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The Politics of the Gaze: Between Foucault and Merleau-PontyAuthor(s): Nick CrossleyReviewed work(s):Source: Human Studies, Vol. 16, No. 4 (1993), pp. 399-419Published by: SpringerStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20011017 .Accessed: 30/08/2012 02:22
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Human Studies 16: 399-419, 1993. ? 1993 Kluwer Academic Publishers. Printed in the Netherlands.
The politics of the gaze: Between Foucault and
Merleau-Ponty*
NICK CROSSLEY
Department of Sociological Studies, University of Sheffield, Sheffield S10, United
Kingdom
Introduction
The work of Maurice Merleau-Ponty (1908-1961) is beginning, once again, to find its way into debates in social and political theory/philosophy.1 This
resurgence of interest is indicated by the recent publication of a number of
texts which are devoted to a reappraisal of this French existentialist's major
(and minor) works (e.g., Dillon, 1991; Johnson and Smith, 1990; Kruks,
1990; Daunhauer, 1986; and Whiteside, 1989). Two common concerns
manifest, to a greater or lesser extent, within these texts. On the one hand, there is a concern to dissociate Merleau-Ponty's existential-phenomeology from the popular straw models of phenomenology and existentialism which
have been and still are attacked and repeatedly discredited in philosophical and sociological circles: e.g., Merleau-Ponty was not a philosopher of
consciousness, he was a critic of such philosophies; he did not advocate a
notion of the transcendental ego, he criticised it; he did not 'centre' the
subject in either philosophical or sociological terms, he decentred it; he was
not an individualist in either ontological or political terms; and although he
was a political humanist, he was critical of bourgeois liberal humanism in
terms of both its political-ethical implications, and in terms of its search for
the 'inner' nature or essence of humanity. His was a sophisticated humanism which does not disintegrate in the face of the en vogue anti
humanist rhetoric of the post-structuralists.
* An earlier version of this paper was presented at the Theory and Society semi? nars, University of Sheffield, England, on 7th February 1992. Thanks are due to all
participants for their helpful comments, especially Nick Stevenson. Thanks also to Maurice Roche and Mich?le Davies for their help and comments.
400
The second common theme in the above-mentioned texts is the com?
plementarity between Merleau-Ponty's work and that of the more popular thinkers and themes of contemporary theory and philosophy, and (in some
cases at least) the ability of his philosophy to surpass and add "new" insight to these contemporary themes and thinkers. Amongst the thinkers with
whom Merleau-Ponty has been critically compared and contrasted are
Foucault,2 Habermas (Levin, 1989), Derrida (Dillon, 1991; Madison, 1991;
Silverman, 1990; and Flynn, 1984), Kristeva (Silverman, 1991), Lacan
(Levin, 1991; and O'Neill, 1986), Rawls and Walzer (Whiteside, 1989). These comparative analyses are far from comprehensive. Often they only deal with one or two out of a great many possible issues. Nevertheless they serve to make the point that Merleau-Ponty's philosophy should not be
relegated to the history of "interesting but now defunct" ideas. They situate
this work in relationship to the concerns of the contemporary theory
agenda.
In this paper I rejoin these theoretical stirrings by considering the
relevance and value of Merleau-Ponty's work for a theoretical understand?
ing of the politics of the gaze, and more specifically, the Panoptic mode of
power described by Foucault (1974, 1979, 1980a) in his Discipline and
Punish, and related papers. I begin by outlining Foucault's account of the Panopticon and Panoptic
power. Then I criticise this account, pointing to its deficiencies. Finally I
show how Merleau-Ponty's philosophy allows us to overcome these
deficiencies, and how it deepens our understanding of the Panopticon and
Panopticism in the process.
During this analysis I will briefly consider Sartre's (1969: 252-302)
theorisation of "the look" and its value in terms of an understanding of
Panopticism. There are two reasons for this. In the first instance, the
relationship or possible relationship between Sartre's "look" and Foucault's
"Panopticon" has been asserted elsewhere but it has not been discussed; Jay
(1986: 190-194), for example, stresses the fundamental similarities be?
tween the two but only as an aside, whilst Kruks (1990: 187-189), again in
a brief note, suggests that Sartre's 'look' functions as a necessary supple? ment to the notion of Panopticism. I take up the idea of this possible
conceptual relationship but, contra both Jay and Kruks, I stress the fun?
damental differences and incompatibility between "the look" and "the
Panopticon". I conclude that Sartre has a minor contribution to make to our
understanding of Panopticism but that the incommensurability of his "look"
with the concept of the Panopticon precludes any possibility of mutual
reinforcement or synthesis between the concepts. The second reason for
discussing Sartre's "look" is that it was both a starting place and a target of
criticism in Merleau-Ponty's understanding of gaze politics. In this respect
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it has contextual relevance.
Foucault and the Panopticon
One of the central themes of Foucault's Discipline and Punish is the
historical reversal of what he calls the orders of 'visibility and invisibility' within the operation of penal power. The use of the terms "visible" and
"invisible" in this and other of Foucault's texts (e.g., 1970, 1973) is
interesting in terms of this paper because it is these terms which Merleau
Ponty (1968a) uses to denote the conditions pertaining to vision in his later
philosophical analysis of the issue. Merleau-Ponty (1968a) rejects the term
"perception" because of its connotation of consciousness, and he replaces the term with the terms "the visible" and "the invisible". Given that
Foucault was a student of Merleau-Ponty and that he too was concerned to
challenge the philosophy of consciousness, one might speculate that his
frequent use of these terms constitutes a deliberate theoretical appropria? tion. But this is just speculation. Suffice it to say that for Foucault, as for
Merleau-Ponty, 'the visible' or the order of visibility is what is seen, and
the invisible is the processes and the practices involved in the making' visible of the visible which are not themselves visible. This definition will
be clarified through a consideration of the historical reversal of the orders
of visibility and invisibility, to which I have just referred.
