the paper: december/january

ISSUE 1, VOLUME 1 | WINTER 2015

about

Founded in 1969, and relaunched in 2014, The Paper is a liter-ary journal of art and action. We seek to celebrate and illuminate the voices and experiences of those who have historically had their voices silenced and erased. We are published through the support of The City College of New York and our broader communities.

staff

Keevin Brown, Co-EditorKeilicia James, Co-Editor and Creative DirectorKareem Joseph, Copy EditorHabibat Shittu, General ManagerDorlimar Lebrón Malavé, Outreach Coordinator

get in touch

Visit NAC 1/118Call 212 650 5081 / 5029Email [email protected]

get involved

We accept writing and art of any genre on a rolling basis. If you are on City College campus stop by our office to discuss opportunities. Other inquires can be sent by email.

The views expressed in each piece are those of the author/artist. They do not reflect the views or policies of The City College of New

York, the City University of New York system, or their affiliates.

inside this issue

PROTECT & SERVE, by Sam LeDoyen

LETTER TO THE FIRST

A REFLECTION

RIOT, PROTEST, WE SHOULD DO IT ALL

MISSING, MURDERED, AND TRAFFICKED

SPACES AND BODIES UNDER SIEGE:A REFLECTION ON THE MSCC

FERGUSON IN PICTURES

WHERE DO WE GO FROM HERE?:A MESSAGE FOR THE MOVEMENT

COOPERATIVE ECONOMICS

HONORING OUR LEGACIES

NEW FIGHT—SAME CAUSE

MELANIN COMPLEX, COMPLEX MELANIN

FRUSTRATIONS OF AN AMBIVALENTAFRO-LATINA

TRYING TO UNDERSTAND YOUR IDENTITY: A DOMINICAN IN BLACK STUDIES

FACES OF FERGUSON

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The collective voice of the voiceless is one of the

most powerful tools for change.

Staceyann Chin

1 | DECEMBER/JANURAY

There are no Arawaks left in Ja-maica. Not a single one. There is an entire history we will never know. The history of the land I come from. A land that witnessed massacre. The history of the people who nurtured and were nurtured by that land. Then there’s the people I come from, who call that land home. People who have had their histories ripped from them, beaten out of them.

These voices. Missing. Silenced. Erased. These lost unmourned. Where do their stories go? Their culture. Their language. Their knowing and unknowing. Their gods. Themselves. How do we respond to that loss? What do we do in the face of that kind of genocide?

I ask these questions and have no real answer. I only know that si-lence will not save us. Power con-cedes nothing without a demand. I only know that refused revolutions are called riots. I only know what I’ve read. I only know what’s been written. Only what I’ve seen.

I ask only that you tell your sto-ries. Whatever they are. Whatever that looks like—write, paint, draw, dance, sing, shout, march. More importantly, create and hold space for others and their stories. That is all we can do. That is how it starts and how it continues.

Thank you. To those who have gifted us with their time and sup-port. Those who have submitted their words and images. Those who have wished us well. Those who have guided and mentored us. Those who are reading. I thank you from the very core of my be-ing. For allowing me to curate these stories. For choosing this medium to voice your frustrations, your joys, and everything in be-tween. You’ve breathed life here.

And we are always listening. And you are always welcome here. You always have a home here.

Yours in struggle,Keilicia

letter to the first

DECEMBER/JANURAY | 2

In the wake of mass resistance and protest against police brutality and systemic violence across the country I remain grounded in the belief that alternative narratives must be shared for us to better understand each other. I believe we as marginalized peoples of the African Diaspora, Women, Queer Folk, People of Color, Other-Abled et cetera play a crucial role in the transformation of a culture that is grounded in white herteronomative patriarchal privilege. A culture never intended for, never created for us.

We need to critically and existentially evaluate our roles in this season and time. We need collective transformation of institutions that perpetuate injustice against black life and the genocide of black bodies. Even more, we need trans-formation of our hearts.

This is a call to all in the Diaspora to come unite on the grounds of love (bell hooks) and draw deeper to the depths of our humanity. Let this be more than a moment.

A ReflectionWritten by Dorlimar Lebrón Malavé


Deanna Johnson, Street Photography


Although the politics of respectability seemingly promotes inclusive, positive behavior in the Black community, many Black people are opposed to it. Historically, the politics of respectability aimed to improve and uplift the Black race while adhering to mainstream America’s values. Many Blacks accepted these notions on that basis. Others criticized and dismissed these politics as it did not take into account the structural forces that inhibit the mobility of Blacks in America.

