the magna carta, signed by king john 40. 41. 1. 42. 39. … american journey/documents of...

985Documents of American History

The Magna Carta, signed by King Johnin 1215, marked a decisive step forward inthe development of constitutional governmentin England. Later, it became a model forcolonists who carried the Magna Carta’sguarantees of legal and political rights toAmerica.

1. . . . [T]hat the English Church shallbe free, and shall have its rights entire,and its liberties unimpaired. . . . we havealso granted for us and our heirs for-ever, all the liberties written out below,to have and to keep for them and theirheirs, of us and our heirs:

39. No free man shall be seized orimprisoned, or stripped of his rights orpossessions, or outlawed or exiled, ordeprived of his standing in any otherway, nor will we proceed with forceagainst him, or send others to do so,except by the lawful judgment of hisequals, or by the law of the land.

40. To no one will we sell, to no onedeny or delay right or justice.

41. All merchants may enter or leaveEngland unharmed and without fear,and may stay or travel within it, by landor water, for purposes of trade, free fromall illegal exactions, in accordance withancient and lawful customs. This, how-ever, does not apply in time of war tomerchants from a country that is at warwith us. . . .

42. In future it shall be lawful for anyman to leave and return to our kingdomunharmed and without fear, by land orwater, preserving his allegiance to us,except in time of war, for some shortperiod, for the common benefit of therealm. . . .

60. All these customs and libertiesthat we have granted shall be observedin our kingdom in so far as concerns ourown relations with our subjects. Let allmen of our kingdom, whether clergy orlaymen, observe them similarly in theirrelations with their own men. . . .

63. . . . Both we and the barons havesworn that all this shall be observed ingood faith and without deceit. Witness theabovementioned people and many others.Given by our hand in the meadow that iscalled Runnymede, between Windsor andStaines, on the fifteenth day of June in theseventeenth year of our reign.

Illuminated manuscript, Middle Ages


The Magna Carta, signed by King Johnin 1215, marked a decisive step forward inthe development of constitutional governmentin England. Later, it became a model forcolonists who carried the Magna Carta’sguarantees of legal and political rights toAmerica.

1. . . . [T]hat the English Church shallbe free, and shall have its rights entire,and its liberties unimpaired. . . . we havealso granted for us and our heirs for-ever, all the liberties written out below,to have and to keep for them and theirheirs, of us and our heirs:

39. No free man shall be seized orimprisoned, or stripped of his rights orpossessions, or outlawed or exiled, ordeprived of his standing in any otherway, nor will we proceed with forceagainst him, or send others to do so,except by the lawful judgment of hisequals, or by the law of the land.

40. To no one will we sell, to no onedeny or delay right or justice.

41. All merchants may enter or leaveEngland unharmed and without fear,and may stay or travel within it, by landor water, for purposes of trade, free fromall illegal exactions, in accordance withancient and lawful customs. This, how-ever, does not apply in time of war tomerchants from a country that is at warwith us. . . .

42. In future it shall be lawful for anyman to leave and return to our kingdomunharmed and without fear, by land orwater, preserving his allegiance to us,except in time of war, for some shortperiod, for the common benefit of therealm. . . .

60. All these customs and libertiesthat we have granted shall be observedin our kingdom in so far as concerns ourown relations with our subjects. Let allmen of our kingdom, whether clergy orlaymen, observe them similarly in theirrelations with their own men. . . .

63. . . . Both we and the barons havesworn that all this shall be observed ingood faith and without deceit. Witness theabovementioned people and many others.Given by our hand in the meadow that iscalled Runnymede, between Windsor andStaines, on the fifteenth day of June in theseventeenth year of our reign.

Illuminated manuscript, Middle Ages

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James Madison wrote several articles support-ing ratification of the Constitution for a NewYork newspaper. In the excerpt below, Madisonargues for the idea of a federal republic.

By a faction, I understand a number of citizens . . . who are united and actuated by

some common impulse . . . adverse tothe rights of other citizens. . . .

The inference towhich we are brought

is that the causes of fac-tion cannot be removedand that relief is onlyto be sought in themeans of controlling

its effects. . . .

A republic, by which I mean a governmentin which the scheme of representation takesplace . . . promises the cure for which we are seeking. . . .

The two great points of difference between a democracy and a republic are: first, the dele-gation of the government, in the latter, to asmall number of citizens elected by the rest;secondly, the greater number of citizens, andgreater sphere of country, over which the lattermay be extended.

The effect of the first difference is . . . to refineand enlarge the public views, by passing themthrough the medium of a chosen body of citi-zens, whose wisdom may best discern the trueinterest of their country, and whose patriotismand love of justice will be least likely to sacrificeit to temporary or partial considerations. . . .