In the ancient regime, Foucault notes, power functioned through its
visibility. The operation of power constituted a spectacle to be observed by the largely anonymous and (individually) invisible masses. Ceremonies of
public execution and torture provide the proof and the illustration of this.
Such ceremonies, Foucault notes, effect a power relation through the fear
which their spectacular displays instil into the observing but unobserved
masses. The immediate victims of such ceremonies (i.e., the tortured and
executed) are, of course, made visible in this process; but, according to
Foucault, their visibility is only instrumental to the process of making power visible. Moreover, when they are not being used to display the
excesses of power, these victims are (literally) hidden away. A dark and
secluded dungeon secures their invisibility. This ordering of the visible and the invisible, within the power relation,
no longer holds in the modern era according to Foucault - or at least not in
relationship to penal power. In the modern era it is power which is invisible
and anonymous, and it is those who are subjected to it who are visible.
Power functions, in part, by making people visible. It involves a complex ensemble of practices which individualise persons and which constitute
those individuals within a field of visibility, such that they can be observed
402
and kept under surveillance.
The functional value of such surveillance, within modern power com?
plexes, is by no means unified or homogenous according to Foucault's
analysis however. Surveillance techniques are identified as having at least
four functions in Discipline and Punish. In the first instance, they effect a
certainty of capture and punishment amongst potential deviants and are
thereby instrumental in achieving what we might term, a deterrent effect.
Secondly, they service the observational exigencies effected by the
"correctional techniques" which Foucault discusses in Discipline and
Punish: i.e., correctional techniques, if they are to work, require a careful
and meticulous observation and examination of subjects, and surveillance
techniques provide for this. Thirdly (and particularly in the form of examina?
tion techniques) they provide a basis for the creation of knowledge about
human subjects. Finally, Foucault appears to identify an intrinsic power effect within the surveillance relationship itself. This effect, which is to be
the central concern in this paper, is most directly discussed in Foucault's
description of the Panopticon. It is to this description that I will now turn.
The Panopticon is an architectural plan for a prison, which was produced in 1791 by the philosopher and prison reformer, Jeremy Bentham. Foucault
is interested in it for two reasons. In the first instance he identifies the
extent of its influence. The Panopticon was never actually built but as an
architectural plan it had considerable influence upon the architecture of late
eighteenth and early nineteenth century public buildings (Foucault, 1980a). Foucault is interested in "the Panopticon" as a historical force then. In the
second instance, Foucault understands the Panopticon as an ideal or perfect model of the surveillance relations involved in modern technologies of
penal power. In this sense the Panopticon is an important heuristic device
for understanding the modern functioning of power. It is this second
dimension of Foucault's interest with which I am concerned in this paper. At the most basic level, the Panopticon consists of a circular arrangement
of cells, all of which open onto a central v/atchtower. From this watchtower
it is possible to observe any prisoner, at any time. The lighting arrangement in the cells prevents the possibility of blind spots through which a prisoner
might render him or herself invisible to the watchtower occupant. And the
side walls of the cell make prisoners (largely) invisible to each other and
certainly prevent any straightforward communication between them.
Furthermore, the architectural arrangement of the watchtower and the use of
Venetian blinds on its windows ensures that the watchtower occupant is
invisible to the prisoner. The prisoner then is, "...seen but he does not see;
he is the object of information, never a subject in communication" (1979:
200).
Power, in this sense, is "visible but unverifiable" (ibid., p. 201). The
403
visibility of the tower and its windows informs the prisoner of the pos?
sibility that they are being watched but the blinds and structure of the tower
prevent the prisoner from ascertaining whether or not this actually is the
case. The result of this, according to Foucault, is that the prisoner ex?
periences a feeling of constant surveillance. And this is the very basis of
Panoptic power. Panoptic power is the effect achieved through the realisa?
tion that one is subjected to the gaze. It is important to stress at this point that, for Foucault, power functions
automatically in the Panopticon. Human beings are the vehicles of power relations. They do not hold it nor constitute its source. Thus, the complex
arrangement of bricks, lights and spaces, and the relays and relations of
visibility and invisibility which these effect, actually intervene into human
relations, structuring them and rendering them asymmetrical:
The Panopticon is a machine for dissociating the see/being seen dyad: in the peripheral ring, one is totally seen, without ever seeing; in the central
tower, one sees everything without ever being seen (Foucault, 1979:
202).
And the effect of this is to create a situation wherein the surveyed subjects
subjects him or herself to the power effect, through their very awareness or
knowledge of the possibility that they could be being watched:
He who is subjected to the field of visibility, and who knows it, assumes
responsibility for the constraints of power; he makes them play spon? taneously upon himself; he inscribes in himself the power relation in
which he simultaneously plays both roles; he becomes the principle of his own subjection (Foucault, 1979: 202-203).
It does not matter, in thise sense, who occupies the watchtower. It does not
matter "what motive animates him" (ibid.) Indeed the more numerous and
temporary these anonymous spectators, the greater the prisoner's "anxious awareness of being observed" (ibid.). Moreover, it does not matter if the
prisoner is actually being watched or not. Occupancy of the watchtower and
the apparition of a surveyor which this effects, alone, are sufficient to
secure the panoptic effect.
