0.48

Multilevel modelling. A simple linear fixed model (level 1) indicated substantial

variance in speed [oi = 6.191 (0.166); eoi = 4.269 (0.486)], �̇�O2 [oi = 22.117 (0.739); eoi =

79.687 (9.327)], heart rate [oi = 131.650 (2.619); eoi = 981.192 (116.038)], and pleasure-

displeasure [oi = 2.263 (0.105); eoi = 2.309 (0.226)] over time. To further develop each

model, we added a second level (participants) and calculated random slopes and intercepts to

reveal a positive and significant relationship between participants for speed [oij = 6.203

(0.326); eoij = 3.496 (0.411); 2 (1) = 16.914, p < .01], �̇�O2 [oij = 22.229 (1.712); uoj = 22.811

(12.421); eoij = 56.054 (6.773); 2 (1) = 33.211, p < .01], heart rate [oij = 131.964 (4.123); uoj

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= 95.995 (71.949); eoij = 889.060 (108.634); 2 (1) = 1385.750, p < .01], and pleasure-

displeasure [oij = 2.269 (0.267); eoij = 1.752 (0.175); 2 (1) = 38.453, p < .01]. Adding

‘condition’ into the model with the control condition as the reference category, revealed little

variation and null effects between conditions over time for speed [anxietyij = 0.078 (0.366);

anxiety&positiveij = -0.210 (0.370); 2 (2) = 0.643, p > .05], �̇�O2 [anxietyij = 0.096 (1.563);

anxiety&positiveij = -0.910 (1.502); 2 (2) = 0.544, p > .05], heart rate [anxietyij = -3.056

(6.101); anxiety&positiveij = -12.350 (5.991); 2 (2) = 4.523, p > .05], and pleasure-

displeasure [anxietyij = -0.013 (0.222); anxiety&positiveij = -0.352 (0.223); 2 (2) = 3.18, p >

.05]. Therefore, results illustrated significant variance in speed, �̇�O2, heart rate, and

pleasure-displeasure (Figure 4.3) over time (i.e., across clamped RPE levels) and between

participants. Yet, there were no variances across conditions (Table 4.1).

Figure 4.3. Changes in core affect (FS) across the exercise test and between conditions.

1

1.5

2

2.5

3

3.5

4

4.5

Pre 5 10 15 20 25 30 Post

Fee

ling

Scal

e

Time (mins)

Control Anxiety Anxiety with positive prime

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Distance. A one way repeated measures ANOVA found no significant differences in

distance between conditions (F(2,12)= .48; p = .63; ηp2 = .07) (Figure 4.4).

Figure 4.4. Differences in exercise test distance (km) between conditions.

Discussion

The present study aimed to examine the impact of an anxiety manipulation on

emotion regulation, exercise effort and performance in physically inactive individuals, and

the moderating impact of a positive priming intervention within this relationship. Qualitative

semi-structured interviews revealed several important methodological (e.g., the effectiveness

of anxiety manipulations) and conceptual (e.g., personal choice in spontaneous emotion

regulation strategies) factors that have important implications for the study of emotions and

physical exercise. Interview data highlighted that not all individuals perceived the

manipulations as inductive to their anxiety. Rather, interviews emphasized the salience of life

events (e.g., exams) in the promotion of anxiety. Notably, an antecedent of anxiety during the

participants’ first session on the treadmill was a perceived lack of confidence in starting

0

0.5

1

1.5

2

2.5

3

3.5

4

Control Anxiety Axiety with positive prime

Dis

tan

ce (

km)

Condition

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exercise, uncertainties communicating with the experimenter and the ambiguity of the

exercise testing environment. These results support previous research attesting to some of the

barriers and determinants of physical activity uptake, including exercise self-efficacy, and

exercise environment stressors (e.g., Ashford, Edmunds, & French, 2010; Focht &

Hausenblas, 2006). The manipulation checks augment qualitative results, showing no

significant differences in state anxiety or ratings of subjective fatigue between conditions.

Hence, and despite pilot work, the anxiety manipulations in the current study were

unsuccessful, and participant’s self-control resources might not have been used to an extent

that caused ego depletion. In line with these observations, quantitative results showed no

significant differences in task speed, heart rate, �̇�O2, or distance during an exercise treadmill

test between an anxiety, control, and an anxiety with positive priming condition.

Nevertheless, qualitative data revealed inter-individual emotion regulation differences during

exercise testing, including the antecedents of emotions (e.g., exercise discomfort), the type of

regulation strategy chosen (e.g., reappraisal, attentional deployment) and the individualised

reasons for regulating emotions (e.g., to manage interactions with the experimenter).

Interview results identified several occasions in which individuals regulated emotions

during the experiment, including social interactions with the experimenter, and during the last

clamped stage of the treadmill test (i.e., RPE 17 ‘Very Hard’). Consistent with social

perspectives (e.g., Emotions as Social Information; EASI model, Van Kleef, 2010),

individuals appeared to regulate their emotions to influence the experimenter’s opinions of

them to address concerns with social judgements and self-presentation (e.g., worries about

the experimenter’s opinions of their fitness levels). Emotions disambiguate social interaction

by providing information about the expresser's feelings, goals, motives, and intentions (Van

Kleef, 2009) and, therefore, play a regulating role, influencing behaviour of the 'emoter' and

others in the social environment (e.g., Parkinson, Fischer, & Manstead, 2005). Hence,

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participants might have regulated their emotional displays to influence social exchange with

the experimenter (see also Bell & Calkins 2000). Given the central role of emotions in social

interactions future research would benefit from further exploration of the emotion regulation

strategies used by exercise practitioners and participants, and the subsequent impact upon

outcomes and functioning in exercise settings (e.g., Puente & Anshel, 2010).

In addition to the antecedents of emotion regulation, qualitative data highlighted the

content of physically inactive individual’s emotion regulation strategies during exercise

testing, including reappraisal through imagery (e.g., managing negative emotions during

exercise discomfort through reappraising and imagining the benefits of exercising). A

strength of the current study was triangulating this interview data with Likert scales

measuring spontaneous emotion regulation. Quantitative results illustrated that participants

used reappraisal strategies significantly more than suppression during the exercise testing

sessions, irrespective of condition. That is, individuals changed the way they perceived the

emotional event to manage emotional intensity, duration and quality (Gross, 2015). These

results extend recent research demonstrating reductions in ratings of perceived exertion

following the use of cognitive reappraisal during endurance running (see Giles et al., 2018).

Given the coherent links between antecedent-focused emotion regulation strategies and

effective functioning across social psychology disciplines it could be postulated that

participants in the current study did not tax self-control resources, compared to instances in

previous studies where response-focused strategies were used (e.g., Gross & John, 2003).

Nevertheless, refined spontaneous emotion regulation measures that account for a wider

range of regulatory choices (Gross, 2015) and include sensitive details regarding the emotion

situation, content and intensity, should be used in future research to more effectively track

emotion trajectories (Kuppens & Verduyn, 2015).

Consistent with previous exercise psychology literature (e.g., Bernstein & McNally,

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2017), interviews indicated that participants used exercise to change their mood and

emotions, and to cope with stress. This qualitative data was corroborated by SCAS scores

showing significant improvements in positive valence (e.g., ‘happy’), enhanced arousal (e.g.,

‘energetic’), and increased levels of pleasant activation (e.g., ‘engaged’) and deactivation

(e.g., ‘calm’) states post exercise. In line with previous works (e.g., Ekkekakis et al., 2004),

ratings of pleasure-displeasure (i.e., FS scores) in the current study revealed a dose-response

relationship between exercise intensity and core affect (Figure 2). Notably, FS scores

decreased significantly during RPE 17, a phase of the test in which participants indicated the

use of more emotion regulatory strategies (e.g., mental imagery to reappraise feelings of

discomfort). The current results indicate that emotional status contributes to exercise pacing

and performance (e.g., Beedie, Moullan, Deruelle, & Noakes, 2011), and that the negative

emotions experienced during exercise discomfort elicits emotion regulation (e.g. Lane,

Wilson, Whyte, & Shave, 2011). Importantly, the positive emotive video did not appear to

change participants’ emotions during exercise.

Previous research has shown increased positive mood states following the

introduction of positive emotive video clips (e.g., Tice et al., 2007); yet, in the current study

interviews revealed that equivalent emotive video clips were transient in nature and were

highly personal for each participant. Therefore, the important implications that stems from

the current results is the need for personalized interventions to alter core affective states, and

the requirement for salient interventions during exercise (e.g., music, positive feedback,

virtual reality) (e.g., Elliott & Charlton, 2016). For instance, when investigating responses to

false feedback in laboratory cycling, Beedie Lane and Wilson (2012) found that positive

feedback was associated with improved happiness, lower anxiety levels, lower oxygen

uptake, and less effort required to regulate their emotions. Further research is required to

elucidate effective positive priming interventions and to explore their role within emotion

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regulation and ego depletion processes.

In summary, the novel use of mixed methods in the current study, meant that the

triangulation of data provided a better insight into the impacts of emotions in exercise

settings, whilst maintaining a focus on behavioural measures and manipulations to improve

the generalization of research results. Notably, interviews revealed an individual’s functional

choice and timing of emotion regulation, including increased use of regulation strategies

during exercise discomfort at higher exercise intensities. Moreover, the impact of the

experimenter on participant emotions and choice of regulatory instances was highlighted,

emphasizing the need for an improved research agenda exploring emotion contagion and

applications of the EASI model (Van Kleef, 2009) within exercise psychology and health.

Quantitative data revealed no significant differences in performance (i.e., distance, �̇�O2,

speed, heart rate) and core affect (i.e., FS) during a submaximal clamped RPE treadmill test

between an anxiety, an anxiety with positive priming, and a control condition, for physically

inactive individuals. The ineffective anxiety manipulation underlines the difficulty in

studying complex representative behaviours from the confines of the laboratory, and

indicates the potential value of research using natural social settings (cf. Meredith et al.,

2017). While anxiety manipulations in the present study were representative of exercise

testing environments, individual responses to emotional stimuli are highly personal (see

Hanin, 2007). Indeed, variation exists between research groups in the emotions elicited by the

same intervention, highlighting the difficulty in inducing sport and exercise specific emotions

under laboratory conditions (see Furley, Dicks, & Jordet, 2018). Laboratory manipulations

and tailored interventions in practice could be informed by a stronger research base

examining: i) the defining characteristics of emotional experiences; ii) antecedents of

emotional experiences, and: iii) consequences of emotions (i.e., exercise effort, uptake and

adherence) in exercise settings.

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Foreword to Chapter 5

In contrast to previous studies that have tended to use between-subject designs,

identifying group averages, Chapter 4 presented data using qualitative approaches and

multilevel modelling, considering intra-individual and inter-individual differences in the

relationship between emotion regulation and self-control. Results illustrated no significant

effects of an anxiety and positive prime condition on exercise performances. Nevertheless,

using a novel mixed methods research design allowed rigorous quantitative and qualitative

measures to be triangulated. Consequently, key qualitative findings were illustrated in this

Chapter, including the impact of the experimenter and social interactions on participant

regulatory processes, and the timing and choice of emotion regulation during different

exercise intensities. Interview data, also, indicated that manipulations were not personalized

or strong enough, highlighting the challenge in studying complex behaviours from the

confines of the laboratory. The findings have implications for the way in which emotion

regulation and self-control are studied in exercise settings, highlighting the need for a broader

research agenda. Subsequently, Chapter 5 aimed to examine emotion regulation from within

a natural social setting, exploring regulatory processes from interpretive perspectives.

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CHAPTER 5: Getting to the heart of the matter: An ethnography of emotions and

emotion regulation in cardiac rehabilitation

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Abstract

Considering the detrimental impact of emotional suffering on patient recovery (e.g.,

increased mortality rates), a key component in rehabilitation settings should be the promotion

of psychosocial health. Research has shown cardiac rehabilitation (CR) to decrease anxiety

and depression, enhance emotional well-being, and reduce the deleterious effects of negative

emotions on prognosis. Nevertheless, limited attention has been given to heart disease as a

lived experience and the presence of the patient’s voice in CR is negligible. Using an

ethnographic approach, the aim of the current research was to provide a penetrative insight

into the social and psychological environment of a CR setting in the United Kingdom. Four

main methods were used to collect data over a 12-month period, including participant

observation (230 hours), interviews (N = 10), reflexive diaries and field notes (133 pages of

single-spaced text). Thematic analysis was used to generate patterns (themes) in the data.

Following thematic development, ethnographic creative non-fiction was adopted to fashion

non-fictional stories grounded in real events and patients’ lived experiences. Three composite

vignettes illustrated the emotional intensity of recovering from a cardiac event and

highlighted the value of CR to aid patients with reskilling and emotional support. In

discussing the data, specific attention is devoted to the potential value of emotional intelligent

care provision, and the creation of an environment that encourages emotional disclosure. The

manuscript concludes with a discussion of the value of narrative medicine as a pedagogical

tool for CR staff and patients.