Some changes occurred because of the radical decisions and actions of Black and Latino activists fighting for liberation. Jim Crow ended because the government saw that people were becoming violent and also to main-tain and gain economic and political power. Cornell University established their Africana Studies and Research Center not because the administration believed Black students should be taught their history but because Cornell University students held the Vice President and the Vice Provost at gun-point demanding they sign a seven-point agreement supporting the Black students’ requests. The politics of respectability does not benefit Blacks regarding their justice in the United States Supreme Court. Black and Latino activists and activist groups such as Stokely Carmichael, Lolita Lebrón, Mal-colm X, the Young Lords, Fred Hampton, and Assata Shakur believe that equality is achieved through defying the laws of oppression and through aggressive acts.

Riot, Protest, We Should Do it AllWritten by Habibat Shittu


Recently in Ferguson, residents and protestors garnered national atten-tion because of their “unrespectable” behavior. If they adhered to White middle-class values of respectability, not only would Ferguson not have re-ceived national attention, the justice system would not be forced to some-what acknowledge the injustice that occurred. Blacks should not conform to the notions of respectability politics becaus they won’t save us from murder or increase our position in society. Those ideologies should not dictate the ways in which mainstream America treats Blacks. Equality and equity should be granted to Blacks regardless of seemingly “unrespectable” protests and behaviour, educational achievements, social class, or economic status.

Protestors in Ferguson should not continue to rally in their neighbor-hoods because they are being destroyed in the process. Rather, they should begin to riot and perform “unrespectable” behavior elsewhere. This will ultimately expedite the realization for mainstream America and the United States Justice System that the shooting of Mike Brown, and mur-ders of other unarmed Black men, was unjust. The sooner this happens, the sooner justice and equality will be served not only in Ferguson but throughout the United States. We have seen over the centuries that being “respectability” is not a catalyst for the change that needs to occur.


I don’t favour violence. If we could bring about recogni-

tion and respect of our peo-ple by peaceful means, well and good. Everybody would like to reach his objectives peacefully. But I’m also a realist. The only people in this country who are being asked to be non-violent are

black people.

Malcolm X


The day after the grand jury announed that there would be no charges filed against Darren Wilson, I marched. My friends and I walked to meet the main group after we’d gotten our signs from a pretty cool organiza-tion called We Will Not Be Silent (google them) in Union Square. On the way I stopped near a group of four wom-en. They were singing. Call out their names. Call out their names. Call out their names. Call out their names.

The names they called: Trayvon. Sean Bell. Michael. Amadou. Trayvon. Sean Bell. Michael. Amadou. Call out their names. Trayvon. Call out their names. Sean Bell. Call out their names. Michael. Call out their names. Amadou. Call out their names. Trayvon. Call out their names. Sean Bell. Call out their names. Michael. Call out their names. Amadou. Trayvon. Sean Bell. Michael. Amadou.

It was beautiful. I cried. For the lives lost. For the names I feel the world will too soon forget. For my broth-er, my brothers. For sons I have not yet given birth to. For women who I’d been organizing tirelessly for. For the names not called. For the lives not remebered. For the souls not mourned. I still cry.

64,000 black women and girls are missing in the Unit-ed States alone. We don’t know their names. 234 black girls were kidnapped, at once, in Nigeria and reportedly sold into marriage and slavery for $12. We don’t know their names. Black women are murdered by racist police and vigilantes who walk free. We don’t know their names.

Missing, Murdered, and TraffickedWritten by Keilicia James


Black women are at the fringes of conversation and or-ganization around state-sanctioned violence. And I get it. The tropes are black men being murdered by white men and black women being raped and beaten by white men. But there’s no outrage over that either. It wasn’t until 1959 that any white man was found guilty of raping a black woman (Betty Jean Owens—google her too), and by that time the United States had a 300 year histroy of just that. Very few people showed up and showed out for her com-pared to those who marched for our black men.

And I want the marching to continue. I want the con-versations to continue. The teach-ins, the organizing, the petitions. I also want us to call out these names.

Rekia Boyd.Aiyanna Stanley-Jones.Adaisha Miller.Darnesha Harris.Shantel Davis.Yvette Smith.Alesia Thomas.Mackala Ross.Eleanor Bumpurs.Jacqueline Culp.Robin T. WIlliams.Tyisha Miller.Miriam Carey.Pearlie Golden.Karen Day.Deshawnda Sanchez.Shulena S. Weldon.


Sharmel Edwards.Laporsha Watson.Shereese Francis.Erica Collins.Tarika Wilson.Malissa Williams.Shelly Frey.Delores Epps.Heather Parker.Kendra James.Anita Gay.