A final point which should be noted in this respect is that the watchtower
occupant, as well as being a vehicle of Panoptic power, is also subject to it.
Prisons can be subject to frequent, irregular and unannounced inspections
by an external body (this was Bentham's plan at least) and the field of
visibility effected through the architecture of the Panopticon ensures that
nothing can be hidden from any such inspector. Within minutes of her/his
arrival, an inspector could observe the whole of the prison and everything that is happening within it. Bad or cruel management, like the deviance of
404
the prisoner, has no hiding place in the Panopticon.
Foucault criticised
Foucault's analysis is open to many criticisms and objections. His sweeping and rhetorical style, for example, whilst a powerful communicative aid, often conceals an inattention to historical and logical detail. The notion of a
literal reversal in the orders of visibility and invisibility within the power
relationship, for example, is both historically and logically insustainable. It
could be argued that power in the ancient regime must have utilised the
visibility of subjects and must have involved some means of achieving this
visibility, otherwise nobody would have ever been punished because they would never be identified for deviance. The Frankpledge system would be a
possible contender for such ancient surveillance systems. Moreover, with
respect to the modern era, it could be argued on logical grounds that "the
eye of power" cannot be completely invisible because if it is then it has no
means of securing its effect: people can't be affected by it if they are not
aware of its presence. Foucault's own identification of the "visible but
unverifiable" presence of the surveyor in the Panopticon is the historical
example of this. In this sense, it would be more accurate, though undoub?
tedly less literary and less evocative, to refer to a shift in the balance of
visible-invisible relations within power practices, rather than referring to a
complete reversal.
Of more concern to me in this paper however, is Foucault's analysis of
the internal working of the Panopticon, and particularly his assertion that
the prisoner becomes "the principle of his own subjection" by making the
effects of power "play upon himself. This statement is problematic, in
relationship to Foucault's philosophy, in two respects. In the first instance there is a problem of inconsistency, incoherency and
aporia. Foucault's analysis of the Panopticon, as I will show in a moment,
presupposes the prisoner to be a subject and posits human subjectivity as
prior to and necessary for the exercise of power, when Foucault, at the time
of writing Discipline and Punish, claimed not to presuppose any substantial
notion of the subject, and in fact claimed that subjectivity could be ex?
plained in terms of the effects of power. Foucault presupposes and relies
upon that which he claims to explain then. Moreover, the subject which is
presupposed in this analysis remains fundamentally unelaborated, unex?
plained and inexplicable in terms of Foucault's philosophy. In particular, Foucault presupposes two stable aspects of subjectivity.
In the first instance he presupposes the subject as sentient and as capable of visual meaning. This point requires explanation:
-
405
The Panoptical effect, according to Foucault's analysis, is achieved, in
the first instance, through the prisoner's awareness that s/he is being watched, and this awareness is in turn achieved through the visibility of the
central watchtower and its windows. In this sense then it is presupposed that
the subject is capable of sight. Moreover, "sight", in this context, must
amount to more than a mere sense impression. It must amount to a meaning? ful experience. The prisoner must see the watchtower as a watchtower, as
'the point from which I can be seen'. Foucault effectively presupposes a
phenomenology of perception here then, and he constitutes the prisoner as
the subject of such a perceptual phenomenology. The issue of the sentient subject, the subject of visual perception, it
should be noted, is not explicitly dealt with in any of Foucault's works.
Whilst he does analyse the constitution of a new field of visibility and a
structuring of the gaze in The Birth of the Clinic (Foucault, 1973), this
analysis does not account for the possibility of sentience or meaningful vision. As Deleuze (1988: 13) notes, it simply presupposes a unitary subject of perception. Foucault's presupposition of the sentient subject in the
analysis of the Panopticon not only constitutes an incoherency in his
account then, it raises questions and issues which Foucault's philosophy is
unable to address.
In the second instance, Foucault presupposes intersubjectivity and the
subject of intersubjectivity. Again this point needs to be explained: -
In his analysis of Foucault's relationship to French "anti-ocular dis?
course", Martin Jay (1986) stresses that Foucault's "gaze" is objectifying and not intersubjective. I want to suggest that, with respect to the Panop? ticon, the reverse is in fact the case; i.e., that the Panopticon presupposes an
intersubjective rather than an objectifying gaze. This argument has two
steps. Firstly, it must be noted that the gaze which operationalises the
Panoptic effect is not the gaze of the surveyor but is, in fact, the gaze of the
surveyed. The Panopticon does not require that the prisoner is actually being looked at but only that s/he feels that s/he is, and this feeling, as I have said above, is secured through the prisoner's own perception. This does not rule out the possibility that a given prisoner, at a given moment in
time, may be objectified in the gaze of the watchtower occupant, but it rules that such objectification is neither necessary nor sufficient for the Panop? ticon to be effective.
Now if we are concerned with the gaze of the surveyed, of the prisoner, then it is clear that we cannot be dealing with an objectifying gaze. The
prisoner, to reiterate, is aware that s/he is being watched, and to be aware of this is to be aware of the presence of another subject, not of an object. If the
gaze of the prisoner were an objectifying gaze, if it constituted the watchtower ocucpant as an object, then there could be no awareness of
406
being watched because objects are not capable of watching and are not
capable of meaning. Only subjects are capable of watching and of meaning and to experience onself as 'being watched' therefore, is to experience the
existence of other subjects. It is to exist within an intersubjective relation?
ship.