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Introduction

A cardiac event is a traumatic, life changing experience, associated with physical

incapacities, and significant emotional suffering (e.g., Wheatley, 2006). According to the

British Heart Foundation (BHF) (2018), cardiovascular disease (CVD) causes more than a

quarter (26 per cent) of all deaths in the United Kingdom, accounting for over 150,000 deaths

annually. Survival rates following acute cardiac episodes have improved significantly in recent

decades, owing to advances in acute coronary care (see Byrne, Stone, Ormiston & Kastrati,

2017). Nevertheless, patients often contend with ongoing symptoms, medicinal side effects and

hospital readmission (see Van Stel, Busschbach, Hunink, & Buskens, 2012). Consequential to

the nature of CVD, patients often experience an array of psychosocial difficulties that adversely

affect their recovery and quality of life, including anxiety, depression, disruptions in identity,

and perceived loss of control (e.g., Thombs et al., 2006). Moreover, of growing concern in

rehabilitative settings is the incidence of negative psychological states and their role in

adherence to rehabilitation, uptake of health behaviours, and disease prognosis (e.g., Michie,

O’Connor, Bath, Giles, & Earll, 2005). That is, there is a robust association between the

diagnosis of acute coronary syndrome and the occurrence of psychopathology, such as

depression, anxiety and panic attacks (e.g., Watkins et al., 2013). Such incidence of

psychopathology has been linked to increased risk of mortality, increased healthcare costs, and

reduced long-term quality of life (Hosseini, Ghaemian, Mehdizadeh & Ashraf, 2014).

Considering the detrimental impact of emotional suffering on patients’ recovery, a key

component in rehabilitative settings should be the promotion of psychosocial health (BACPR,

2017). Typically, following acute treatment of CVD (e.g., percutaneous coronary intervention),

patients are referred to cardiac rehabilitation (CR) to facilitate both physical and psychological

recovery, as well as an absolute risk reduction in cardiovascular mortality (Anderson et al.,

2016). An established evidence base supports the effectiveness of CR, demonstrating

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improvements in cardiorespiratory fitness, reduction in all-cause mortality, reduction in cardiac

mortality, reduction of hospital readmission, improved quality of life, and enhanced functional

capacity (e.g., Yohannes, Doherty, Bundy, & Yalfani, 2010). Nevertheless, a recent clinical

review of CR (Dalal, Doherty, & Taylor, 2015) warned that notall programmes are working

to the minimum BACPR standards. Indeed, data from the national audit of cardiac

rehabilitation (BHF, 2017) indicated that there is considerable variation in the quality of

regional service delivery, highlighting the need for research and development within CR. In

line with current calls for improved mental health services in the NHS (Mental Health Task

Force, 2016), and considering the implications of effective emotion regulation on recovery (see

de Ridder, Geenen, Kuijer, & van Middendorp, 2008), an important research direction in CR

concerns the emotional experiences of patients, and the way in which CR services enhance

psychosocial support and recovery.

Emotional dimensions of living with a chronic health condition are frequently

overlooked when medical care is considered (see Turner & Kelly, 2000), and although

psychological interventions are encouraged in CR (e.g., Linden, 2000), there is often poor

access to psychological services for patients (e.g., Mental Health Task Force, 2016). Indeed,

researchers have argued that CR can help decrease anxiety and depression, enhance

emotional well-being, and reduce the deleterious effects of negative emotions on prognosis

(e.g., Mitchie et al., 2005). Moreover, while researchers have noted the importance of

creating interventions that foster positive emotions to overcome symptoms of depression and

negative affect in CR (e.g., Bedi & Brown, 2005), research on emotions in CR are largely

based on questionnaire data (e.g., Bedi & Brown, 2005; Hosseini et al., 2014), and fail to

illuminate individual’s subjective, reflexive experiential, narratives of emotional issues in CR

(e.g., Simony, Dreyer, Pedersen & Birkelund, 2015).

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Crossley, Nicolson, and Owens (2001) argued that ‘mainstream’ health psychology

objectifies and depersonalizes people’s experiences of healthcare to pursue a goal-oriented

‘technical’ programme akin to medical science and practice, providing a simplistic response

to the complex reality of human lives. In response, researchers have looked to the qualitative

paradigm to provide rich, in depth insight, and emotional clarity of what patients and staff

undergo during everyday activities in CR (e.g., Simony et al., 2015). For instance, Wheatley

(2006) conducted an ethnography in Northern California, USA, enabling the study of social

life in a natural setting. A key aspect of Wheatley’s work was the observation that individuals

living with illness remake the body, self and social world through a process of reskilling after

acute episodes of cardiac disease. This reskilling involved ongoing efforts to interpret risks

and remake the body, to redefine and reinvent the self, and to rearrange social relations and

routines (Wheatley, 2006). Notably, Wheatley suggested that reskilling is never fully finished

and is an ongoing requirement of living with and inhabiting a troublesome and unpredictable

body.

In addition to ethnographic approaches, scholars have highlighted narrative medicine

and illness stories, as an effective method to explore the characteristic nature of emotions

with subjectivity, meaning and reflexivity (e.g., Charon, 2006). Narrative medicine creates

rich qualitative stories that can bridge patient’s and health professional’s perspectives,

improving therapeutic relationships and communication. Consequently, health professionals

can improve their understanding of what patients endure with CVD to provide effective care,

and patients can reshape their experiences of illness, promoting self-healing. For example,

Frank (2013) emphasized the importance of sharing experiential accounts of illness and

having others (e.g., health professionals) listen to, or ‘bear witness’ to those experiences.

Illness stories might take several different narrative forms, including restitution narratives

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(i.e., returning to one’s previous state of health), chaos narratives (i.e., all life events are

contingent and no one is in control), and quest narratives (i.e., illness as a spiritual journey).

While there have been important objective insights into the emotions experienced and

coping strategies reported within CR (e.g., Mitchie et al., 2005), negligible attention has been

given to heart disease as a lived experience. Hence, qualitative inquiries, including

ethnography and narrative medicine could provide a rich and hitherto elided insight into

patient and staff experiences within CR. Using an ethnographic approach, the aim of the

current research was to provide a penetrative insight into the social and psychological

environment in a United Kingdom (UK) CR setting, with a specific focus on affective and

behavioural phenomena. Participant’s stories were presented in a composite narrative to

further the readers’ knowledge and understanding of a UK CR culture. It is hoped this

narrative will provide pedagogical value to CR staff and patients.

Methods

Methodology

The current study used ethnographic creative non-fiction underpinned by ontological

relativism (i.e., knowledge is relative to differences in perception, and is mind-dependent)

and epistemological constructivism (i.e., knowledge is constructed and subjective), to deliver

a detailed understanding of emotions and emotion regulation within a UK CR service (see

Atkinson & Pugsley, 2005). Ethnographic principles and techniques were adopted to collect

in depth qualitative data that was historically and situationally bound (see Kraine & Baird,

2005). Ethnography refers to the study of social interactions, behaviours, and perceptions that

occur within groups, teams, organisations, and communities, providing rich, holistic insights

into people’s views and actions (Reeves, Kuper & Hodges, 2008). Following ethnographic

methodology the current study aimed to document the normal routines of a CR organisation

with great acumen, using highly detailed observations and vivid accounts of behaviour as a

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primary source of information (Hammersley & Atkinson, 2007). Ethnographic results were

then communicated with creative non-fiction, which allowed empirical data to be showcased

with emotionally vibrant narratives (Smith et al., 2015). The ethnographer was a clinical

exercise instructor who shared a common cultural background with the CR staff, and had 10

years of experience working within rehabilitative settings. Employed by the organization, the

ethnographer had an insider status, adopting the role of participant-observer, in which they

directly worked alongside staff and patients. An insider status presented challenges for

making the ‘familiar’ ‘unfamiliar’. That is, the researcher’s familiarity with the setting

presented challenges to observing the underlying social structures and psychology on which

the CR culture lived. The researcher abandoned the natural attitude that takes social

conventions and everyday behavior for granted as normal or obvious, observing social scenes

from a strange and new position (see Gobo, 2011). The researcher participated in the social

life of the actors observed, while at the same time maintaining sufficient cognitive distance to

balance involvement and detachment. Despite some of the challenges inherent with an

insider status, good working relations and rapport with staff, volunteers, and patients afforded

the ethnographer access to situations and conversations, perhaps not available for someone

considered an ‘outsider’ (see Hammersley & Atkinson, 2007). In line with the philosophical

underpinnings of the current study, the ethnographer’s beliefs and experiences in

rehabilitation guided behavioural interpretations and analyses (Smith et al., 2015). The study

was approved by the National Health Service Health Research Authority.

Participants and cardiac rehabilitation setting

The study was undertaken for 12 months (2017-2018) in a CR service which

functioned as one of several sites operating across a regional hospital Trust in England. This

service was selected as they had received certification by the BACPR and the NACR, which

determined whether the service had met minimum national standards. The CR service took

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place every Monday and Wednesday evening, 17.30 – 20.00, and consisted of an hour group

exercise session, followed by 45 minutes for pre-assessments with newly referred patients.

The service had been running for 15 years, led by a specialist cardiac nurse, and supported by

a physiotherapist, a second cardiac nurse and a clinical exercise instructor, as well as 6

volunteers. Patients referred to the service generally had acute coronary syndrome (e.g.,

angina, myocardial infarction), heart failure, arrhythmia, or valve replacements, and often

had co-morbidities, such as diabetes mellitus, stroke, respiratory disease, and osteoarthritis.

Data collection

The research began with a broad question, examining the emotions experienced

during CR, and the way in which staff and patients regulated emotions. A period of 2 months

for familiarisation was completed to immerse the researcher within the research process,

allowing the ethnographer to engage the social setting steadily and with critical reflexivity

(see Hammersley & Atkinson, 2007). As the research developed, formative thoughts about

issues of importance relating to emotions and regulation strategies were focussed on,

facilitating an iterative process between data collection, analysis, and interpretation (Silk,

2005).

Three main methods were used to collect data, including participant observation (225

hours), informal and formal interviews, and a reflexive diary. Participant observation

involved 90 visits to the CR sessions over a period of 12 months with each visit lasting 2 ½

hours. The ethnographer observed the set-up of the gym, arrival of patients, patient

conversations pre-exercise, exercise circuits, post-exercise assessments, patient pre-

assessments, and closing/tidying of the gym. Participant observation data comprised field

notes recorded after each CR session. Participant observations allowed verbal and non-verbal

behaviour to be captured, providing a moving picture of patient’s journeys through CR,

exploring how cardiac conditions, and how emotions unfolded over time and influenced daily

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life from a rehabilitation perspective (lens). Casual conversations with participants were also

recorded within the field notes to supplement observational records and analyses. In line with

the philosophical underpinnings of this study, the ethnographer’s experiences as a clinical

exercise instructor and previous knowledge of emotion theory and concepts influenced the

interpretation of observations. Therefore, alongside field notes, the first author also kept a

reflexive diary recording their own experiences and feelings as an instructor which could

have informed the development of the data, and the interaction between their roles as a

researcher and participant-observer. A reflexive diary was especially important to consider

the first author’s position in data collection and interpretation and how the first author’s own

emotions, experiences and assumptions might have influenced the study (Gilmore & Kenny,

2015). The field notes and reflexive diary consisted a total of 133 pages of single-spaced text.

Interviewing began once themes in the observation data developed. Numerous

informal interviews and conversations took place over the course of the ethnography. To

supplement these interactions 10 formal interviews were conducted to further elucidate the

lived experiences of several key actors within the CR context. The sampling was purposeful,

interviewing patients (n = 4), staff (n = 3) and volunteers (n = 3) to explore interesting ideas

in the data and ceasing sampling when no further new themes were interpreted in the data

(i.e., saturation). Specifically, saturation was reached when the ethnographer gathered data to

the point of diminishing returns, when nothing new was being added (Bowen, 2008).

Interviews allowed the researcher to gain different perceptions, and gave meanings to

observations. Interviews included unstructured interviews (to gain descriptive information),

and semi-structured interviews (to probe and gain richer information) around the topics of

emotion and emotion regulation and participant’s experiences within CR. A three-part guide

was used for semi-structured interviews, the first section was designed to elucidate the

participants background story (e.g., “could you describe your cardiac event?”), the second

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section aimed to explore participant’s emotional experiences and regulation patterns (e.g.,

“could you describe your emotional journey from your event until now?”), and the third

section explored participants experiences in the CR setting (e.g., “how would you describe

the atmosphere at CR?”). The guide was adapted for each participant, and over the course of

the ethnography, developing questions to give meaning to specific observations. The mean

duration of interviews was 42.86 minutes (SD = 16.67). Participant interviews included 2

female cardiac nurses (aged 34 and 58; Black African and Caucasian), 1 female

physiotherapist (age 29, Caucasian), 2 male patients (aged 46 and 59, Caucasian), 2 female

patients (aged 59 and 70, Caucasian), 2 female volunteers (aged 72 and 82, Caucasian), and 1

male volunteer (age 68, Caucasian).