When you’re speaking out and fighting back against a world that wants you dead remember their names. Lift them up. And remember who fights hardest. Remember that The Millions March was organized by two black wom-en. Black women who are heartbroken, outraged over our black girls and know that the world is not. Black women who still march, still organize. And will continue to, as will I, with the faith that the world will grieve or used-to-be-girls as they grieve our used-to-be-boys.


Aiyana Stanley-Jones was seven years old. She was asleep in her home when she was murdered by Detroit police. May her soul

rest in peace. May we never rest.


NYPD, KKK, how many kids have you killed today?

NYC Protest Chant


On Sunday, October 20th, 2013 around 11am, the City College of New York (CUNY), situated on top of a hill in Harlem, was shutdown. This was done without warning, contradicted an email blast from the Cohen Li-brary stating that it would be open 24/7 for midterms, and students who remained inside were trapped. Public Safety officers tried to tell students sleeping over the night before to leave but were vague as to why. The North Academic Center (NAC), where the library is housed, was locked down to all; CCNY students, faculty, and New York City residents alike.

Students outside began to call their local representatives, like Ydanis Rodriguez, and news outlets such as New York 1, to let them know about the impromptu shut down and the lack of answers. As the momentum built, a CCNY alumnus and US Army Veteran, David Suker, saw that NAC suite 3/201, also known as The Guillermo Morales/Assata Shakur Community Center, was under siege. He sent the word out to everyone he knew and peacefully sat down in front of the room to ask why he was not allowed ac-cess. He was subsequently told to collect his belongings on Monday, which never happened because he was arrested, as can be seen in this video. Behind the once red doors, the contents of the space were being docu-mented, collected, and removed without notice.

For the students, community activists, and Harlem residents at large that used the small room; a mayday message was put out. A “study-in” formed until sometime after 4PM; students had put enough pressure to get access to the library. The Morales/Shakur Community Center (MSCC) was a safe space for anyone who needed it, and was used by the Black Student Union, Students for Educational Rights, the Corbin Hill Farm Share, 16 Days of Activism Against Gender Violence, and the Gender Resource Center Cam-paign.

Spaces and Bodies Under Siege: A Reflection on the MSCCWritten by Veronica Agard (2013)


Yet you won’t hear that previously mentioned list in more right-leaning outlets. You’ll only hear of the radical history of the center with regard to who it is named after, which while is important, did not and does not define what took place in that sacred space. You’ll only hear about groups that are more on the political left, such as the Spartacus Club and the Revolutionary Student Coordinating Committee (RSCC), as a means to paint the space in a more “negative” fashion. The his/herstory of Guillermo Morales and Assata Shakur, while very important, are not at the heart of the collective campus discussion.

What are on the tongues of students, faculty, and community members is varied, but they all agree that the City College of New York’s actions, spe-cifically done overnight and during the day, and the lockdown of the NAC are very troubling and suspicious. People like myself, who are not familiar enough with Shakur’s and Morales’ stories to make an informed opinion, are outraged, discouraged and confused. It’s as if someone came into the space where you lay your head to rest while you were gone and took every-thing you held dear.

The confusion is directed towards the Office of the President, the Of-fice of Student Affairs, and the Office of Public Safety, who have released statements saying that the room was “reallocated,” to provide a space for “students involved in experiential learning,” through the expansion of an already existing Career Center. Concerned stakeholders and the general body do not understand why this illegal eviction of the MSCC would take place without any due notification to the organizations who used the space. Meanwhile, renovations have been made, as the distinctive red doors with a Black Power fist have been painted over white, with a sign adorned them reading “Career Development Institute.”


The discouragement comes through the Office of Communications’ lack of acknowledgement of the takeover of the space, as it is nowhere to be found in a statement that was issued only to faculty and staff. To add in-sult to injury students, including the Undergraduate Student Government (USG), the liaison between the student body and the administration, were in the dark. A petition has been formed by both USG and the MSCC Stake-holders, and organizing has been mobilized in the community.

The outrage, which has thus far, garnered the most attention, has been evidenced through demonstrations. A day after the siege, a protest took place in front of the NAC. Students, faculty, and community members pres-ent since the MSCC’s founding in 1989, spoke angrily, demanding answers from the administration and those responsible. We have not been given the common decency of a response as of this moment. The demands are simple: an apology, the restoration of the center and all of its belongings, and the protection of free speech. The response thus far has only been an increase in law enforcement, which thus far is only scaring everyone on campus.