Moreover, and this might properly be regarded as a third presupposition of Foucault's analysis, this intersubjective relationship must involve a clear
experiential differentiation between self and other. It does not suffice, to
secure the Panoptic effect, that the gaze of the surveyed subject is non
objectifying; to experience my-self as being watched by another is to be
capable of a distinction between self and other.
It may be objected here that my argument concerning intersubjectivity can be challenged through reference to the practical invisibility of the
watchtower occupant and the fact that s/he may not be watching or in
anyway engaging with the prisoner. To argue this would be to miss the
point however. Although the prisoner may never see the watchtower
occupant, the presence of this occupant is indicated (either truly or falsely)
through the watchtower qua WATCHtower. The watchtower is an index of
human presence. Whilst Foucault may maintain that the prisoner is "an
object of information and never a subject of communication", it is clear that
the watchtower clearly does communicate to the prisoner (if it is to be
effective). It communicates to the prisoner that s/he is under surveillance,
that s/he is an 'object of information'. Without this substructure of intersub?
jective meaning, which the Panopticon feeds off and manipulates, the
building would be nothing more than a collection of bricks. The power which is effected within it is effected precisely through the interhuman
meanings which it embodies and communicates.
As with the issue of the sentient subject, it must be noted that Foucault's
philosophy cannot provide for an explanation of the possibility of intersub?
jectivity or of the subject of intersubjectivity. Again then, his presupposi? tions are not only incoherent in terms of his philosophy, they are inex?
plicable also.
In pointing to Foucault's presuppositions of subjectivity, I am not
denying that aspects of subjectivity may be transformed, affected or
effected through Panoptic power. I have no objection to this point. Foucault
(1980a) seems to suggest, for example, that Panoptic relations may effect an
internal policing mechanism (a super ego?):
There is no need for arms, physical violence, material constraints. Just a
gaze. An inspecting gaze which each individual under its weight will end
interiorising to the point that he is his own overseer, eachindividual thus
exercising this surveillance over, and against himself (Foucault, 1980a:
155).
407
and there is no reason, in terms of my critique, why this should not be the
case. But it would have to be recognised that in describing this
'subjectification', Foucault actually presupposes the subject who can
experience an-other gaze, and who can experience it as "inspecting". In
other words, the subject whom I have just described.
To return to my first central point then, Foucault's understanding of the
Panopticon is inconsistent because it presupposes a subject when Foucault
claims not to presuppose a subject and, in fact, to explain the subject as an
effect of power. It is clear, moreover, that this presupposition constitutes an
aporia in Foucault's account: it raises the question of a subject which his
own philosophical framework cannot account for: namely, the subject of
(non-objectifying but meaningful) perception, and the subject of intersubjec?
tivity. I will return to the question of this subject shortly. Before I do so
however, the second major problem with Foucault's account of Panopticism should be discussed.
The second major problem with Foucault's analysis of the Panopticon is
that it raises but fails to answer the question of why "being looked at"
should be experienced anxiously or as controlling. Foucault's analysis of
the Panopticon quite clearly posits the "anxious awareness of being ob?
served" or "knowing" that one is subject to "the field of visibility" as the
very central principle of power. It is precisely in this way that the prisoner is said to make power play upon him/herself and thus become "the principle of his own subjection". And yet Foucault never explains why such
knowledge or awareness should have this effect. Why should knowing or
being aware that one is being looked at have a controlling effect? What is
the effect being described here? How is it achieved? Again Foucault's work
raises questions for which it does not, and perhaps cannot, provide answers.
In relationship to the question of the "weight"of the gaze, or its controll?
ing effect, Sonia Kruks (1990: 184-189) has suggested that Foucault's
analysis could be supplemented or informed by Sartre's (1969: 252-302) detailed analysis of "the look". This point should be considered.
Sartre's look
Sartre describes, quite vividly, the anxiety and tension which can be
effected through the awareness that one is being looked at. Moreover, like
Foucault, he is clear that one need not be able to see one's surveyor to be
subject to this effect. He cites the breaking of a branch or the sight of an
unobfuscated window as possible indices of human presence which could secure the effect, but it could quite easily be the Panopticon watchtower
408
which he describes. All that is important, for Sartre, is that one is presented with an indication that one is being watched.
The effect of the look is described by Sartre in terms of alienation. To
experience "the look" is to experience oneself as no longer belonging to
oneself but as belonging, as an object, in the project of the other. This
involves a change in our very structure. We are not normally objects of our
own awareness, in Sartre's view. We "do" and live our life and actions, rather than having them as objects of our thought. The look of the other
tears us away from this however. Through it we come to experience our
selves as objects of our own contemplation and awareness. We are divided
and estranged. Moreover, we are aware that our actions and experiences have a meaning and a significance, in the project of the other, which we can
neither control (at least not completely) nor necessarily have access to. We
experience our being as not belonging to us therefore. We belong, in part, in
the project of the other, as an object of his/her thought and designs. We are
possessed by the other. And we are thereby (again) estranged. Sartre finds a literary illustration and elaboration of this effect in the
novels of Kafka (1953, 1957). Kafka's novels describe and utilise this very notion of alienation. The actions and experiences of Joseph K. in The Trial, and of the Land Surveyor in The Castle, Sartre notes, have meaning for
those protagonists, but the protagonists are also aware that they are objects in the eyes of others, and that their actions have a different meaning and
different significance for these anonymous surveyors, which they them?
selves do not and cannot know. They experience their life and actions,
therefore, as not completely belonging to them. They feel estranged in
relationship to their actions and experiences because they do not understand
or know the meaning of those actions and experiences as they exist for the
anonymous other. This secures the alienation (which Kafka describes) of
the characters.