Data analysis and representation

The data were analysed in two separate stages. The first stage used thematic analysis

to provide ongoing critical reflections of field notes, reflexive diaries, and interview

transcripts. Thematic analysis allowed for the development of patterns (themes) in the data

(Braun & Clarke, 2006), providing insight into staff and patient experiences within CR, and

their associated emotions. Following Braun and Clarke’s (2006) guidance for thematic

analysis, the data were organised into codes, first-level and second-level sub-themes, and

overarching themes. As a result of this process, the first author, with reflexive and discursive

help from the research team, discovered the “what's”, (i.e., the themes), the “how's” (i.e., the

“enacting” of emotion regulation) and “why's” (i.e., the effects of emotions on health

behaviours) of the participant accounts (Cavallerio, Wadey, & Wagstaff, 2016). Once themes

in the data were developed and critically reviewed within the research team, a creative

analytical process (CAP) was adopted to represent the ethnographic data (see Smith &

Sparkes, 2009).

Using ethnographic creative non-fiction (Smith, McGannon, & Williams, 2015), the

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empirical evidence developed through thematic analysis was used to fashion non-fictional

stories that were grounded in real events and peoples’ lived experiences. Techniques of

fiction were adopted for its emotional vibrancy and to represent qualitative findings in a way

that could translate to multiple audiences (e.g., Smith, 2013). Firstly, the ethnographer acted

as a ‘story analyst’, using thematic analyses to theoretically interpret empirical data, and

consider practical points for each narrative that could represent and show the complex

relationships, emotions, and behaviours in CR. Compelling quotations and observations for

each theme were selected to enable the development of narratives (e.g., Hings, Wagstaff,

Anderson, Gilmore, & Thelwell, 2018). Next, the ethnographer took on a ‘story teller’ role,

re-casting the data to produce narratives steered by Smith and colleagues (2015) ethnographic

creative non-fiction guide. Specifically, when developing the narratives, the ethnographer

considered delivering a vivid description of events and emotions through rich creative

writing, using words to evoke and vividly reveal lived meanings, and using dialogue to

present emotional vibrancy through conversations. The author sought truthfulness in the

development of narratives by being faithful to the experiences and the emotions described in

the empirical data (i.e., field notes, reflexive diaries, interviews), and aimed to evoke a sense

of embodiment by detailing the characters’ body in motion in an emotionally expressive

manner. Each narrative included important complex characters informed by key findings in

the thematic analysis to meet the purpose of the study (i.e., an exploration of emotions and

emotion regulation). A cohesive plot was developed, connecting points across time, and

considering where and when to locate people in the CR setting. The narratives drew on felt

experiences and listened to the many voices heard throughout the ethnography, including

direct quotations from interviews. Each narrative was edited and revised with reflexive

support from the research team. Following this process, three composite narratives were

produced to represent the data through providing a mix of experiences amalgamated into a

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single account (see Spalding & Phillips, 2007). On completion, these narratives were shown

to participants to ensure they resonated with their experiences in CR, providing member

reflections (see Appendix).

To judge the quality of the study, the researcher considered guidelines underpinned by

the epistemological and ontological assumptions of the current qualitative research,

highlighting the authenticity of the work rather than positivistic assumptions of validity and

reliability (see Smith & McGannon, 2018). Following guidelines from Sparkes and Douglas’

(2007), and Smith et al. (2015), whether the narratives the rigor of the ethnographic creative

non-fiction was judged by whether the narratives: 1) provided the reader with a meaningful

expression of reality and a sincere picture of the CR experience, 2) were plausible and

credible in the way they were presented, 3) showed empathy and respect for all participants,

4) advanced understanding of emotions in CR, 5) had aesthetic merit, and 6) resonated with

the readers’ experience, and in turn, stimulated dialogue and reflection and a meaningful

contribution to research and practice.

Results

The narratives that follow reflect the participants’ stories and experiences in the

cardiac referral service. The narratives showcase the emotional experience of the patients and

are supplemented with participants’ own voices using direct quotations.

Surviving anxiety: “I mean physically I am fine, but mentally I am struggling”.

The sweat glistened on George’s forehead. A bead trickled down his sallow face and

rested in his stubble. He glanced down nervously at his pulse rate, as he stepped slowly from

side to side. The hospital gym was busy tonight. There was a friendly buzz in the air, and a

gentle rumble of chatter, as patients shifted from one exercise to the next. But George seemed

removed from the rest of the group, like he was casting his own gloomy shadow. He was only

54, but the heart attack added an extra 20 years. He stooped and shuffled away in the corner

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of the gym and cautiously lifted his knees the least amount required to execute the exercise.

Panting. A little out of breath, very far out of his comfort zone. Every movement was careful,

considered, as if he was walking on thin ice. He glanced again at his heart rate. Transfixed by

the monitor. Obsessed with every sensation in his diminished body. Searching diligently for

vindication of his feelings, looking for the exact thing he dreaded; a spike in heart rate.

Suddenly George’s eyes widened, “130!” he shouted, panicking. In an instant, he burst out of

the corner and rushed toward the gym exit in a state of terror. His face was awash with dread,

and he breathed quickly, sliding past the other patients. The physio tried to intercept and

engage him with a caring, outstretched, hand, but George powered through and pushed out of

the exit. He was met by one of the nurses; a strong matriarch type. Seen it all. Tough exterior,

but empathetic. She stood in the doorway. George clutched his chest tightly, “look at this!”

he gasped pointing to the heart rate displayed on the monitor. The nurse calmly scanned his

wrist, then looked up into George’s horrified eyes, “it’s okay, your heart rate is fine!” But

George wasn’t convinced. His breathing had become faster and shallow. He looked pale. The

nurse read his expression and coolly led him into another room.

George sat tensely in the chair, clutching the sides with white-knuckled hands. The

nurse moved steadily and knelt next to him, lowering herself to the same height as him. His

anxiety was unmistakeable. It clung to him and spilled out into the quiet waiting room.

“Listen George, your heart rate is fine, and you are fine. Just try to relax”, the nurse placed a

warm hand on the back of his rigid knuckles. His gaze shifted and his focus came back to the

room and centred on the reassuring nurse’s eyes. The nurse smiled, and spoke softly, “tell me

what’s going on?” George shuffled uncomfortably in his seat and sighed, “It’s just after

you’ve had a heart attack and someone asks you to do an exercise, you think ‘SHIT I can’t do

that!’” he blurted with a frustrated sigh. The nurse nodded, her head turned slightly to the

side in an empathetic manner. George continued, “It’s all in the mind… you know, your

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confidence to do things.” His mouth quivered and he dropped his head, “It was such a shock.

I didn’t think it would ever happen to me. It’s still a shock.” George is a young, successful

businessman and has led an active life. “I never used to be like this; I wasn’t… an anxious

person. I have always been tip top. I watched what I ate, and I exercised. So, it has shown a

whole new side to me that I don’t like very much.” The nurse nodded in understanding. She

didn’t disrupt George, she was letting him tell his story. Letting him vent. “I haven’t forgiven

my body for letting me down and I feel very vulnerable. I am just really aware of my heart

rate and the feelings in my body. It’s scary!”

Six weeks later. A familiar smell of sweat, and antibacterial wipes wafted in the air,

as the patients filed in line to have their heart rate monitors fitted. “Brace yourself, this is

going to be cold!” a volunteer smiled as she pressed a monitor to a patient’s chest and

wrapped the strap around their back. He winced and chuckled, “you enjoy torturing us, don’t

you?!” The volunteer laughed and patted him on the back, before the patient ambled off

giggling to find a chair. The door suddenly swung open and the physio stepped over the

threshold smiling. “Evening all!” she glowed, nodding to each patient as she made her way to

the table at the front of the room. Her energy and warmth was tangible, and it swept through

the atmosphere, rippling across the room. She joined one of the nurses, flicking through and

organizing the patients’ clinical notes. “Is George in tonight?” the physio asked, holding his

paperwork up to the light, “he seems to be doing a lot better”. “Yes, and we are keeping him

on for a few extra sessions”, the nurse leant on the table, hand on hip. “He was just very

anxious, and is still very fearful of any slight changes to his body”, the nurse continued. “I

think keeping him on a bit longer will do wonders for his confidence. He just seems to need

more reassurance compared to some other patients. I don’t think he is mentally ready to leave

yet.”

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George pushed hard on the pedals. His face was flushed pink, pearly beads of sweat

shining in the artificial light. Each leg contraction looked controlled and meaningful. Looking

at him now I could visibly see a transformation; once a chaotic retracted mind, he now

appeared to be moving with a renewed determination. “George, you have really turned a

corner!” the physio grinned. “Yeah, I’m feeling good at this moment”, George panted and

slowed his cycling cadence to speak. “I just had no idea that anxiety could be so crippling. I

mean physically I am fine, but mentally I am struggling. I can’t believe how much the

anxiety changes you, even to the extent that I can actually feel tingling down my arms!” he

traced a finger down a forearm with a surprised expression. “Well you look a lot better, how

are you coping now?” the physio leaned in closer and placed a hand on the front of the bike.

“Yeah, I’m a lot better. I was petrified when I first came in. I don’t normally get scared.

Something like this changes your outlook on life. I was so apprehensive, you know, I was so

aware of my heart rate and how my body felt.”, George breathed. “It’s up here”, he pointed to

his forehead and smirked. “But I’ve learnt to control it. I just try and ignore my heart rate and

not worry because when I worry and I’m apprehensive it gets worse, it [heart rate] goes up.

So, I just think ‘STOP, it’s fine!’” The physio nodded enthusiastically, “ah cool, I’m pleased

you are coping, and you are working a lot harder in the exercises now”, she praised. George

smiled. He looked so different when he smiled. Far from the tired, sallow, shuffling person

that appeared at his first session. “My confidence has increased. I know if anything untoward

happens here I will be okay. I know that you guys have the expertise and the knowledge, so I

feel safe in this place.” He paused and slid off the bike seat, facing the physio, “I was fearful,

but now I feel like I am managing better. You know, you have a heart attack and they get you

in and put a stent in you and it happens so quick, and then you’re at home again. Then they

ask you to exercise, and you think, ‘are you CRAZY?! I’ve just had a heart attack!’ But it’s a

supportive environment here, this has been so useful.”

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George sat quietly reading his certificate proudly, ‘Congratulations on completing

cardiac rehabilitation’. He smiled. The nurse had just finished George’s final review, thus

concluding his journey through the service. His progress was visible; he had evolved from a

chaotic and tumultuous state and had found a path to composure and his new sense of

‘normal’. He added:

I wanted something positive that I could, in a safe environment, use to reinforce the

fact that I was heading in the right direction. I was getting better, and I wanted

something to show me that I would have a ‘normal’ life again. Rehab has really

helped with this, and the other people that are in here. It’s just nice to have a group of

people with a shared experience, that can have a laugh and a joke and have a chat

about the issues and what drugs you’re taking and how horrible they are!

He laughed loudly. The nurse grinned and nodded. “But I don’t feel fixed, even now I

don’t feel fixed completely because of the digestive issues I’ve got and all the side effects

from the drugs that I take; now it’s that I’m struggling with”, George’s smile dissipated, and

a frown appeared. The nurse listened, tilting her head to the side and nodding occasionally,

sufficiently. “It’s a permanent reminder that things aren’t perfect, I’m not perfect, which I

always thought I was”, George continued as he shifted in his chair. “I don’t want to be

reminded day-in, day-out that I’ve had a problem, and could still have problems in the future.

I think that’s one of the things that I struggle with. Because I don’t feel healed all the while

that I am being reminded.” There was a moment of silence, the nurse leant forward, “and how

are you coping with these feelings?” George shrugged, “a lot better. It’s the fear of dying, but

I visualise my fear now. I give it a name, a colour, a shape, and then visualise putting it in a

box.” The nurse bowed her head in understanding. Despite George’s recovery he appeared to

be left scarred by the traumatic experience of his cardiac event. The nurse seemed to pick up

on this, she was like a weathervane, sensing a storm of emotions. Her posture and manner

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changed, she adapted to support the patient. She was calm and compassionate, but also

knowledgeable and strong; someone to lean on. George continued, “I’ve learnt how to control

it. I understand that fear is there for a reason, it’s the reason I got blue lighted into hospital,

and for a good reason, it allowed me to seek treatment. I just didn’t know how to control it

and manage it so that it wasn’t detrimental to my health. It got to the point where my anxiety

wasn’t saving me anymore; it was actually putting me in a dark place – not killing me, but

definitely stopping me live”, he shared. “But I am learning to accept my new ‘normal’, and I

am more positive about the future”, he stated with passion, and punched his fist into his hand

with a grin.