The narrative that has to be conveyed is also simple: if this can happen at one public university, what student space is next? The University of Cali-fornia system has already experienced something similar, so these instances are not isolated. What space is truly safe if an administration decides to take over a safe space overnight without any notice to the people who use the space? How are First Amendment rights to be defended by an admin-istration if they take away spaces that allow for free dialogue and organiz-ing? The space was used by people from all walks of life—LGBQTI, POC, Women, varying political parties, community organizers, and it is a vital part of the campus culture. The illegal actions perpetuated against the MSCC only further the cause amongst everyone whether or not they are involved with the center. We, regardless of all of the constructed labels that define us, must agree that this, the method of this seizure, is that of a thief in the night.


The MSCC is an accessible center for all students and provides sources to the student body. Taking away such

a resource from students without their authority is a beginning step to shutting down student opinions and

needs. The University is a student academic setting that should provide resources and material for students to thrive and excel rather than be held back by the college administration.

Quote from an MSCC community member


“There are acceptedrevolutions, revolutions

which are called revolutions; there are refused revolutions,

which are called riots.”Les Miserables, Volume 5, Book 1


There have been, and will continue to be, moments in history that stand out. Moments that make the world watch and people pay attention. We are living in one of those moments. The recent police violence against black bodies has triggered such a moment. Most recently the Eric Garner murder has made the world hold its breath. Not simply because of the severity of the crime. As we now know the murder of a black person happens at the hands of law enforcement every 28 hours. However, the fact of the tapping of the indictment in the digital age, the lead up to the events which did not garner an indictment for the killer of Michael Brown in Ferguson, and the size of NYC has created an explosion of reactions. I would be remise if I did not mention the power of Eric Garners last words “I can’t breathe.” These words, first a literal plea, have become a symbolic rallying cry across the na-tion. A proverbial wake up call if you will or at least a resounding alarm.

The question now is, what do we do as a community? Where do we go from here? A myriad of answers can be beckoned to one’s mind. Many of which are now protest chants for action. “Indict the system.” “I can’t breathe.” “Turn up. Don’t turn down. We do this for Mike Brown.” “Black lives matter.” “NYPD, KKK, how many kids have you killed today?” “No jus-tice, no profits.” Each chant, and many more, speak to significant actions.

These actions include, and are not limited to, transforming the “sys-tem,” systems of mass incarceration and others which have been mecha-nisms of oppression. The significance of transforming police practices specifically with respect to the saturation and implications of structural and actual racism. The militarization of the police force and the abuse of power. The value and disregard for black life. The inability of the powers that be to protect those who need it most. As well as the value of property and economics paramount to justice. Not to mention how exactly do we get justice?

Where Do We Go from Here: A Message for the MovementWritten by Angelo Pinto


Will justice come from demands on a system that may be unequipped to be just? Will justice come at the hands of black people?

A great deal of the things that have become rallying cries have been existing dilemmas and others are frontiers many of which that have existed but that have not been fully explored. Such as what do we do with black white relations general and white and other allies in struggle? What do we make and what is the place for a conversation about gender.

There exists more concerns. The strategy of violence vs. non-violence; the leadership and generational divide; the power of protest; the role of ideology; the role of the electoral process; the professionalizing of activ-ism; organization, coordination, strategy or the lack thereof; and finally the question of character. Undoing the ways of the oppressor we have the most personal relationship with, ourself. Yet I also hear the sentiment of those who say we are thinking to mush and not acting enough. Or the call of those that our answers remain in our relationship with the spiritual realm.

All of this in a moment when it is becoming popular for athletes and other celebrities to make political statements. In a moment, in the biggest city in the country in the midst of a term with a Mayor who many believed was progressive. A Mayor who many believe has already balked on many promises.

I could begin to offer more questions, speculation and even some an-swers. For now I will simply say ponder these questions, think strategically, act in solidarity, and plug into the moment. A new world is in our midst. Until next time. Live from the dirt below the grassroots. Young black and radical.


Currently in the United States the Black community is spending on aver-age 2% of our $1.1 trillion with Black-owned businesses. Our dollar only circulates six hours in our community. There are two major problems with these facts. Money is not being spent within the community, and it’s not staying in our community. I created Ujaama Box to change that.

Ujaama Box is a monthly mail subscription service that introduces the subscriber to a minimum of three Black-owned businesses each month. The susbscription will promote and introduce a range of products across multi-ple industries such as Art, Beauty, Fashion, Health, Jewelry, Travel, et cetera for just $25 per month. The purpose of the subscription is to introduce the subscriber to new Black-owned businesses each month, making it easier to spend your money in the community.