Sartre's account fills something of the gap in Foucault's work. It at least
gives a name and a more detailed description to that "anxious awareness of
being observed", which Foucault refers to but never elaborates upon. I
would therefore accept and take this name and this description as a useful
supplement to Foucault's analysis. There are problems with Sartre's
account however.
In the first instance it rests, ultimately, upon a problematic ontology. This
ontology has been the subject of much critique, not least by Sartre's
sometime friend and colleague, Maurice Merleau-Ponty (1962: pt. 3, ch. 3;
1968a: ch. 2; 1973: ch. 5). I do not have the space to consider these ontologi? cal problems here. One point which is important however, is that Sartre's
ontology is an anti-social ontology which reduces 'the look', and interper? sonal conflict and objectification more generally, to the basic constitution of
409
the human condition. What Sartre describes in "the look" is what he
understands to be an inevitable feature of human relations and not an effect
secured through the particularities of an interactional encounter, such as is
provided for in the Panopticon. The specificities of the Panopticon, and
indeed the machine itself, would be largely irrelevant in Sartre's terms then.
There is an incompatibility here between Sartre and Foucault because
Foucault quite clearly regards the "anxious awareness of being looked at"
as being induced by the particularities of the Panoptic mechanism: i.e., "the
dissociation of the see/being seen dyad" and consequent situation of the
prisoner as "an object of information" but never a "subject in communica?
tion". Thus whilst Sartre may provide for a better description of the Panop? tic effect, he does not allow us to understand the Panoptic mechanism.
It could of course be that Sartre is right and that the Panopticon is an
irrelevance because all human relations are estranging in any case. I will
work on the assumption, supported in Merleau-Ponty's various critiques of
him, that he is wrong, and that "the look" is secured through a specific ensemble of practices and relations, of which the Panopticon is our ex?
ample.
Merleau-Ponty and the gaze
Hitherto in this paper I have been engaged in a critique of Foucault's
account of the Panopticon. My criticisms have fallen into two categories. In
the first instance I have examined the presuppositions which Foucault's
account of the Panopticon involves. I noted that he presupposed a subject of
meaningful perception, that he presupposed a subject of intersubjectivity and communication, and that he presupposed a subject with the capability of self/other distinction (and the reciprocity of perspectives which goes with this -
i.e., recognising 'other' as subject). These presuppositions were
deemed problematic for two reasons. In the first instance, with the possible exception of the issues of self, Foucault's philosophy cannot account for
these presuppositions. It cannot elaborate upon them. In the second in?
stance, Foucault uses this subject qua prisoner, with all that this presup?
poses, to account for the operation of power, when, according to his
perspective, at the time of the analysis of the Panopticon, power is supposed to constitute and explain subjectivity. Foucault actually presupposes that
which he claims to explain therefore; he presupposes a stable subject (of sorts). Foucault is therefore logically incoherent.
The second problem of Foucault's account was that it failed to explain why being looked at should be anxiety producing, or controlling (such as he
says that it is). He is criticised here then, for not fulling exploring the
410
mechanics of Panoptic power. Sartre's theory of "the look" was examined as a possible solution to this problem but whilst his description of "the
look" was said to elaborate upon our description of the Panoptic effect in a
useful manner (one might say that it provided for a phenomenology of the
Panoptic experience), his ontology was deemed unsuitable for an analysis of the Panopticon.
In this section I will show how Maurice Merleau-Ponty's existential
phenomenology allows us to overcome the problems of Foucault's account,
and thus strengthen and deepen our understanding of Panopticism. As a
brief prefatory remark here, it should be noted that Merleau-Ponty's
analysis of the gaze was not conducted in terms of the Panopticon, nor do
his political philosophy and political sociology involve such a notion. In
fact his understanding of power is extremely weak and his politics seldom
moves beyond a consideration of basic capital-labour relations.3 I am not
arguing that Merleau-Ponty provides for a new means of political analysis then. He does not and cannot. I am arguing that his analysis might
strengthen an account that we already have: viz. that of Foucault. With this
said I will begin. That Merleau-Ponty can account for meaningful perception and the
sentient subject, for intersubjectivity and the inter subjective subject, and for
the experience of self and other, is not an issue which I can fully address
here. These are principal themes of his philosophy and I would suggest that
he deals with them adequately but a proper account of the manner in which
Merleau-Ponty understands and theorises these issues would require much
more space than I have here. A few brief points on these issues must be
made however.
Phenomenology is often charged, by Foucault (1983: 196; 1980a: 117;
1980b: 176) amongst others, with positing the notion of a constituting
consciousness; and it is suggested, by Foucault in particular (e.g., 1989: 46), that we might do better to examine the practices through which
meaning and the subject are produced. In relationship to Merleau-Ponty, this criticism is misdirected and the accompanying corrective amounts to
"teaching your grandmother how to suck eggs". Merleau-Ponty does not
presuppose a constituting consciousness in any of his analyses (e.g., of
perception, of linguistic meaning etc.), nor does he presuppose a transcen?
dental ego/subject or a Cartesian consciousness/subject. In his early work
(1962) he criticises the philosophy of consciousness and surpasses it,
although he maintains some of its language, and in his later work (1968a) he radicalises his project, deepens it, and rejects the very language of the
philosophy of consciousness (n.b. the above dates indicate the English
publication4). There is sentience, i.e., there is vision, touch etc., according to Merleau-Ponty but such sentience does not amount to a substantive
411
notion of consciousness and neither does it presupose or involve either
thought or a thinking subject. In particular, any notionof a mind/body dualism is rejected. Sentience is identified as a property of the body (qua
"flesh"5). The body consists in reversibilities of sensible-sentience; it sees
and can be seen, touches and can be touched, hears and can be heard etc.