Putting on a brave face: “I think feeling ill is an indication of weakness. It’s like the

runt in a litter of dogs, and the weak one doesn’t survive”.

The nurse flicked through the patient’s paperwork, tracing her finger under each

word, ‘Anterior STEMI, CABG. No complications.’ She looked up from the clinical notes and

smiled at the balding man sat opposite. He shifted uncomfortably in his chair and coughed.

“Hello Mr Taylor, I’m Catherine one of the cardiac nurses, is it okay if I call you by your first

name?”, the nurse relaxed back into her seat and crossed her legs, smiling warmly. Derek

nodded, grunting a quiet and abrupt, “yes”. His face looked ashen and sickly. He squinted

and looked away. “Okay, so you had a coronary artery bypass graft about 6 weeks ago, how

is everything going? How are you?” Catherine beamed. Derek’s mouth was set in a hard, thin

line. He nodded again and mumbled, “yeah, okay.” The nurse paused, waiting for any

elaboration. But the patient sat sternly, his despondent expression unmoving. “So, do you

have a good understanding of what happened in hospital, or would you like me to go over

anything?” she asked, re-crossing her legs and scribbling Derek’s name on top of a clinical

card, ready to take notes. Derek shuffled uneasily, “No, I know. I had a heart attack”, he said

bluntly, his arms crossed securely across his chest. “And how are you feeling?”, the nurse

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probed again. “Yeah, fine”, he reiterated, a bit louder this time with a slightly aggressive

undertone. “And you are not experiencing any symptoms, like chest tightness?” Catherine

confirmed, still smiling warmly despite Derek’s cutting remarks. “Really, I’m fine. No pains

or anything”, his eyebrows furrowed, and his mouth twitched. The nurse radiated calm

kindness, but this didn’t break through Derek’s icy demeanour. She could see the cracks of

emotion forming in the lines of his face, but Derek attempted to retain a poker face barrier, he

didn’t want to give anything away. Catherine sighed, and moved on to talking about the

cardiac rehab sessions.

Later. “God that was hard work!” Catherine shared, a sense of relief that Derek’s first

assessment was over. The other nurse smiled and clapped her on the back, “a bit difficult was

he?” she mused. “He was just so closed! He seemed almost rude and aggressive, he had such

a bad attitude. But I think it’s really because of his insecurities and his fear; you know people

don’t know what to expect. He’s probably got a lot on his mind. I could see him trying to

hold back tears at one point”, Catherine explained. The other nurse uttered a barely audible

“ahum?”, giving her full attention. “But no matter how hard I tried to get him to open-up and

talk to me, he just sat there and was really blunt. I felt like he had a lot he needed to get off

his chest, but he just bottled it up.” Catherine grabbed his clinical card and scribbled a note

on the back, ‘anxious/depressed?’ “I think we will need to keep an eye on him”, Catherine

suggested. “I wonder if he is in denial?” she continued. “I see it quite a lot; it’s like the

grieving process after a heart attack. At the beginning they’re often in denial - ‘this hasn’t

happened to me’ - and then they start going through the whole, ‘I can accept it’ stage, and

then they’re sad about it, and then they come to the, ‘I have to deal with it’ stage.” The other

nurse sighed and looked to the ceiling, thinking, “yeah could be. But he also seems quite like

some of the other guys we’ve seen here, you know the ones that have difficulty with like a

change of roles or identity in the household. You know, they are used to being the strong

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alpha male figure and then they become ill and have to take things easy in their recovery and

perhaps stay off work for a bit, so their role changes.” Catherine transferred her weight to the

other foot and stroked her chin, “yeah, and I had a guy in CCU [coronary care unit] and the

thing that really stood out for me was the fact that he felt like everyone knew what had

happened to him; he thought people he passed in the street were thinking ‘well, he’s had a

heart attack’. He felt like he had a label on him, and he felt uncomfortable about that,”

Catherine reminisced. “So, I just tried to talk to him and go through the psychological issues

associated with having an MI [myocardial infarction] and how to deal with it. And he didn’t

need any referral or anything, but I think just talking about it and just allowing him the space

to freely talk about how he was feeling and listening to other people’s experiences. But this

guy tonight wouldn’t talk!”

Four weeks later. The volunteer paced quietly into the gym and stood reassuringly at

the end of the line of patients. They were all doing slow toe taps in front, warming up before

the circuits. The physio stood tall in front, directing their movements. Everyone was

surprisingly synchronised. “And now we will move into toe taps out to the side, starting to

bring in the dancing moves!” the physio gleamed. The volunteer, June, suddenly erupted into

a jig, flinging her hands from side to side. The room broke into laughter. June had been

through cardiac rehab herself and wanted to give something back to the service. She smiled

broadly, and started chatting quietly to the patient next to her, reassuring and making them

feel welcome. At the other end of the line stood Derek. This was his second session, but he

was still very quiet and withdrawn. Tentatively copying the physio, he peered nervously

down to his feet. His face was sunken and glum. Throughout his first session he had avoided

eye contact and remained silent, dodging conversation with any of the other patients. His

relentless scowl didn’t help; it pushed people away, like he was surrounded with his own

personal barbed wire fence. The nurse attempted to breach the barrier, “Derek, hello, we

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haven’t seen you for a while?” It had been about 4 weeks since his first session. “I’ve been in

hospital again; I’ve been crap!” he announced. The nurse stepped back, slightly surprised that

Derek had said more than a grunt. He stepped from side to side and looked at the wall, as if

trying to compose himself in preparation to speak, “well I had a bad cold and then I started

getting sort of chest pains and feeling really down, so I panicked and thought it was

happening to me again. But they did a blood test and everything was fine.” The nurse nodded,

“ah I see.” Derek resumed, “then I also had numbness too, on this side”, he pointed to the top

left-hand side of his chest and grimaced. “But I’ve been to see the GP and the consultant,

they said it’s normal after being opened-up to have nerve damage and numbness”, he spoke

quickly. The nurse agreed, “yes that’s right, it’s normal to feel a bit of tingling and

numbness,” and she listened on. “They said I have probably been doing too much too soon

after my surgery. Not here, but at home; I’ve gone back too quickly to things.” Not being

able to get a word in, the nurse let him continue with his unrestrained story; he was beginning

to open up “they said I was just panicking, feeling anxious, and worried, they said I’ve got

nothing to worry about”, he repeated. “I fell in the bath, can you believe that?!... My arms are

so weak now, and I forgot, and when I went to lower myself into the bath, my arms buckled

and I smashed into the bath. Luckily, I didn’t hit my head or anything”, he grimaced. It was

as though Derek had just realized the full extent of what had happened to him. He appeared

to be struggling with his sense of self and a perceived loss of control. “Your body has been

through a lot and it’s going to take a while to fully recover”, the nurse tried to reassure him.

He cut her off rudely, “yes, yes that’s what the consultant said too, well now you know why I

haven’t been here”, and he turned to walk away, shutting down the conversation and raising

the barbed wire fence again.

The next session didn’t show any improvement in Derek’s mental state. He suddenly

burst through the door into the waiting room, extremely hurried and flustered, like a

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whirlwind of pent up chaos. Red faced, he sprawled out onto a seat, legs splayed out and

head hanging back. Concerned the nurse approached him, “you okay Derek?” He sat up and

sighed loudly, “I’m knackered. Work are being shit!” he blurted. Derek looked tired, his eyes

were squinting, and he shifted uncomfortably in his chair. “I am behind on work. They are

just shit! I have so much to do, and I feel pressured to get it done. I started early and have

only just finished with no lunch!” He appeared angry and fed up. Luckily the waiting room

was quiet with only two volunteers present, so the nurse could dedicate time to talk with

Derek. She sat next to him and said with a soothing voice, “is there any way you could have a

chat with work and get them to reduce your workload at this early stage in your recovery?”

Derek looked wired and flustered, he rummaged in a carrier bag and pulled out a drink. He

sipped it. “I’ll try but it’s just not me, I have always run that warehouse with no problem. I

think feeling ill is an indication of weakness. It’s like the runt in a litter of dogs, and the weak

one doesn’t survive. I don’t want to advertise that at work.” Alarmed he hadn’t eaten

anything all day the nurse persuaded Derek to go home, “perhaps you should give the

exercise session a miss tonight as you haven’t eaten all day?” the nurse had an air of authority

and a motherly tone. Derek averted his gaze and moved around in his chair, unable to settle.

“Okay”, he moaned, and unscrewed his water bottle taking another sip. He seemed

embarrassed, keeping his head down. Later the volunteer, June, approached the nurse, “I

think Derek’s holding back; he’s not telling you the whole story. He’s very closed.” The

nurse nodded, “yeah I think he is embarrassed to say anything.” June sighed, “yeah he’s a

man isn’t he?! Got to do the macho thing. Some get embarrassed about getting emotional.

You know, they don’t like to look soppy do they?!” she half laughed, but seemed concerned.

Catherine flicked through the clinical cards and started removing names of patients

that hadn’t attended the sessions in a while. She stopped on Derek’s card and exhaled loudly.

He hadn’t been to the sessions for a month now, and they had left a voicemail 2 weeks ago.

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Catherine picked up the phone and dialed. The phone rang, and Catherine was hopeful Derek

would pick up. This number is unavailable, please leave a message after the tone.

An inspiration: “It’s having that sense of humour and positive mind set”.

The old lady clutched her walking stick and shuffled. The wrinkles on her tired face

scrunched up as she took a slow painful step forward. Getting from the door to a seat was a

monumental effort. She winced with every step, battling against the discomfort surging

through her crippled body. Finally reaching her goal, she puffed, red faced, and crumpled

into a seated position. Her hand loosened around the stick. She grimaced and sighed. Walking

10 meters was like reaching the top of Everest. “Hello Mary, it’s lovely to see you again”, the

nurse swooped over smiling. The nurse, Sally, works in the coronary care unit (CCU) at the

hospital where Mary received treatment for an MI. Mary glanced up and managed a smile

through clenched teeth; her leg was still throbbing from the walk over. Sally sat close by and

shuffled Mary’s paperwork, preparing for the pre-assessment. Mary had an extensive cardiac

history and a range of co-morbidities. The nurse traced a finger down Mary’s past medical

history: MI x 2, PCI, CABG, type 2 diabetes mellitus, bilateral knee replacement,

osteoarthritis, transient ischaemic attack. Mary shifted uncomfortably, “I can’t believe it’s

been 6 weeks since I was in hospital”, she expressed. “I know!”, Sally mirrored, “and how

are things at this moment?” Mary exhaled heavily and her lip trembled. Her face suddenly

transformed, her feelings gushing out all at once “I’m in pain, lots of pain, and it’s like I just

don’t want to do anything. I can’t be bothered, you know, I can’t be bothered to do anything.

I can’t even be bothered to eat. I can’t sleep, and I just want to sit on the sofa.” Tears welled

up and pooled in her eyes. Sensing Mary’s distress, Sally shuffled forward and grasped her

hands warmly. Mary bowed her head and began to sob. Large tears rolled over her wrinkles

and dripped into her lap. “I’m really sorry I don’t mean to break down, but I’m just going

through a lot at this moment!” Sally patted Mary’s hands, “that’s fine, we are here to support

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you”. Mary sniffed and wiped her tears away with her sleeve, “all I do is stay in the house all

day! My blood glucose levels are all over the place, and whenever I try to move I get

shooting pains in my legs”, she paused and breathed, “and I sit there and look around the

house and there’s dust everywhere! I can see the dust over the sides and the ornaments, and I

can’t even get up and clean it. I can’t do any house work because I am too breathless”, she

explained in frustration. Sally nodded empathetically and listened. Mary had a lot of bottled

up emotions that she wanted to vent, and Sally was her selected outlet. She sat strongly

soaking up Mary’s grief, pain, and aggravation.

One month later. June, a volunteer at the cardiac rehab programme, stood listening

intently to the nurse’s instructions, “Mary is here again tonight, June are you okay to stick

with her again, just to give her extra reassurance?” The nurse directed the volunteers and

gave the staff an overview of the patients that were attending. “Yes, no problem”, June

smiled and made her way into the gym to join Mary. She was stood holding the back of a

chair slowly marching on the spot. “Good evening Mary!” the volunteer beamed. “Hello

June”, Mary panted. “How are you getting on tonight?” Mary paused for breath. “I am just

taking my time. It feels like I am changing the way I move, like I am restricted, and need to

constantly adapt the way I move to compensate for the different pains,” she lifted her knee

and winced, “It’s like someone has hijacked my body!” June nodded, “yeah I felt the same

when I was going through this. It’s like treading on egg shells after you’ve had a heart attack.