The inspiration for Ujaama Box began when I read activist Maggie An-derson’s book Our Black Year. The book documents her family’s “Empow-erment Experiment.” The experiment involved her family pledging to only spend with Black-owned businesses for a year in their Chicago neighbour-hood. They quickly discover how difficult their journey would be. They found difficulty in locating and navigating where to “shop black” for the ev-eryday amenities to which they were accustomed. In summary, they found that although they couldn’t spend every dollar exclusively with Black-owned business, they could make a difference everyday buy “planning” to spend with a Black-owned business! I think that’s how we should all approach the redirection of our dollars. We need to have a solid buying strategy.

I created Ujaama Box because I saw a problem that I wanted to help solve. I wanted Ujaama Box to be an easy, fun, and convenient way to

Created by Ebony Costain


spend more money within the community. Ujaama Box is here to make a difference year round.

Let’s stop allowing so many of our dollars to be spent with businesses that don’t respect us and don’t share our self-interest. Transition into the New Year by spending within and promoting cooperative economics! There is so much talent and business to be discovered in the Black community. Suscribing to Ujaama Box can be your first step! Please go to www.uja-maabox.com to begin a subscription. Peace, power, and change!

Ebony Costain is CEO & Founder of Ujamaa Box™ LLC, a company of-fering distinctive products and services to create economic empowerment for and among Black-owned businesses.

After earning a BA in Fashion Merchandising Management from Virginia Commonwealth University, Ebony developed broad professional experi-ence in retail fashion, entertainment and product development. As Founder of Ujamaa Box, Ebony researches, curates and promotes an array of prod-ucts, services and educational initiatives. She is a passionate advocate for increasing greater economic consciousness and financial literacy in Black communities nationwide.

Inspired by the entrepreneurial legacy of her parents, Ebony is fascinat-ed by the challenge of showcasing ideas, events and people who share her vision of collaboration and self-economics. After experimenting with various other business concepts, she ultimately created Ujamaa Box as a vehicle to enhance and accelerate cooperative economics in Black communities. Ebony radiates positivity and enthusiasm in sharing her vision of hope, dignity and prosperous living. She currently resides in Richmond, Virginia and is amazingly adept at juggling multiple roles as a business owner, com-munity activist, wife and mother of a two-year-old daughter. Beyond her entrepreneurial pursuits, Ebony enjoys Bikram yoga, traveling and research-ing Black history.


Saturday, November 22, 2014 was a pivotal moment in Har-lem for James Brown. Brown, who has been resting in peace for close to eight years, was honored once again at the intersection of 126th Street and Adam Clayton Powell Jr Boulevard in Harlem behind the renowned Apollo Theatre. Brown owes much of his success to his numerous appearances at the Apollo Theatre. He even titled one of his songs “Live at the Apollo.”

Consequently, City Councilwoman Inez Dickens signed off on naming the street behind the Apollo theatre after Brown back in 2008 and finally saw it to fruition last month. Councilwoman Dick-ens was joined by Congressman Rangel, State Senator Bill Per-kins, State Senator Adriano Espaillat, former City Council Mem-ber Robert Jackson, Historian Herb Boyd, Producer of James Brown: The Man, The Music, The Message Thomas Hart Jr, and Deanna Brown one of Brown’s loved ones.

Deanna Brown, Brown’s daughter, was grateful of and over-whelmed by the street naming, so much so that she kept repeat-ing, “God bless you.” She also took home her own James Brown Way street sign.

After the street naming everyone was invited to a free screen-ing of James Brown: The Man, The Music, The Message at the National Black Theatre by the CEO Dr. Barbara Ann Teer. This is historical moment was an affirmation of the great contributions James Brown made in Black history. So, I end with this, “say it loud, I’m Black and I’m proud.”

Honoring Our LegaciesWritten by Tobi Ogunwuyi


Calling the Rosa Parks, the women of the feminist movement, the Har-vey Milks, and alike. The fight for human equality has a new fight—the fight for equal opportunity to public funding for undocumented students. The United States has spent decades working on building a society in which every person is afforded equal opportunity, regardless of race, gender, or orientation, but many citizens of this country have overlooked this issue. This is a rising issue, due to the increase of immigration in America over the past several decades. Now these people, who were brought into this great country by their parents at a young age, are growing up to the cruel realiza-tion that they will not be afforded the opportunity to access an education equal to their counterparts.

The DREAM ACT will provide conditional US residency to certain im-migrants of ‘good moral character’ who have graduated from US high schools, arrived in the United States as minors, and lived in the country continuously for at least five years prior to the bill’s enactment.