Moreover, Merleau-Ponty is keen to stress that perception is effected
through habituated body practices. It is a socio-cultural practice. It is
"done".
The result of the practices of perception, for Merleau-Ponty, is visual
meaning and a subject of perception. The subject of perception does not
predate perception but is effected through it. This subject's perception does
not amount to thought or "thought about perception", however, and it
involves neither objectification nor the cogito. Perception is a realisation of
the visible. It is a separation (?cart) or opening within Being, which effects
a seer and a seen. The subject of perception, who is effected through
perception, is haunted by an anonymous visual meaning but this meaning is
'physiognomic'. It is not a reflective or thought-out meaning. It is only
through linguistic praxis (or practices) that a subject of thought may be
grafted to this experience - and this subject of thought, in turn, must be
distinguished from an experience of self, since the language of young children indicates that they do not distinguish between self and other
(Merleau-Ponty, 1979). This account of perception provides for the first stage of Merleau
Ponty's understanding of intersubjectivity. The most fundamental level of
our encounter with others, for Merleau-Ponty is perceptual. And his
rejection of the notion of perception as objectifying, as thought, or as
thought of perception, precludes the possibility that the primordial en?
counter can consist in alterity being objectified or in its being in some way reducible to thought. Perception is an opening and thus myself and the other
open onto each other and onto the same world. Each of us is, in relation to
the other, a visible-seer, audible-listener, tangible-toucher. Merleau-Ponty (1968a) refers to this relationship as "intercorporeal" or (1964: 159-181) as
"carnal intersubjectivity". This carnal bond, the sensible-sentient reversibility which holds between
subjects, affords access to the other. When one sees the other, in Merleau
Ponty's terms, one sees meaningful behaviour. And this meaningful behaviour is, in effect, access to the other, it is important to stress here that the carnal bond is not, in Merleau-Ponty's terms, a front behind which
minds (or "true" subjects) might be lurking. He quite explicitly (1962: 352) rejects the notion that 'access' to the other is achieved by analogy for
example: i.e., he rejects the notion that I am a mind with a body and that on
the basis of seeing bodies which look and act like mine I assume that they
412
too must contain minds. Two points distance Merleau-Ponty from this view.
In the first instance, by his rejection of a distinction between body and
mind, Merleau-Ponty does not accept that behaviour is an outer
representation of an inner state. He maintains that behaviour is what we are, it is subjectivity:
We must reject the prejudice which makes "inner realities" out of love, hate or anger, leaving them accessible to one single witness: the person who feels them. Anger, shame, hate and love are not psychic facts hidden at the bottom of another's consciousness: they are types of behaviour or
styles of conduct which are visible from the outside. They exist on this face or in those gestures, not hidden behind them. Psychology did ot
begin to develop until the day it gave up the distinction between mind and body... (Merleau-Ponty, 1971: 52-53).
The comparison here with such thinkers as Wittgenstein (1953) and Ryle
(1949) is quite apparent. But that is another issue. What is important is that
subjects have immediate access to each other (as subjects) because subjec?
tivity does not consist in inner states but rather in perceptible "styles of
conduct". The second point which Merleau-Ponty (1962) wants to make in
relationship to this issue is that the behaviour or conduct of the other effects
a (physiognomic) meaning for me. The behaviour or conduct of the other,
Merleau-Ponty maintains, is experienced (in the natural attitude) as im?
mediately meaningful, or at least it is insofar as it assumes a commonly held cultural form. One does not first experience the behaviour of the other
and then, by some secondary action, attribute meaning to it. The other is not
reduced then, ? la Descartes, to (my) thought of him/her.
The existence of language, as a public institution, is crucial for both
subjectivity and intersubjectivity in this respect. Language is an interworld, in Merleau-Ponty's terms. It consists in cultural rules and resources which
are shared by a community. And it is through participation in this inter?
world, through application of linguistic rules nad utilisation of linguistic
resources, that the thinking subject is born, and that its thoughts can be
known both to its self and to the other. Language is not simply the clothing of thought or a tool for thought, in Merleau-Ponty's (1962) philosophy.
Neither is it an external force or subject which determines thought from
without. Language is the very means, the very mode of structured praxis,
through which thought is achieved. And thought, therefore, is always 'social' in character.