I just wasn’t sure how much I could do, you know, you don’t want to break the shells. But

coming here I found that I could do a lot more than I thought,” June shared positively. “Yeah

exactly, and I am definitely doing a lot more than I was. I’m not going to let it beat me; I

don’t want to be a cardiac cripple! Emotionally it’s very tiring, because the other pains I have

are constant. But it’s all about having a sense of humour!” Mary grinned, “having raised 4

children you learn to cope well with stress. I try to put a positive spin on things and make a

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laugh and joke of it.” June smiled and chortled, “blimey, yeah 4 children! I had trouble with

1!” Mary giggled. She had stopped marching now and was wobbling to pick up her stick.

“I’ll get that!” June swooped down and scooped it up. “You know, I didn’t realize how

miserable I was before coming here. I had to try very hard not to bite someone’s head off; my

temper became short. But I didn’t give up; I think anybody else would have given up a very

long time ago. I keep wrestling with my mind so that it doesn’t get me down. I am getting to

know myself better”, Mary explained, pausing between exercises. “Good for you, and that

determination will help so much!” June lauded. Still grasping Mary’s stick, June suddenly

broke into a Charleston dance. They both held their heads back and laughed loudly.

The following week, Katie the physio was setting up the gym for the rehab session,

when she heard a shuffling behind her. It was Mary. The taxi had dropped her off behind the

hospital, and she had just trudged up the small hill and through the back door into the gym.

“Hello Mary!” Katie smiled. “Uh”, Mary grunted, lumbering across the gym. There seemed

to be no fluidity in the way she walked. Her arms stuck to her sides and she waddled, much

like a duck. Her face was red, and she was somewhat short of breath, leaning precariously on

her stick. The physio followed her into the waiting room where she sunk into a chair and

sighed, “okay I’m ready for sprinting now!”, she joked. Katie giggled, “brilliant because we

have lots of sprinting tonight and, also, a lot of press ups!” she teased. Mary smiled and

tutted, rolling her eyes. Katie sat next to Mary, “so how are things?” They had built a strong

therapeutic relationship and it allowed their communication to flow. Trusting the physio,

Mary revealed her progress and confided in her, “I’m really enjoying myself here, it’s so

friendly. Of course, I am still in pain”, she frowned and tapped her knees, “but I think I

always will be, I’ve accepted it.” Katie nodded and hummed. “But it’s that mental frame of

mind. And I know the way I try and motivate my mind, and do things, and it’s one of try to

be positive, it’s very easy to be negative”. “Absolutely, I wish I was more like you!” Katie

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smiled. Mary laughed and clapped Katie on the back. “Well, you know, it’s all about the

atmosphere here, it’s encouraging, it’s listening, and moulding to the individual and it helps

you feel more involved and motivated”, Mary praised. She paused and sucked on her teeth.

“The recovery process after a heart attack is both very painful and quite long, um, and it has

dragged me down, it is quite demoralising”, Mary shared. “And you can sit watching the TV

and you can just burst into tears! That is eating away at me, like now with my pain, I know

that it is going to be uncomfortable, and think ‘there’s no point in going to do anything’. You

don’t want to go and intentionally hurt yourself”, she cringed. Katie nodded and listened

shuffling closer on her chair. “It’s just been a lot of closed doors, and you know it’s no good

knocking on any of them, because you don’t get answers; they are not able to do anything.

But coming here gives reassurance that this isn’t it, life isn’t over just because you’ve had a

cardiac event, you’re here to put us back together again like humpty dumpty, and pack us off

down the road to get on with life again”, Mary made gestures with her hands, moving her

fingers as if gluing pieces of shell together. “Even though I am still in pain, I am doing things

with slightly more vigour. Slightly more drive and ambition, rather than sitting back, and

thinking ‘oh this is it! Life is over for me!’ You know?”. The physio nodded her head

enthusiastically in agreement, captivated by Mary’s story. “And when I hear somebody else

here say, ‘oh well my dad had 3 bypass operations and he eventually died when he was 86!’,

it’s very motivational to me. I’m not done yet!” Mary winked.

Another exercise session was coming to an end. The physio wrapped up the cool

down, “and now take a deep breath and circle your arms to the ceiling”, she stretched up,

“and breathing out, relax”, everyone took a deep sigh letting their hands fall to their sides.

“Well done everyone!” Katie exclaimed smiling. Suddenly the nurse ran into the centre of the

room clutching a certificate. “One moment, just before you go. We have someone graduating

tonight! This lady has done extremely well and is a true inspiration, we will miss her! Please

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give a round of applause to Mary for finishing cardiac rehab and for all of her efforts!” The

room burst into applause, as the nurse handed Mary her certificate. Mary grinned and bowed

her head. Her eyes welled and she swallowed, overwhelmed by everyone’s cheering. The

clapping died down. Mary coughed and spoke softly, “Thank you so much. I’ve really

enjoyed it here, you are all like friends. As soon as you walk through that door everyone

makes you feel so welcome. It’s hard to leave!” Despite all her difficulties, and her struggling

body, Mary was still smiling.

Discussion

The aim of this study was to explore the emotions and behaviours underpinning the

interpersonal dynamics of a UK CR setting. Three composite vignettes illustrated the

emotional intensity of recovering from a cardiac event, and highlighted the value of CR to aid

patients with reskilling and emotional support. Being diagnosed with CVD elicited a range of

emotions (e.g., anxiety, shock, fear, despair) associated with preoccupations with bodily

states, social isolation, and challenges to re-learn individual identity. Rather than a ‘tick box’

‘clinical’ activity, staff provided compassionate care and fostered a positive, and encouraging

atmosphere. Essential to patient-centred care was the staff’s ability to understand others and

to subsequently tailor their own behaviours and emotions to provide the most effective

rehabilitation pathway for each patient. Nevertheless, some patients required extra

psychological support, and referral to counselling, highlighting the need for improved

streamlining of psychosocial services and expertise.

This study resonates with and extends previous ethnographic findings of recovering

and living with chronic CVD (e.g., Wheatley, 2006). In line with Wheatley’s description of

reskilling, patients appeared to transform personal identity and understand bodily states,

through a process of coping with shifting bodily symptoms and the correspondent emotions

of having heart disease. The current findings illustrated that a common source of anxiety

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following a cardiac event was the fear of a subsequent heart attack, and a preoccupation with

the body that could lead to ‘cardiophobia’. To elaborate, ‘cardiophobia’ is anxiety in relation

to feelings of vulnerability, loss of trust in the body, mysteriousness of bodily sensations, and

intensification of symptoms (see also Eifert, 1992). Consistent with Wheatley, current results

showed that some patients considered anxiety to be more central to suffering than cardiac

pathology. In response to this suffering, CR appeared to help processes of reskilling, allowing

patients to reflexively acknowledge and adapt their responses to bodily and emotional states

in an environment that enhanced patient’s embodied knowledge. Heggdal (2013) defined four

key phases to embodiment, including: 1) uncertainty (denying and escaping the sick body); 2)

losing life space (grieving and anger); 3) listening and understanding the body’s signs

(strengthening hope), and; 4) integrating embodied knowledge (new possibilities for well-

being and health). The vignettes reported here highlighted ‘bodyknowledging’ as an ongoing

process, with each patient’s perspectives fluctuating, moving in and out of Heggdal’s four

phases. Continuing symptoms (e.g., breathlessness, pain), and medicinal side effects (e.g.,

digestive issues, fatigue) persistently challenged patients’ body perceptions and,

subsequently, their emotions, emphasizing the ongoing nature of reskilling following a

cardiac event (e.g., Wheatley, 2006).

Given the range of emotions associated with cardiac disease, an integral characteristic

of the CR setting was a positive, supporting, and inclusive milieu that encouraged emotional

disclosure. Psychological adjustment to illness requires cognitive and emotional processing

of illness related thoughts and feelings (Cordova, Ruzek, Benoit & Brunet, 2003). Hence, an

environment that fostered emotional disclosure promoted the contemplation and integration

of illness thoughts and feelings to reach emotional resolution (e.g., Cullen et al., 2018).

Patients shared their illness stories with staff, volunteers and other patients, disclosing their

emotions to improve recovery and reshape their experiences of illness (see Frank, 2013).

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Several important factors and processes created a rehabilitative environment that nurtured

emotional disclosure, including authentic positive emotions, emotional intelligence, and

emotion contagion. Consistent with views in positive psychology (see Seligman &

Csikszentmihalyi, 2000) findings illustrated that positive emotions of staff and volunteers

created positive relationships that rippled through the CR setting at a collective level. Staff

and volunteers displayed authentic positive emotions, and through processes of emotion

contagion, these emotions flowed from one person to another (e.g., Troth, Lawrence, Jordan

& Ashkanasy, 2017). This positive atmosphere allowed conversations to flow, opening

dialogue between staff, patients and volunteers. Importantly, a social environment that

promotes disclosure can validate emotional expression, and subsequently support active

contemplation of illness, facilitating processing, decreasing distress, and increasing well-

being (see Lepore, 2001). Nevertheless, patients differed in their desire, comfort, needs, and

skill in talking about their illness experience.

Emotional disclosure is an interactive process, thus social constraints and certain

styles of disclosure (e.g., criticism, defensiveness, contempt, and withdrawal), can impair

cognitive-emotional processing and thwart emotional resolution (e.g., de Ridder et al., 2008).

In the presented vignettes, some patients exhibited emotional suppression, in which they

inhibited emotion expressive behaviour, hiding true felt emotions through trying to maintain

a neutral expression (see Gross, 2015). Existing literature pinpoints emotional suppression as

a maladaptive regulation strategy hindering social functioning (e.g. Butler et al., 2003),

impeding cardiac surgery recovery (Messerli-Burgy et al., 2012), and increasing emotional

distress in rehabilitative settings (e.g., Iwamitsu et al., 2005). In this study, male patients

often avoided expressing emotions compared to females, supporting previous rehabilitation

and health research indicating an association between masculinity and reduced help-seeking

behaviours (e.g., Galdas, Cheater, & Marshall, 2007), and increased stigma towards mental

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illness (e.g., O’Brien, Hart, & Hunt, 2007). During the development of our themes and

observations, we noticed that males suppressed illness-related thoughts and emotions to

protect masculinity and restore social dignity within fields of activity, including family,

friendships, and employment (e.g., Angus et al., 2018). Results indicated several maladaptive

consequences of social inhibition, including increased stress at work, poor nutrition,

overexertion, isolation, depressive symptoms and drop out from CR (see also Lepore &

Helgeson, 1998). Therefore, an important component of the reskilling process following a

cardiac event is the interpretation and interactional efforts to remake one’s social world (cf.

Wheatley, 2006). Moreover, building networks of social support in CR was integral to

promoting emotional disclosure and alleviating suffering.

In this study, a fundamental aspect promoting enhanced social support in CR was the

emotional intelligence of health professionals. Emotional intelligence refers to, the abilities to

understand and regulate one’s own emotions, and the emotions of others, and to use this

understanding to guide one’s thinking and actions (Salovey & Mayer, 1990). The interactions

depicted in the vignettes, demonstrated the staff’s abilities to pick up on patient emotions,

and adapt their behaviour in response to enhance patient care. These findings are in line with

a review by Nightingale, Spiby, Sheen and Slade (2018), who found that developing

emotional intelligence in nurses positively impacted upon physical and emotional caring

behaviours. Furthermore, emotional intelligence has been shown to increase effective

communication (e.g., Lewis, Neville & Ashkanasy, 2017), with subsequent importance in the

development of therapeutic relationships that can provide a gateway for effective care (see

Weeger & Farin, 2016). However, despite a policy for open communication in CR,

individuals with interactional difficulties, or those significantly marginalized by their illness,

might benefit from referral to counselling services, or the application of interventions in

practice, such as positive psychotherapy (e.g., Cullen et al., 2018). Nurses are often time-

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constrained and have difficulties to provide psychological care within their existing

workloads (e.g., Turner et al., 2017). Considering these resource constraints, brief

psychological interventions and referral to IAPT services might be more appealing to prevent

barriers to implementation (e.g., Fernandes, McIntyre, Coelho, Prata, & Maciel, 2017). In

accordance with current findings, a promising psychological intervention that is not labor

intensive for CR staff, could include expressive emotional writing (e.g., Zakowski, Ramati,

Morton, Johnson, & Flanigan, 2004) and the use of narrative for pedagogical value in an

applied setting (e.g., Smith & Sparkes, 2009). Future research may wish to consider the value

of illness stories and vignettes to promote patient’s emotional disclosure and enhanced

cognitive-emotional processing (de Ridder et al., 2008; Frank, 2013).

This research extends our understanding of the emotional and behavioral

underpinnings of interpersonal dynamics in a UK CR setting. Ethnographic creative non-

fiction provided in depth vignettes that highlighted the significant impact of a cardiac event

on emotional well-being, and the importance of CR to support patient’s reskilling. Several

issues were raised in this study, including: 1) the maladaptive consequences of emotion

suppression on recovery; 2) the need for a positive rehabilitative environment to promote

emotional disclosure, and; 3) the potential use of narratives to facilitate cognitive-emotional

processing and psychological adjustment to CVD.