If they were to complete two years in the military or two years at a four-year institution of higher learning, they would obtain temporary residency for a six-year period. Within the six-year period, they may qualify for per-manent residency if they have “acquired a degree from an institution of higher education in the United States or [have] completed at least 2 years, in good standing, in a program for a bachelor’s degree or higher degree in the United States” or have “served in the armed services for at least 2 years and, if discharged, [have] received an honorable discharge.”

New Fight—Same CauseWritten by Malik


Military enlistment contracts require an eight-year commitment, with active duty commitments typically between four and six years, but as low as two years. However, the military does not allow illegal aliens to enlist, and those that have enlisted have done so under a false identity or used fraudu-lent documents. This bill would include illegal aliens as old as 35 years of age. As of November 2013, 15 states have their own versions of the DREAM Act, which deal with tuition prices and financial aid for state uni-versities. These states are Texas, California, Illinois, Utah, Nebraska, Kansas, New Mexico, New Jersey, New York, Washington, Wisconsin, Massachu-setts, Maryland, Minnesota, and Oregon.

Many people who migrate to the US come in search of freedom from a developing country; they come in hopes of opportunity that is the promise of America. Current prohibitions make it difficult for illegal immigrants who wish to access higher education to do so. This causes people to become stagnant, this unfair treatment hinders the economic growth and societal progression of this country. This is not only an issue for immigrants and the children of immigrants; this is everyone’s issue. Allowing these people ac-cess to higher education is not only ethical but reinforces what this country is built on. The fight towards public funding for undocumented students is part of the fight towards human equality in America. It is time that we all unite and fight for the equality of all people—not just for race, gender, or sexual orientation.



One of the biggest social constructions ever invented is the institution of racism. I’ll spare you history lesson but will describe a situation that hap-pened recently. While at a baby shower for a family friend, a Puerto Rican woman of a tan complexion entered the bathroom with me and proceeded to tell me that I reminded her of a certain singer. (I’ve been getting that a lot lately, so I paid it no mind and said thank you.) However, she followed up by saying, “you’re so pretty even though you have such dark skin, like you have nice features.” Luckily, she couldn’t see the expression on my face, but swallowing my pride I said thank you and said my goodbyes.

Now, as women of color around the entire world can tell you African-Americans are not the only ones to be stigmatized or discriminated against by the particular shade of their skin. This happens in Latin America and the Caribbean, Africa, and Asia as well. Skin bleaching and lightening creams can be easily found in neighborhoods with high levels of ethnic diversity and can even be found in beauty ads themselves. Think of the internet frenzy that L’Oreal created back in 2008 over the Beyonce ads. Tyra Banks did an amazing episode on the “light skin versus dark skin” debate and

Melanin Complex, Complex MelaninWritten by Veronica Agard


ramifications when she interviewed women who not only bleached them-selves but their children. This, along with other specials, social experiments, and documentaries, aired out one of our best-worst kept secrets. Not only is human-kind not over racism, but they don’t even need “the powers that be” to tell them to feed into it. We do it to ourselves.

Taking inspiration from Policing the National Body: Race, Gender and Criminalization in the United States, and Michael Foucault’s philosophi-cal teachings, the complexes we have among the races is more than skin deep. It is a type of imprisonment that is rooted in the mind, and then branches out into all other forms of life. Therefore, the only type of real change can happen from within ourselves. The damage we do as people of color or simply just as people; is one that sometimes cannot be erased. The only hope that can be found is fostering a judgement-free dialogue in which everyone has an equal opportunity to be heard and understood. Otherwise, we may never move upwards and onward to more relevant is-sues like actually ending world hunger and preventing the spread of HIV/AIDS.

Deanna Johnson, Street Photography


Charnae Betton, Acrylic Painting


There is a saying in my old country, which perfectly captures the cause of my current frustrations: being ‘Black behind the ears.’ This saying is the cornerstone of national Dominican identity but is perpetuated by a major-ity of Latin American people. Latin American, as a whole, has systematically hidden its African ancestry.

During the reign of Dictator Rafael Leónidas Trujillo (1930-1961) the people of the Dominican Republic were force-fed a strict diet of anti-Haitianism ideology. An ideology, which took the lives of 20,000 Haitians during the Perejil Massacre of 1937. Granted Haitian-Dominican conflict has a long complicated history mingled with generations of border conflict, in-vasions and foul play on both sides. However, it is during Trujillo’s adminis-tration that national concepts of ‘true’ Dominican identity were formalized. In order to be Dominican one must be ‘café con leche’ (coffee with milk) meaning a mix of Spaniard and Indigenous roots. Dominicans couldn’t be Haitian—so hide those African roots sister; the kinks in your hair are ‘Indeg-enous,’ get your behind in that salon chair and perm away!