Much of Merleau-Ponty's analysis of language (1971: ch. 7;
1964: 39-97) is based upon the work of Saussure. Indeed it was Merleau
Ponty who introduced the work of Saussure to the French philosophy circuit
(cf. Foucault, 1983: 198). Unlike many of the later disciples of Saussure
however, Merleau-Ponty placed considerable importance on 'parole' or
413
Speech. He understood language to be a structure, an intersubjective
structure, but, so as to avoid reification and objectification of that structure,
he stressed that it is created, recreated and modified through praxis, i.e.,
speech. Language qua structure is not a thing for Merleau-Ponty, it is a
regulated process. The speech community and speakers are of central
importance for Merleau-Ponty then. They create, recreate and modify both
themselves as thinking subjects and the structure of language as a social
institution, through their speech. It is in connection with the activity of speech, qua dialogue, that
Merleau-Ponty further develops his notion of intersubjectivity and inter
worlds. The thought of the other, as I have said, can occur to me as well as
to the other because language is the necessary means of thought. Moreover,
the speaker and the listener are both dependent upon the same source for
their access to the thought of the speaker (i.e., the spoken utterance), and as
such they may both find out "what the speaker thinks" in the same way and
at the same time. Furthermore, the thoughts of the speaker may summon
forth thoughts from the listener that s/he has never produced before (or that
"I did not know that I knew" to use a rather more mentalistic turn of
phrase). In this sense, dialogue can forge a strong inter subjective bond, an
interworld, which has a logic that is strictly irreducible to participants. And
participants can become wholly absorbed in this process.
Our perspectives merge into each other, and we exist through a common
world. In the present dialogue, I am freed from myself, for the other
persons thoughts are certainly his: they are not of my making, though I do grasp them the moment they come into being, or even anticipate them. And indeed, the objection which my interlocutor raises to what I say draws from me thought which I had no idea I possessed, so that at the same time that I lend him thoughts, he reciprocates by making me think too. It is only retrospectively, when I have withdrawn from the dialogue and am recalling it that I am able to reintegrate it into my life and make of it an episode in my private history... (1962: 254).
Such harmonious social relations are not inevitable and perhaps not even
common however. Intersubjective coexistence, and the social relations
which it involves, can be both conflictual and alienating. Merleau-Ponty
explores this possibility of conflict and alienation in two ways. In the first
instance, in his political writings (1964, 1969, 1971, 1973), he discusses the
manner in which subjects are objectified through the concrete social
relations and practices which are constitutive of capitalism and other forms
of economic-political domination. In the second instance he considers the
effect of "the look" or "the gaze". It is this second point which is of concern
in this paper.
Merleau-Ponty generally adopts Sartre's definition of the look in terms
414
of alienation, qua self-estrangement and "capture" in the perspective of the
other. His understanding of "the look" differs from that of Sartre however, and it is these differences which constitute the basis of his contribution to
the understanding of Panopticism. The problem of 'the look' and indeed the general problem of others, is
not a problem for the child, Merleau-Ponty argues (1962: 346-365; 1968b;
1979). Drawing generally upon the work of Piaget, and more specifically
upon Lacan's (1989) understanding of "the mirror stage", he notes that
others cannot be a problem for the child because children do not posit a
distinction between self and other. In terms of 'the look' then, the child can
neither feel estranged from self nor captured by the other because they do
not experience self-hood and alterity. In his various writings on this
phenomenon, Merleau-Ponty posits different 'moments' for the birth of the
possibility of self. Obviously language is important but, as I have already
noted, the egocentric language of the child suggests that young children,
qua linguistic beings, do not distinguish between self and other (cf.
Merleau-Ponty, 1979). In his most sustained and detailed consideration of
the issue however, Merleau-Ponty (1968b) posits the mirror stage as the
point of the birth of the "ideal, fictitious or imaginary me" (ibid., p. 136). Identification with the specular image of self in the mirror turns the perceiv?
ing subject back upon itself and gives it an image of self, a "fictitious me".
This concept of me, is further relationally developed, according to Merleau
Ponty, in relationship to others. But this self-other distinction prepares the
way for conflict:
... this alienation of the immediate me, its confiscation for the benefit of the me that is visible in the mirror, already outlines what will be the
"confiscation" of the subject by the others who look at him (Merleau
Ponty, 1968b: 137).
This point is perhaps the least relevant to the issue of Panopticism, and it
amounts, to some extent, to a simple reiteration of the point which I made
earlier: namely, that alienation through the gaze ("the look" or the Panop? ticon effect) is dependent upon a subject who distinguishes between self
and other. Merleau-Ponty can be seen to add to this however, by
considering the operations through which these self-other distinctions are
formed, and by linking these distinctions to the possibility of alienation
through "the look". He makes visible the prior operations through which
Panoptic power becomes a feasible possibility. Even after the mirror stage and the various other processes which
constitute the experience of self-hood however, the effect of the look is not
inevitable in Merleau-Ponty's view, and neither is it necessarily likely -
particularly if we are with those whom we know. The "moral" structure of
415
interhuman relations between subjects, in Merleau-Ponty's view, is
communicative and, as such, involves mutual recognition between subjects.
Subjects address or "hail" (as Althusser, 1976: 47), puts it) each other as
subjects: i.e., each regards the other as a communicative subject and this
regard both consists and is made available to the other in the form of verbal
and non-verbal gestures ("styles of conduct"). One does not experience the
other as inaccessible and "capturing" then.