Conclusion

In contrast to previous Chapters restricted to laboratory-based approaches, this

Chapter provided an in-depth examination of the emotions and behaviours within a

rehabilitative exercise setting from interpretive perspectives. Ethnographic creative non-

fiction produced three composite narratives that represented the emotional intensity

experienced following a cardiac event and the importance of positive rehabilitative cultures

in processing illness-related emotions and thoughts. Indeed, key findings emerging from this

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Chapter comprised the creation of an environment that facilitated emotional disclosure,

including transfer of authentic positive emotions, and emotional intelligent behaviours of

staff. Nevertheless, individuals that use maladaptive regulation strategies (e.g., suppression)

could benefit from referral to professional psychological care. Building upon these findings,

future research may wish to examine the pedagogical use of narratives for staff and patients,

to improve communication and health-related care, as well as patient’s understanding of their

illness experience.

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CHAPTER 6: General Discussion

This chapter is organised into five sections that provide: (a) a summary of the aims and key

findings of each study, (b) a critical discussion of representative design in the study of self-

control and emotion regulation, (c) an examination of the methodological and philosophical

underpinnings of the thesis, (d) the resultant practical implications from this thesis, and (e) a

conclusion that draws together the fundamental messages of the thesis.

Summary of Key Findings

Chapter 2 aimed to examine the methodological and measurement developments in

SEP journals over the last four decades. A systematic coding process was conducted on 1377

manuscripts sampled from four long-standing SEP publications. The proportion of

behavioural measures were compared with non-behavioural measures overtime, and the types

of research design and methods employed in SEP were reviewed. A key finding of this

analysis was that dependent behavioural measures used in SEP research between 1979 and

2013 represented a significantly and meaningfully (η2 = .89) lower proportion of studies

(31.01%) compared to non-behavioural measures (68.99%). Further breakdown of the non-

behaviour articles (55.69%) revealed that 39.38% were questionnaire, and 14.7% were

interview-based data. Self-report methods provided valuable data and had an important place

among a pantheon of research methods. Yet, data from this chapter indicated that researchers

should be mindful of an overreliance on such measures, especially in view of calls to enhance

behavioural measures within psychology research for the generalization of research findings

(e.g., Patterson, 2008). Collectively, the data from this chapter indicated that sport and

exercise psychologists may take a number of different approaches to designing and

implementing research, and highlighted the importance of considering this research process

to enhance the efficacy of findings. Specifically, the importance of including behavioural

measures in experimental designs that reflect the situational aspects individuals encounter

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within a naturalistic environment was acknowledged, and informed the design of subsequent

studies in this programme of research.

In response to the deficiency of requisite behavioural measures in SEP highlighted in

Chapter 2, Chapter 3 aimed to examine the impact of emotion regulation on subsequent self-

control performance using representative experimental design. Using a sequential-task

paradigm, participants were asked to display and exaggerate positive emotional expressions

in an anxiety-inducing interview task, compared to control participants who completed a non-

depletion university satisfaction questionnaire. Subsequently, the self-control of both groups

was assessed with an unsolvable puzzle task within the domain of controlling impulses.

Despite the successful manipulation of anxiety, and the increased perceived effort to

upregulate positive emotions in the experimental group, main analyses indicated that emotion

regulation did not manifest into reductions in self-control. Nevertheless, it was suggested that

improvements in positive mood following the upregulation of emotions, and the positive

association between motivation and puzzle persistence, might have moderated self-control

performance. Data in this Chapter point to an exploration of ego depletion from alternative

conceptualisations (e.g., resource allocation model of self-control; Beedie & Lane, 2012), and

with renewed consideration of adopting new experimental methods in the study of self-

control. Furthermore, this Chapter pointed to the examination of an individual’s natural

choice of emotion regulation strategies within experimental designs in future works.

Chapter 4 aimed to examine the effect of anxiety and positive priming on physically

inactive individuals’ emotion regulation, and performance during exercise. The novel use of

mixed methods in this Chapter, meant that the triangulation of data provided novel insight

into the impacts of emotions in exercise settings, whilst maintaining a focus on behavioural

measures and manipulations to improve the generalization of research results. Individuals

completed a clamped RPE treadmill test consisting of three, self-paced, 10-minute stages

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(RPE 11, RPE 14, and RPE 17) within 3 different conditions (viz. control, anxiety only, and,

anxiety with positive prime). Given the moderating impact of positive affect in Chapter 3, a

positive priming video was implemented prior to the exercise test in the anxiety with positive

prime condition. Spontaneous emotion regulation measures and sensitive psychometric

measures of affect were applied, as well as longitudinal data analyses using multilevel

modelling, and rigorous triangulation of data with in depth semi-structured interviews.

Interview data illuminated the functional role of emotion regulation and the impact of the

experimenter on participant emotions during exercise testing. Nevertheless, multilevel

modelling revealed negligible performance effects between conditions. Several important

methodological factors were highlighted in the interviews, including the questionable

effectiveness of anxiety manipulations. The ineffective manipulations underline the difficulty

in studying complex representative behaviours from the confines of the laboratory, and

indicated the potential value of research using natural social settings and epistemological

constructivism.

Chapter 5 sought to explore emotion regulation from within a natural exercise

context. Using an ethnographic approach, behaviours were observed and a penetrative insight

was provided into the social and psychological milieu of a UK cardiac rehabilitation (CR)

setting. Consequential to the nature of cardiovascular disease (CVD), patients often

experience an array of emotions and psychosocial difficulties that can adversely affect their

recovery and quality of life. This Chapter looked to the qualitative paradigm to provide rich,

in depth insight, and emotional clarity of what patients and staff undergo during everyday

activities in CR. The research began with a broad question, examining the emotions

experienced during CR, and the way in which staff and patients regulated emotions. As the

research developed, formative thoughts about issues of importance relating to emotions and

regulation strategies were focussed on, facilitating an iterative process between data

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collection, analysis, and interpretation. Four main methods were used to collect data over a

12-month period, including participant observation, interviews, reflexive diaries and field

notes. Following thematic development, ethnographic creative non-fiction was adopted to

fashion non-fictional stories grounded in real events and patient’s lived experiences. Three

composite vignettes were presented in this Chapter, illustrating the emotional intensity of

recovering from a cardiac event, and highlighting the value of CR to aid patients with

reskilling and emotional support. Several issues were raised in this Chapter, including: 1) the

maladaptive consequences of emotion suppression on recovery; 2) the need for a positive

rehabilitative environment to promote emotional disclosure, and; 3) the potential use of

narrative medicine to facilitate cognitive-emotional processing and psychological adjustment

to CVD.

Representative Design in the Study of Self-Control and Emotion Regulation

The current thesis highlighted the need to study self-control and emotion regulation

with representative research designs that effectively sample and reflect the situational

characteristics of self-regulatory processes. As discussed in Chapter 2, there has been an

overreliance on questionnaire-based data and the study of inner processes without

understanding how they relate to the control of actual behaviour. Reintroducing emotion

regulation and self-control tasks that have been sampled from a naturalistic environment in

Chapter 3 and 4 was important to effectively bridge the gap between research and practice,

connecting internal processes to behavioural outcomes (e.g., Andersen, McCullagh, &

Wilson, 2007). Social psychological methods using dyadic interaction tasks were used to

arrange conditions of experiments (Chapter 3 and 4) so that they represented emotion

regulation in a social situation (e.g., upregulation of emotions during job interviews). That is,

tasks were manipulated to represent a behaviour to which results were intended to apply (e.g.,

work-performance and exercise testing environments). Further, Chapter 5 explored emotion

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regulation through examining behaviours within a natural social setting. Previous research

examining self-control within an exercise setting have used depleting tasks based on general

psychology literature (e.g., Stroop test), and callisthenic physical tasks (e.g., handgrip

strength; press-ups) that do not generalise adequately to exercise behaviours. Reliance on

orthodox scientific methods in ego depletion, and failure to regard the unique sport and

physical activity context could lead to two divergent aspects of sport and exercise

psychology, namely academic and applied (e.g., Biddle, 2000; Martens, 1979). It is

encouraging that recent work exploring ego depletion in sport and exercise settings (e.g.,

Englert, Bertrams, Furley, & Oudejans, 2014; Englert, 2016), have acknowledged the

importance of external validity and the development of representative tasks as it is more

likely that the results from representative experimental designs will translate into requisite

behaviours, and thus, conclusions from such work will be more applicable to practice.

A caveat and limitation of enhancing external validity in the current programme of

research was challenges for internal validity. For instance, using a complex dyadic interaction

task in Chapter 3 successfully manipulated emotion regulation with representative stimuli,

yet the task introduced a wide range of interacting variables that potentially compromised

standardisation and methodological rigour (e.g., motivation, choice of regulation strategy,

emotional intelligence, self-control goals, mood). Therefore, representative tasks might be

more difficult to standardise compared to typical simplistic tasks adopted in previous studies,

such as computer-based executive functioning activities (see Hagger et al., 2016). As

discussed in Chapter 4, standardisation may be particularly challenging when using social

psychological methods to elicit emotions, especially when studying and manipulating

experimenter’s interactions with participants, which could change from person-to-person, and

from laboratory-to-laboratory. An important issue raised was the substantial influence the

experimenter had on participant emotions, and the various factors that could influence

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participant behaviours and regulation patterns (Chapter 4). Therefore, the reproducibility and

accuracy of representative emotion regulation tasks could be contingent on unpredictable

variables difficult to standardise. Researchers might label these variables erroneous,

nevertheless, the confounds that researchers might wish to control in experiments could

potentially be an important component in the processes involved. For instance, an

individual’s spontaneous choice of regulation (e.g., deep acting vs. surface acting) could alter

resource requirements and subsequent self-control performance (e.g., Wallace, Edwards,

Shull, & Finch, 2009). Hence, although there is a distinct division between representative and

systematic research designs, these experimental approaches appear to be complementary

(e.g., Dhami et al., 2004). Subsequently, hybrid experimental designs are recommended in

future works to study individuals performing meaningful tasks, alongside the control of a

multiplicity of variables (e.g., Dicks et al., 2010).

This programme of research was conducted during a period of scrutiny into the

existence of the ego depletion effect. Large pre-registered replication attempts have failed to

reproduce depletion effects (Hagger et al., 2016; Lurquin et al., 2016; Xu et al., 2014), and

recent meta-analyses have calculated poor effect sizes of effort induced ego depletion (e.g.,

Carter & McCullough, 2014; Dang, 2016a). Publication bias and questionable research

practices, including selective reporting of subgroups, and outlier rejection without statistical

support, have been considered as significant contributors to the publication of false-positive

results in this area of research (e.g., Wolff, Baumann, & Englert, 2018). The range of self-

control measures available in the literature have engendered methodological moderations,

and potentially encapsulated dissimilar underlying self-regulatory processes (Allom, Panetta,

Mullan, & Hagger, 2016; Duckworth & Kern, 2011). Notably, and in line with arguments in

the current thesis, Allom and colleagues found that self-report and behavioural measures of

self-control are unrelated, and associate diversely with health behaviours (e.g., physical

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activity). It is possible that behavioural measures assess specific self-control processes

differently. These discussions highlight the need for researchers to carefully define and report

experimental conditions in self-control research. Future research should examine ego

depletion with tasks sampled from sport, exercise, and health environments, considering the

contextual effects on emotion regulation, while being mindful of the trade-off between

internal and external validity.

Methodological and Philosophical Underpinnings

Consequential to the criticisms recently levelled against the ego depletion concept

(e.g., Carter & McCullough, 2014), scholars have called for improvements in how empirical

work studying self-control and ego depletion is conducted, and enhancement of its theoretical

development (see Friese et al., 2018). Researchers suggest finding ways to move beyond the

sequential-task paradigm that has dominated ego depletion research (e.g., Lurquin & Miyake,

2017). Indeed, it is important to consider if conclusions carry meaning beyond the laboratory

and beyond the specific conditions of one laboratory experiment to another. Therefore, a

strength of the current programme of research was the investigation of emotion regulation

and self-control from a range of research designs (e.g., between vs. within subject;

quantitative vs. qualitative; laboratory vs. field-based) to provide broad iterative perspectives

of the research aims. To this end, the following section will discuss the value of mixed

methods in the study of emotion regulation and self-control, before reflecting on the strengths

of multilevel modelling and within subject designs. Finally, the importance of conducting

self-control research from within a natural social setting will be discussed, followed by a

deliberation of the epistemological and ontological foundations of this thesis.