Numbers gathered by Dr. Georgia Falú during her work to mobilize Af-ro-Latina/os of the diaspora show that there was a population of 1,124,688 Afro-descendants in Mexico in 2010. Yet, these populations are absent in early- to mid-20th century Mexican discussions of race as Mexican scholars emphasized the importance of their indigenous past. By reviving claims to indigenous roots Mexican scholars tried to disassociate themselves from their colonizer’s heritage. Nevertheless, these scholars simultaneously ex-cluded Africans from the Mexican racial narrative by creating a Mexican

Frustrations of an Ambivalent Afro-LatinaWritten by Sophia Monegro


national identity exclusively around indigenous peoples. This virtually writes the estimated 200,000 African slaves, brought during Cortes’ conquest, and their descendants out of Mexican history.

The 1778 Argentinean census found that 7,236 of 24,363 Buenos Aires residents, or 30 percent, were of African decent. Today Argentina is often referred to as the “whitest” nation in Latin America. Leaving this reporter stunted, where are they hiding the black people? The former President of Argentina, Domingo Faustino Sarmiento (1868-1874) took it upon himself to wipe out black populations from the country. Through a policy of covert genocide, Sarmiento implemented extremely repressive policies which forced African men to enroll in the army and restricted black populations to disease ridden neighborhoods without proper health care. These poli-cies diminished black populations effectively removing black identity from Argentinean consciousness. In doing so Sarmiento legitimized the image of Argentina as an ‘all-white’ extension of Western Europe in Latin America.

Looking at these cases we see how the thoughts of powerful individu-als reach and impose upon the masses. However, their success reveals less about the extent of their power and more about the history of colonization and the ways in which we as oppressed subjects seek to oppress others. So I ask you, reader, how do you identify? Through your nationality: Domini-can, Mexican, Argentinean? Or perhaps your race? But before you answer consider who exactly that umbrella term includes. You may find yourself excluded, soaking wet by your lonesome in the pouring rain.


Habibat Shittu, [Afro-Centric] Beauty Shining,acrylic on canvas board


Charnae Betton, Acrylic Painting


I hate the question “what are you studying?,” not because I’m ashamed that I’m a black studies major but because of the questions that follow. I genuinely feel un-comfortable since these questions all point to one thing: anti-black sentiments.

Recently, someone I know found out I was taking a Black Poetry class and looked at me funny. He asked, “why that class?” It’s frustrating having to validate a pro-gram that is just as rewarding and important as any other. Even more, the Black Studies Department actually works with various liberal arts departments, such as English, His-tory, and Economics. Unfortunately, without ethnic studies programs those histories would be missing from our tra-ditional educations. It’s essential to have pressing issues and topics taught through different perspectives.

So, why did I—a Dominican—who seemingly should not have anything to do with Black Studies major in it? I will try to simplify my multiple complicated reasons. Num-ber one being I’m black too. We often confuse race with

Trying to Understand Your Identity: A Dominican in Black StudiesWritten by Wendyliz Martinez


ethnicity (although we should acknowledge race is a so-cial construct). What’s more, people conveniently forget the Caribbean’s association with slavery. There are many countries in the African Diaspora that wouldn’t consider themselves black nations, despite their large black popu-lations. I understand people forget their history (not always purposely; how many curriculums are out there teaching you history that is actually inclusive?) so people don’t really consider me black. Technically, I am mixed; my grandmother says her grandfather was a Spaniard and her grandmother a black woman. In the United States, black is used interchangeably with African American, and while African Americans are black, not all black people are African American.

Reason two: there are so many things Black Studies has to offer—just as much as any other subject. To be quite honest, the issues that are discussed in Black Stud-ies should be discussed in all of the Humanities and Social Sciences. However, due to systemic racism, these issues have not been made as valuable as others. What is rea-son number three? Well, why not study Black Studies? If you can come up with three good reasons why I shouldn’t major in Black Studies, I’d be impressed, but I still would not switch over.


Progressive art can assist people to learn not only

about the objective forces at work in the society in which they live, but also

about the intensely social character of their interior

lives. Ultimately, it can propel people towards social emanicipation.

Angela Davis


Jay EsPhotography, #BlackBrownUnity

Ferguson receives multiracial support as two young Latinas from Chicago stand insolidarity with a rising Black-led movement.


Jay EsPhotography, #FTP

A line of Ferguson police officers stand in riot gear while confronted by hundreds rallying with music chanting, “f--- the police!”