The effect of "the look" is achieved, for Merleau-Ponty, when this
mutual recognition is not realised; when we feel that we are individuated
and objectified in the gaze of the other, when we feel that our actions and
expressions are "not taken up and understood, but observed as if they were
an insect's" (1962: 361). The look "takes the place of a possible communica?
tion" (ibid.). One party to the encounter constitutes him or herself as
"inaccessible" or as an "inhuman gaze" (ibid.). They refuse to communi?
cate, although, of course, "The refusal to communicate is still a form of
communication" (ibid.). Such refusal is a "style of conduct", it belongs to
the world of the carnal-intersubjective, the intercorporeal, not to a mythical inner world, and it is only in this way that it can communicate to the
surveyed subject that they are not being recognised as a subject but are
being constituted as an object. It is only in this way, in other words, that the
surveyed subject can experience objectification, estrangement and capture. Furthermore, the refusal to communicate, and the objectification of an?
other, according to Merleau-Ponty involves the (surveying) subject
retreating into their "thinking being" (ibid.): i.e., it involves their involve? ment in the linguistic and more specifically reflective practices of their
culture qua intersubjective interworld. The necessary caveat to this point is that for Merleau-Ponty, as for Sartre and Foucault, there is no reason why "the look" cannot be secured through an indices of human presence rather than through an actual other.
For Merleau-Ponty then, the look, despite the fact that it involves the
experience of objectification, is intersubjectively situated. It is a cultural
practice, effected in the action of a surveyor and communicated (by virtue of its visible/cultural form) to a surveyed. It is not an absence of intersubjec? tivity but a tension or knot within the intersubjective fabric. Furthermore, in contrast to Sartre, Merleau-Ponty maintains that "the look" is constituted
within the particularity of a given situation. It is not an inevitable conse?
quence of a given state of the human condition.
Merleau-Ponty and the Panopticon
In pinning the effect of the look to such specific interactional cir
416
cumstances, Merleau-Ponty provides for a more suitable understanding of
what we might call the human infrastructure of the Panopticon, than Sartre.
Merleau-Ponty's illustration and understanding of "the look", in terms of
our encounters with strangers, is admittedly a far cry from the vastness of
the Panoptic machine, which individualises and houses hundreds of
prisoners. The Panopticon alienates and controls in a Fordist mass produc? tion fashion. But the specificities of "the look", as Merleau-Ponty describes
them, accord with those described by Foucault and Merleau-Ponty allows
us to understand them. The Panopticon systematically effects and then
subverts (or knots) an intersubjective relation. It places subjects within
seeing distance (the carnal-intersubjective) but then, as Foucault notes, the
"see/being seen dyad" is dissociated by the machine (Foucault, 1979: 202). Power is effected and stabilised here because the surveyor, qua surveyor, is
constituted, in Merleau-Ponty's terms, as an "inaccessible" and at the same
time "inhuman" gaze; the blinded window of the watchtower precisely constitutes and communicates an inaccessible surveyor, and assumes an
"inhuman" form. This effects a permanent6 negation of the possibility that
the surveyed-subject can be hailed or addressed as a subject of communica?
tion, and thus secures the conditions of a sustainable alienation of that
subject. As Foucault (1979: 200) notes, the surveyed is "the object of
information, never a subject in communication".
Conclusion
Foucault describes the Panopticon as a machine. He marvels (1979, 1981) at the manner in which it secures its effects independently of human
intention or will. In this paper, whilst not denying Foucault's claim, I have
argued that there is a human infrastructure to the Panopticon which
Foucault does not and cannot account for. I have suggested that we examine
the human relations which make the Panopticon a Panopticon and not a pile of bricks. And in particular I have called attention to the perceptual and
intersubjective-intercorporeal character of these relations and this infrastruc?
ture. Such notions are, to some extent at least, inconsistent with Foucault's
philosophy. Certainly his philosophy does not and cannot provide for an
understanding of them. Furthermore, I have argued that Foucault's
philosophy cannot actually account for the "anxious awareness" which it
refers to and depends upon. In respect of these problems, I have suggested that the philosophy of Merleau-Ponty provides for a rethinking and
recasting of our understanding of Panopticism. I would also add to this that
in facilitating a deepening and extension of our understanding of Panop?
ticism, Merleau-Ponty's philosophy provides for a deepening and extension
417
of our understanding of the politics of the gaze more generally.
Notes
1. My observations are limited to the field of Anglo-American publications. The
Belgian philosopher, Rudi Viskar, made similar observations with regard to
continental Europe however, at a recent seminar series (on the work of
Foucault and Merleau-Ponty), held in the department of philosophy at the
University of Essex, England. 2. My own present work concerns a comparative analysis of the work of Foucault
and Merleau-Ponty on the issue of "politics and subjectivity". Other brief
comparisons can be found in the following publications: Levin (1989, 1991), Kruks (1990), Whiteside (1989), Watson (1984), and Cohen (1984).
3. See my paper Merleau-Ponty, Humanism and Post-Marxism (forthcoming) for a critical analysis of this aspect of Merleau-Ponty's political philosophy.
4. The original date of (French) publication for The Phenomenology of Percep? tion is 1945. The Visible and the Invisible was first published in France,
posthumously, in 1964. 5. Merleau-Ponty is concerned, throughout his writings, that a rejction of
mind/body dualism should not dissolve into an objectivistic reduction of the human subject qua body. The rejection of mind/body dualism, he notes, not
only calls for a rethinking of those phenomena which are conventionally understood to be "mental", it also calls for a rethinking of the body. In his later work (1968), this rethinking takes the form of a theorisation of "the flesh". This concept posits an elemental Being which is neither material or ideal but which includes the dimensions conventionally associated with both sides of this coin. The body, with its reversible aspects of sensible and sentient, is
"flesh", as is language, with its reversibility of meaning, structure, and
embodiment.
6. This situation may, of course, be subverted if the watchtower occupant were to
break down the blinds on the window and communicate to the prisoner. The effect of the Panopticon is only permanent insofar as the architectural condi? tions of the Panopticon are sustained.
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