Mixed Methods. Mixed methods research refers to collecting, analysing, and

interpreting quantitative and qualitative data in a single study or in a series of studies that

investigate the same underlying phenomenon (Leech & Onwuegbuzie, 2009). This

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programme of research developed a novel mixed methods design to explore the underlying

processes of emotion regulation and to generate more in depth understandings of regulation

during exercise (Chapter 4). Creswell and colleagues (2011) suggested that mixed methods

designs can benefit research within health-based settings through focusing on research

questions that call for real-life contextual understandings, multi-level perspectives, and

cultural influences. Arguably, the mixed methods approach in Chapter 4 has allowed a

dialectical discovery of emotion regulation and self-control, employing rigorous quantitative

research assessing magnitude and frequency of constructs, and rigorous qualitative research

exploring the meaning and understanding of constructs (Dures, Rumsey, Morris, & Gleeson,

2010; O’Cathain, 2016). Mixed methods have been conceptualized as a third paradigm

choice that can provide informative, balanced, and practical research results (Burke Johnson,

Onwuegbuzie, & Turner, 2007; Moran, Matthews, & Kirby, 2011). The basic concept is that

integrationof quantitative and qualitative data maximized the strengths and minimized the

weaknesses of each type of data used in this thesis, and led to more meaningful conclusions

(e.g., Giacobbi, Poczwardowski, & Hager, 2005).

Ego depletion research has a close attachment to laboratory-based sequential task

designs and the adoption of mainstream psychology methods, resulting in a heavy reliance on

quantitative designs isolated from real world contexts. Arguably, such an approach cannot

adequately reflect the realities of people’s self-control related experiences within health and

exercise environments (see Crossley, 2000). The use of qualitative methods to Chapter 4 and

5 were a way of addressing questions that have remained unanswered in emotion regulation

and ego depletion literature hitherto underpinned by quantitative positivistic perspectives. For

instance, qualitative data provided comprehensive information in addition to quantitative

performance measures, including 1) an exploration of the complexity of regulation processes

in laboratory and field based settings, 2) an understanding of individual’s emotions and

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personalized responses to laboratory manipulations (i.e., anxiety and positive primes), and 3)

a consideration of the environment in which the studies took place, informing future task

manipulations in laboratory-based settings. To elaborate, qualitative data enabled a detailed

understanding of how each participant received laboratory manipulations (e.g., Chapter 4),

which led to discussions regarding the complexity and individualized nature of emotion

regulation and self-control. Therefore, the flexibility of a mixed methods approach allowed

the current research to be responsive to a range of issues, including the applicability and

standardization of self-control tasks.

Longitudinal hierarchical analysis. As described in preceding sections, self-control

and emotion regulation are influenced by numerous interwoven factors that can vary between

individuals (e.g., trait self-control, emotional intelligence abilities) and across situations (e.g.,

motivation, mood, salience of environmental cues). For instance, the relationship between

emotion regulation and ego depletion might not be a simple one – to – one direct association,

as the effects of emotion regulation are influenced by multiple fallible variables that can

change over time and across contexts (see Koole, 2009). Therefore, it is important to consider

the intra-individual and inter-individual differences in the relationship between emotion

regulation and self-control. As demonstrated in Chapter 3, typical self-control research has

utilized between subject designs comparing group averages between an experimental (ego

depleted) group and a control group using statistical analyses. A restriction of the between

group design used in Chapter 3 is the limited statistical power available, and between-subject

variation due to individual differences (e.g., Francis, Milyavskaya, Lin, & Inzlicht, 2018).

Subsequently, Chapter 4 adopted a within subject hierarchical analysis of emotion regulation

on exercise effort and performance. This type of analysis allowed modelling of time-varying

(e.g., speed, heart rate, �̇�O2) and time-invariant variables (e.g., condition), to provide an in-

depth exploration of the impact of emotion regulation and positive affect on exercise

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behaviours (e.g., Stenling, Ivarsson, & Lindwall, 2017).

To create a systematic construction of the course, causes and consequences of human

behaviour, longitudinal data analyses were adopted in Chapter 4, studying between-person

differences in within-person change (e.g., Curran, Obeidat, & Losardo, 2010). The ability to

examine within-person change is essential to test process-based theories within sport and

exercise psychology (e.g., Stenling et al., 2017). Nevertheless, a caveat of the with-in subject

design was a decreased salience of manipulations over time (Chapter 4). That is, participants

revealed that they were more anxious in the initial exercise testing session, experiencing a

perceived lack of confidence in starting exercise, uncertainties communicating with the

experimenter and the ambiguity of the exercise testing environment, compared to further

visits. Hence, the salience of manipulations appeared to decrease with exposure. In other

within-subject research, Francis et al. (2018) found that unintended fatigue and practice

effects occurred over the course of the experiment, systematically interfering with the

intended depletion effects. Consequently, scholars have recommended that depletion research

develop within-person designs without using repeated-measures (Francis et al., 2017).

Comparatively, other researchers point to the need for more field-based studies on ego

depletion, suggesting that research from a natural social setting has the potential to increase

both replicability and real-world impact (Friese et al., 2018).

Natural social settings. The difficulties encountered in Chapters 3 and 4 to

manipulate emotions and individual regulation patterns effectively, while maintaining

external validity of tasks, points to future works outside the laboratory. Prior to designing

tasks within a representative design framework it would be fruitful to first understand and

explore what ego depletion and emotion regulation “look like” in applied settings (e.g.,

Lurquin & Miyake, 2017). For instance, research on ego depletion could be broadened

outside the laboratory using archival data, experience sampling, or ecological momentary

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assessment, implementing experimental manipulations in natural social contexts (e.g., Friese

et al., 2018; Heron & Smyth, 2010). In line with discussions formulated in Chapter 2, direct

observation of behaviours could provide exercise psychologists and practitioners with rich in

depth representative relationships that could contribute to a holistic analysis of emotion

regulation and self-control, and subsequent interventions in practice. Indeed, discussions in

Chapter 5 attested to the benefits of providing in depth insight, and emotional clarity of what

individuals experience during everyday activities within a rehabilitative exercise setting.

Behavioural phenomena examining the characteristic nature of emotions and regulation were

explored with subjectivity, meaning and reflexivity in an inductive, qualitative research

approach (Chapter 5). The ethnography in Chapter 5 was conducted with theoretical

sensitivity, in which the researcher entered CR with an awareness of the area, but

importantly, without any pre-conceived notions about what might be discovered.

Consequently, despite negligible observations with regards to the characteristics of ego

depletion in Chapter 5, pertinent issues surrounding emotion regulation within rehabilitative

settings arose. Such issues included the importance of emotional disclosure, and the use of

narratives to facilitate psychological adjustment to CVD, including enhanced reskilling

processes, which will be discussed further in later sections of this Chapter (Practical

Applications).

Overall, this thesis has provided data investigating the relationship between self-

control and emotion regulation from varied research perspectives and methodologies,

providing a holistic analysis of the research aims. Nevertheless, scholars have advocated that

future research on self-control and ego depletion should focus on refining the strength energy

model and exploring alternative conceptualisations (e.g., Friese et al., 2018; Lurquin &

Miyake, 2017). Researchers such as Lurquin and Miyake (2017) have expressed concerns

with the lack of well-specified models that make unambiguous, falsifiable predictions of ego

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depletion effects, which implies that more work is needed to develop grounded theory in this

area. Moreover, Lurquin and Miyake (2017) argued that theoretical development is urgently

needed to better specify how models of ego depletion determine whether and when to

consume or conserve self-control resources (see also Inzlicht & Marcora, 2016). Effective

grounded theory of ego depletion and emotion regulation in sport and exercise psychology

will require an interplay between induction and deduction, and a consideration of micro-level

and macro-level research quality (see Strauss & Corbin, 1998; Weed, 2009). That is, scholars

need to be mindful of the research meeting its own stated goals and the way in which the

research has been conducted in terms of its internal consistency and quality as an independent

study (micro-level), and the way in which the research contributes to bodies of knowledge in

ego depletion outlets (macro-level).

Philosophical underpinnings. Ontology is a branch of philosophy that is concerned

with the nature of what exists, and what makes up reality (Blaikie, 2010). Epistemology

refers to the theory of knowledge, including the nature and source of legitimate knowledge

(Stone, 2012). Together, ontology and epistemology underpin all social theories and

methodological positions, guiding empirical research (Noonan, 2012). The foundations of

knowledge and reality varied in this thesis based upon the data and research findings

accumulated, and the realization of strengths and limitations to differing philosophical

assumptions in exploring the relationship between emotion regulation and self-control.

Chapter 3 was closely informed by ontological realism, and epistemological positivism,

which assumed reality exists independent of individuals’ perceptions of it, and that

knowledge of the world exists through direct objective measurement of phenomena (see

Blaikie, 2010). Indeed, self-control has typically been investigated through objective

measurement of performance on self-control tasks within prevalent experimental designs

underpinned by positivism (see Hagger et al., 2010a). Yet, recently, scholars have advocated

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for an improved research agenda to explore self-control from alternative research

perspectives (e.g., Friese et al., 2018), in order to advance our understanding of what

constitutes the limited resource (e.g., Sripada, Kessler, & Jonides, 2014), and to facilitate

advances in self-control theory and concepts. Indeed, given the large variability in self-

control measurements, there has been discourse relating to the truth and meaning of these

approaches (e.g., Duckworth & Kern, 2011). Subsequently, Chapter 4 and 5 used mixed

methods and ethnographic approaches, respectively, to extend knowledge in this area by

introducing interpretive assumptions. Critically, including interpretive perspectives allowed

the contextual nature of emotion regulation and self-control to emerge. The state-like

appearance of self-control and emotion regulation is a paradox to the dominant sequential-

task, positivist paradigm adopted in hitherto ego depletion literature. As discussed in Chapter

3 and 4, a transactional, functionalist view might be required to assess the relationship

between self-control and emotion regulation, taking stimuli from the social environment into

account and the psycho-social differences between individuals. Therefore, it is perhaps

unsurprising that scholars have acknowledged the benefits of exploring self-control from

varied research perspectives, calling for a wider investigation of phenomena outside of

restricted positivist paradigms (e.g., Friese et al., 2018).

As discussed in Chapter 5, interpretive perspectives might be more consistent with

emotion regulation. Assuming social reality is the product of processes by which human

beings together negotiate the meanings of actions and situations, human experience is

characterised as a process of interpretation rather than direct perception of an external

physical world (Blaikie, 2010). Challenging the traditional philosophical assumptions allied

with positivist research which has dominated sport and exercise psychology research (Weed,

2009), Chapter 5 adopted an ethnographic approach underpinned by ontological relativism

(i.e., knowledge is relative to differences in perception, and is mind-dependent) and

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epistemological constructivism (i.e., knowledge is constructed and subjective). This approach

allowed the author to have a rich, penetrative insight into the social and psychological

environment of a UK CR service and a detailed understanding of the emotions and regulation

strategies experienced by patients and staff (see Atkinson & Pugsley, 2005). Nevertheless, a

potential limitation of the research was that data was only drawn from one CR service. Still,

this limitation is, arguably, outweighed by the strengths of the ethnographic approach, which

facilitated exposure to social interactions, behaviours, and perceptions within the particular

CR culture, providing rich, holistic insight into the staff’s and patient’s views and actions

(see Reeves, Kuper & Hodges, 2008). Indeed, the rich qualitative views and critical

reflexivity adopted in Chapter 5’s ethnographic approach captured behaviours that would

have been missed if simple Likert scales, or questionnaires were utilized (see Crossley,

Nicolson, & Owens, 2001).

A further strength of Chapter 5 was the use of a creative analytical process to

represent ethnographic data (see Smith & Sparkes, 2009). Non-fictional stories were

grounded in real events and people’s lived experiences, illustrating qualitative findings with

emotional vibrancy and in a way that could translate to multiple audiences (e.g., Smith,

2013). The vignettes in Chapter 5 represented the complex relations between events, and the

patchwork of behaviours and emotions surrounding CR. Arguably, a focus on mainly

laboratory based positivistic research may be widening the division between the academic

discipline and professional activities of applied practitioners (Martens, 1979). Therefore,

Chapter 5 provided an alternative way of examining human behaviour within an exercise and

health context. Interpretive philosophical underpinnings may offer another avenue for

emotion regulation and self-control research, highlighting the contextual, and complicated

nature of psychological and social phenomena, and advancing the research base from

differing perspectives. Philosophical assumptions predetermine the sorts of questions asked

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and the range of answers that will prove acceptable, which in turn may limit the range of

policy options that will be defended by the conclusions of research (Noonan, 2012).

Consequently, some scholars have called for a pragmatist approach, encouraging acceptance

of diverse research epistemologies and methodologies in sport and exercise psychology

(Biddle, Marklund, Gilbourne, Chatzisarantis, & Sparkes, 2001; Giacobbi et al., 2005). An

integrated approach to knowledge construction in self-control research could improve

practical solutions to applied research questions, and social value (Giacobbi et al., 2005).