Jay EsPhotography, #HandsUpDontShoot

A young Black man marches through St. Louis with the symbolic gesture that most say Michael Brown showed before being killed.


Jay EsPhotography, Black Rage

A young Black mother sheds tears in front of the St. Louis Police Department as she ex-presses the hardship of being Black in the U.S.


Jay EsPhotography, Ferguson is St. Louis

Organizers hold a 4.5 minute moment of silence representing the 4.5 hours Mike Brown laid on the ground after being killed.


Jay EsPhotography, From the Womb to the Streets

Black women have been on the frontlines of the Ferguson uprising alongside men since the murder of Mike Brown.

As a photographer, I believe it is my duty to capture reality in a way that resonates with people. This reality is transmitted through images, which serve as powerful tools for raising awareness and inspiring change. This was the case with many images in history that changed the way we see world, like a burning monk in Vietnam, a white child wearing a KKK outfit and touching the riot shield of a Black police officer, and the beaten unrec-ognizable face of Emmett Till, a young Black boy who was killed by racist Whites in 1955 for whistling at a White woman.

Many believe that it was this image of Emmett Till that sparked the Civil Rights Movement. Similarly, some today, like St. Louis hip-hop artist turned activist Tef Poe, consider the image of Michael Brown’s stepfather holding a sign saying, “Ferguson police just executed my unarmed son!!!” as the catalyst for his involvement in what many are considering the New Black Power Movement.

The Ferguson October Weekend of Resistance was one of the most powerful periods of action for social change I’ve ever experienced and pho-tographed. Never have I felt so hopeful and inspired to be part of a promis-ing revolutionary movement like the one spearheaded by the Black youth of Ferguson, Missouri. It was an unprecedented organizing effort that at-tracted thousands of people from all over the country to gather in the heart of today’s Black liberation struggle against not only a national epidemic of police brutality that kills a Black person every 28 hours, but also a racist sys-tem that criminalizes people of color and protects those who promote and defend institutionalized white supremacy.

Faces of Ferguson & The Eyes of Black RebellionBy Jay Espy (Photos by Jay EsPhotography)


Through my lens, I witnessed mass fiery courage from a people who have been oppressed for more than 500 years, and who have been dor-mant for about 50 years since the more politically active days of the Civil Rights and Black Power Movements of the 1960s/70s. Even though Black people were brought in chains from the shores of Africa and literally built this country, they have never held their tongue in demanding freedom and justice. Resistance is a constant feature in Black history, from the first enslaved African people on slave ships leaving West Africa, to the young African-descended warriors of Ferguson, New York, Chicago, and other places where cries of #BLACKLIVESMATTER can be heard ringing between the metropolitan walls of Urban America.

As I captured the reality of a possible new, up-and-coming Black Power Movement, I left Ferguson knowing one thing: you can tell who’s winning by looking at people’s eyes. If you look at the eyes of police officers and anyone defending a system that gives them the right to kill Black people whenever they want, you can tell they have lost the battle, and are losing the war. You see fear in their eyes when their #1 enemy—young Black peo-ple and street organizations (a.k.a. gangs)—squash beef and unite against a common foe: the police state. If you look at the fearless eyes of these young Black warriors, you know they have already won the battle, and are winning the war against a racist system that doesn’t care about Black lives. One day, though, our government will understand that Black lives matter—it just won’t be this one.

Jay Espy is a working-class Afro-Dominican/Latino, lifetime Bronx resident, and community organizer for the People Power Movement-Movimiento Poder Popular. You can see the rest of his photos from Ferguson October and his other photography at www.flickr.com/photos/jay_esphotography.


Jay EsPhotography, Gracious Power

Black queer leaders like Ashley Yates, Ferguson resident & co-founder of Millenial Activists United, are also on the frontlines.


Jay EsPhotography, Heart of an Urban Lion

Poor Black youth, like Dontey from Lost Voices, have historically led Black struggles for freedom.


Jay EsPhotography, Hip Hop Revolution

St. Louis MC turned activist Tef Poe leads a march towards his city’s Police Department chanting ‘NO JUSTICE NO PEACE!’


Jay EsPhotography, Pigfest

Ferguson police officers gear up as hundreds rally in front of the Fer-guson Police Department on the first night of #FergusonOctober.


Jay EsPhotography, Revoligion

Professor & activist Cornel West is one of the most radical theologists of our time, proven by his arrest during #FergusonOctober.


Jay EsPhotography, Urban Guru

An elder wears a KKK shirt & hat, & holds a lynch noose as he guides young Black warriors through St. Louis & the Ferguson uprising.


the paper: december/january

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