Practical Applications

The results from the studies presented in this thesis highlight a range of implications

and considerations for sport and exercise psychologists in practice. Contrary to predictions,

the current thesis found a negligible relationship between emotion regulation and self-control

depletion. Nevertheless, the novel mixed methods approach and introduction to interpretive

approaches have provided insight into various practical recommendations and future research

avenues concerning emotions and regulation in health-related exercise contexts. Specifically,

the impact of the experimenter on participant emotions and choice of regulatory instances

was highlighted in Chapters 3 and 4. Social exchange appeared to be more salient in altering

emotions compared to video manipulations (Chapter 4). Moreover, research in a

rehabilitative exercise environment (Chapter 5) pinpointed the effect of the social

environment on patient emotions, particularly the transfer of emotions from exercise leaders,

and the importance of creating a positive culture. Together these findings emphasise the

influence of emotion contagion and social interactions on emotions and regulation strategies,

pinpointing the need for an improved research agenda exploring applications of the EASI

model (Van Kleef, 2009) within exercise psychology and health. In addition, Chapter 5

demonstrated the importance of emotional intelligent care provision, and the potential value

of narratives as a pedagogical tool to be used in rehabilitative exercise environments.

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Subsequently, the following section will discuss the potential use of emotional intelligence

training interventions, and the prospective use of narratives as an educational intervention to

improve exercise professional’s and patient’s emotional processing and communication.

A growing area of research is concerned with enhancing positive affect to improve

uptake of exercise behaviours (e.g., Ekkekakis, 2017). Chapter 3 indicated the prospective

value of enhancing positive affect on improving self-control. Nevertheless, when the causal

effects of a positive video manipulation were investigated in the laboratory, data indicated

negligible effects (Chapter 4). Triangulating quantitative measures with interview results

revealed that individuals regulated their emotions to influence the experimenter’s opinions of

them to address concerns with social judgements and self-presentation (e.g., worries about

the experimenter’s opinions of their fitness levels). Emotions disambiguate social interaction

by providing information about the expresser's feelings, goals, motives, and intentions (Van

Kleef, 2009) and, therefore, play a regulating role, influencing behavior of the 'emoter' and

others in the social environment (e.g., Parkinson, Fischer, & Manstead, 2005). Hence, the

exchange and transfer of emotions between exercise practitioners and clients is potentially a

strong influencing factor on the uptake and adherence to exercise behaviours (e.g., Puente &

Anshel, 2010). Indeed, Chapter 5 extended this data by illustrating the impact of staff

emotions and behaviours on patient’s emotional disclosure and regulation patterns.

Therefore, practitioners should be mindful of the way in which they communicate and

display emotions. In particular, results in Chapter 5 pinpointed the importance of displaying

positive authentic emotions and developing practitioner’s emotional intelligence. Hence, it

might be fruitful for practitioners to consider employing individuals with these

communicative skill sets, and to provide specific training opportunities to support the

development of emotional intelligence.

Emotional intelligence has garnered increased research attention within sport and

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exercise psychology (see for review Laborde, Dosseville, & Allen, 2015). Not surprisingly,

emotional intelligence has been identified as critical for effective leadership, inter alia, in

sports and health settings (e.g., Lee & Chelladurai, 2018; Roth, Eldin, Padmanabhan, &

Friedman, 2018). As discussed in Chapter 5, the use of emotional intelligent behaviours in

health-based exercise environments encourages rapport and facilitates therapeutic

communication, allowing patients to disclose and express emotions, process illness related

thoughts, and, thus, improve recovery. Scholars have begun to dedicate time researching

ways to enhance positive emotions to improve motivation for physical activity through using

music, virtual reality, and videos (e.g., Karageorghis & Priest, 2012). Nevertheless, results

emanating from this thesis suggest that a significant influencing factor on individual

emotions, is the way in which we interact with other individuals, and the processes of

emotion contagion. Therefore, perhaps more effort could be spent on examining how to train

emotional intelligence in exercise settings (e.g., Mattingly & Kraiger, 2018), and the

promotion of positive exercise cultures (e.g., Wagstaff, Fletcher, & Hanton, 2012). For

instance, Laborde, Mosely, Ackermann, Mrsic, and Dosseville (2018) have proposed 13

different training activities based on a tripartite model of emotional intelligence (see also

Nelis, Quoidbach, Mikolajczak, & Hansenne, 2009), targeting five important dimensions,

including identifying, expressing, understanding, regulating, and using emotions. Such

interventions could contribute to the dissemination of emotional intelligence training in

school and University courses, which may have important further impact on caring

behaviours and the creation of positive cultures in rehabilitative exercise settings.

Considering the emotional intensity of rehabilitative exercise settings, as discussed in

Chapter 5, a further practical implication of this thesis is the use of narratives to educate

practitioners and patients, improving their awareness of the emotional issues normally

encountered in such environments. The use of narratives in research have been described as a

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credible alternative to post-positivism within sport and exercise psychology, improving the

temporal, emotional, contextual, and situated nature of individuals’ experiences (Smith,

2010). The narratives presented in Chapter 5 embrace the complexity of the psycho-social

and emotional encounters in CR, which can be a useful educational resource for both

practitioners and patients. For instance, exercise professionals can gain a critical

understanding of the social conventions that shape illness narratives, allowing practitioners a

deeper more meaningful knowledge of patient/ client perspectives (e.g., Garden, 2010). This,

in turn, can improve practitioner’s empathy, interpretation, reflection and communication

skills (Hovey & Paul, 2007). Comparatively, patients could use narratives to process illness

related thoughts, supporting a cultural reflection of their own, sometimes isolating,

experiences (e.g., Frank, 2013). Indeed, Frank (2013) suggested that narratives could be used

as a tool to reflect and interpret experiences, supporting self-reconstruction and renewal.

Subsequently, narratives might encourage emotional disclosure and healthy processing of

illness related thoughts (see Charon, 2006), which could benefit recovery and uptake of

health enhancing behaviours (e.g., physical activity).

Future research might wish to extend explorations of emotion regulation in

rehabilitative settings with alternative interpretive approaches such as narrative inquiry.

According to Smith (2010), narrative inquiry has various analytical strengths, including (1)

revealing the temporal, emotional, and contextual quality of lives and relationships, (2)

honouring the complexities of life as lived, (3) instigating personal and social change, (4)

connecting with bodies and generating a strong sense of the lived, fleshy body, (5)

illuminating the subjective worlds of individuals and groups, and (6) appreciating a person as

a unique individual with agency and as someone who is socially situated and culturally

fashioned, thereby telling us about a person or group as well as society and culture. Given

these range of benefits, narratives have been used as a pedagogical intervention following

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disability in sport (e.g., Smith & Sparkes, 2008), and as a strategy to transform traditional

health care education (e.g., Ironside, 2003; Haigh & Hardy, 2011). For instance, Scamell &

Hanley (2017) found that web-based storytelling instilled empathy into midwifery practice.

Narratives provided insight into specific client groups and communicated health messages,

improving health-related care. Recently, illness stories have been incorporated into digital

strategies as a way to meaningfully capture patient’s lived experiences, sharing their

narratives in a highly engaging manner (see Rieger et al., 2018). For example, a ‘Patient

Voices’ programme created a digital platform to give decision-makers an opportunity to

understand the needs of patients, offering a compelling and practical means of exploring

issues and experiences from different perspectives, while promoting reflection and

stimulating dialogue and debate (Pilgrims Projects Limited, 2017). Therefore, rehabilitative

exercise settings could benefit from sharing narratives, showcasing emotions and behaviours,

to provide a dialogue for reflection and an opportunity for patients’ emotional disclosure.

Conclusion

Empirical evidence presented in this thesis contributes to a widening evidence base

questioning the existence of the ego depletion effect and draws on contentious conceptual

issues and methodological critiques in the self-control literature. Using novel experimental,

mixed methods, and interpretive perspectives, the current body of work points towards the

importance of relationships, emotion contagion and interpersonal emotion-related abilities

within rehabilitative exercise settings. Representative design has provided a rich framework

to further examine the relationship between emotion regulation and self-control with

physically inactive population groups, sampling stimuli that generalizes to naturalistic

settings. Subsequently, the importance of specifically defining task constraints in ego

depletion research was highlighted. Moreover, a renewed focus on the study of emotion

regulation and self-control from within natural social settings was recommended to capture

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152

the complexity of regulatory processes during exercise. Findings from this thesis stimulate

further questions regarding the conditions under which ego depletion occurs and the impact

of intra-individual and inter-individual differences on emotion regulation effects. Adopting

new experimental approaches have provided insight into various practical recommendations

and future research avenues concerning emotions and regulation in health-related exercise

contexts. In particular, researchers might benefit by undertaking an extended examination of

emotional intelligence and emotion contagion in rehabilitative settings, and the use of

narratives as a pedagogical intervention for both patients and exercise practitioners.

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Faculty of Science University of Portsmouth St Michael’s Building White Swan Road PORTSMOUTH PO1 2DT

[email protected] 22/09/14 Science Faculty Ethics Committee Protocol Title: Effortful emotion regulation and resource depletion: Implications for cognitive

impulse control, SFEC 2014-054 Date Reviewed: 22/09/14

FAVOURABLE OPINION

Dear Ms Meredith,

Thank you for your submission for ethical review. Having completed their review, members of the Science Faculty Ethics Committee have reached a Favourable opinion of your proposed research.

Please notify the committee of any substantial amendments to the proposed procedures, send an annual report to the committee regarding study progress and a final study report once the study has concluded. Please send these to [email protected]. Thank you and the committee wishes you well with your study. Dr Chris Markham – Chair of SFEC

CC - Dr Chris Markham – Chair of SFEC Dr Jim House – Vice Chair of SFEC Holly Shawyer – Faculty Administrator Dept. members

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Samantha MeredithDepartment of Sport & Exercise Science University of Portsmouth

[email protected]

Science Faculty Ethics Committee

Science Faculty Office University of Portsmouth St Michael’s Building White Swan Road

PORTSMOUTH

PO1 2DTT: 023 9284 3379

[email protected]

24 February 2016

FAVOURABLE ETHICAL OPINIONStudy Title: The moderating impact of a positive

priming intervention on emotion related

ego depleted adults exercise performance

Reference Number: SFEC 2015-082Date Resubmitted: 4 February 2016 (received 8

February 2016)

Thank you for resubmitting your application to the Science Faculty Ethics Committee (SEFC)

for ethical review in accordance with current procedures, and for making the requested changes

followiing the first SFEC review, and for the clarifications provided.

I am pleased to inform you that SFEC was content to grant a favourable ethical opinion of the

above research on the basis described in the submitted documents listed at Annex A, and subject

to standard general conditions (See Annex B).

Please note that the favourable opinion of SFEC does not grant permission or approval to

undertake the research. Management permission or approval must be obtained from any host

organisation, including the University of Portsmouth or supervisor, prior to the start of the study.

Wishing you every success in your research

Dr Jim HouseVice-Chair Science Faculty Ethics Committee

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Obesity epidemic

It’s time to stop it’s growth

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Member Reflections

Nurse comments: “The stories were really good! They showed what it’s like here, and

are written well. I liked the three different characters you included. But in future, it would be

good if you could include some stories about other typical characters that we see, like a young

anxious lady, or some of the older less confident chaps. I think the stories would be useful to

show to our patients, to make them more aware of the emotions people normally experience.”

Patient 1 comments: “I could really tell that these stories were talking about this place. I

could relate to a lot of the stuff in the first story especially. The anxiety and getting used to the

different sensations in your body. I think the narratives are good, and reading them has actually

given me an extra boost.”

Patient 2 comments: “Thank you for the opportunity to review the narratives which I

have now completed. I have placed them into a Word .doc for you to read and chose to use if you

wish. They appear lengthy but I have tried to be clear, there are few in real terms. I hope they

don’t read as though I’ve tried to mark your assessment as that is not my intention, I have purely

tried to focus on being helpful.”

“Overall: I like the way that it is presented, written in a way that is personal, balanced

and with both subtlety and non-subtlety showing difficulties from both the patient and rehab

carer/support worker. There is one oddity between the avatar condition at the start and then

partway through which is referenced in later text; there a few other minor areas mention for

readability.”

“Avatar 1 – overall: excellent idea to show the ups and downs and end with that life isn’t

fixed purely by cardiac intervention, no matter what it is, there is a further effect which can be

chronic and life affecting but not necessarily limiting.”

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“Avatar 2 – overall: Poetic license trying to compose a non-referencing narrative has, in

my reading, caused confusing and conflicting fundamental information – review for consistency

and accuracy. However, good to show again the effects of cardiac intervention and a different

effect on personal life where work, and maybe the necessity to work to fund living, takes

priority. Nice move to leave the reader hanging wondering what actually happens next, is it

further intervention and treatment which could have been prevented?”

“Avatar 3 – overall: A narrative of someone with multiple co-morbidity and with limiting

difficulties shows a different angle on the ‘close to giving up’ to building strength and resilience

to ‘live on’. Avatar 3 is a nice way to end with an apparent happy ending.”

Volunteer comments: “Once I started reading, I couldn’t put it down! It captures this

service well. I enjoyed them. Thank you.”