Documents of American History

James Madison

another, covenant and combine ourselvestogether into a civil Body Politick, for our betterOrdering and Preservation, and Furtherance of the Ends aforesaid: And by Virtue hereof doenact, constitute, and frame, such just andequal Laws, Ordinances, Acts, Constitutions,and Officers, from time to time, as shall bethought most meet and convenient for the general Good of the Colony; unto which wepromise all due Submission and Obedience. In Witness whereof we have hereunto sub-scribed our names at Cape-Cod the eleventh of November, in the Reign of our SovereignLord King James, of England, France, and Ireland, the eighteenth, and of Scotland, thefifty-fourth, Anno Domini, 1620.

On November 21, 1620, 41 colonists aboard theMayflower drafted this agreement. The MayflowerCompact was the first plan of self-government ever putin force in the English colonies.

In the Name of God, Amen. We, whosenames are underwritten, the Loyal Subjects of our dread Sovereign Lord King James, bythe Grace of God, of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, King, Defender of the Faith, etc.Having undertaken for the Glory of God, andAdvancement of the Christian Faith, and theHonour of our King and Country, a Voyage toplant the first Colony in the northern Parts ofVirginia; Do by these Presents, solemnly andmutually, in the Presence of God and one

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James Madison wrote several articles support-ing ratification of the Constitution for a NewYork newspaper. In the excerpt below, Madisonargues for the idea of a federal republic.

By a faction, I understand a number of citizens . . . who are united and actuated by

some common impulse . . . adverse tothe rights of other citizens. . . .

The inference towhich we are brought

is that the causes of fac-tion cannot be removedand that relief is onlyto be sought in themeans of controlling

its effects. . . .

A republic, by which I mean a governmentin which the scheme of representation takesplace . . . promises the cure for which we are seeking. . . .

The two great points of difference between a democracy and a republic are: first, the dele-gation of the government, in the latter, to asmall number of citizens elected by the rest;secondly, the greater number of citizens, andgreater sphere of country, over which the lattermay be extended.

The effect of the first difference is . . . to refineand enlarge the public views, by passing themthrough the medium of a chosen body of citi-zens, whose wisdom may best discern the trueinterest of their country, and whose patriotismand love of justice will be least likely to sacrificeit to temporary or partial considerations. . . .


James Madison

another, covenant and combine ourselvestogether into a civil Body Politick, for our betterOrdering and Preservation, and Furtherance of the Ends aforesaid: And by Virtue hereof doenact, constitute, and frame, such just andequal Laws, Ordinances, Acts, Constitutions,and Officers, from time to time, as shall bethought most meet and convenient for the general Good of the Colony; unto which wepromise all due Submission and Obedience. In Witness whereof we have hereunto sub-scribed our names at Cape-Cod the eleventh of November, in the Reign of our SovereignLord King James, of England, France, and Ireland, the eighteenth, and of Scotland, thefifty-fourth, Anno Domini, 1620.

On November 21, 1620, 41 colonists aboard theMayflower drafted this agreement. The MayflowerCompact was the first plan of self-government ever putin force in the English colonies.

In the Name of God, Amen. We, whosenames are underwritten, the Loyal Subjects of our dread Sovereign Lord King James, bythe Grace of God, of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, King, Defender of the Faith, etc.Having undertaken for the Glory of God, andAdvancement of the Christian Faith, and theHonour of our King and Country, a Voyage toplant the first Colony in the northern Parts ofVirginia; Do by these Presents, solemnly andmutually, in the Presence of God and one


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At the end of his second term as president, GeorgeWashington spoke of the dangers facing the youngnation. He warned against the dangers of politicalparties and sectionalism, and he advised the nationagainst permanent alliances with other nations.

. . . Citizens by birth or choice of a commoncountry, that country has a right to concentrateyour affections. The name of American, whichbelongs to you in your national capacity, mustalways exalt the just pride of patriotism morethan any appellation derived from local dis-criminations. With slight shades of difference,you have the same religion, manners, habits,and political principles. You have in a commoncause fought and triumphed together. . . .

In contemplating the causes which may dis-turb our union it occurs as matter of seriousconcern that any ground should have been fur-nished for characterizing parties by geographi-cal discriminations. . . .

No alliances, howeverstrict, between the partscan be an adequate substi-tute. They must inevitablyexperience the infractionsand interruptions whichall alliances in all timeshave experienced. . . .

The great rule of con-duct for us in regard to for-eign nations is, in extending our commercialrelations to have with them as little politicalconnection as possible. . . .

. . . I anticipate with pleasing expectationthat retreat in which I promise myself to realize . . . the sweet enjoyment of partak-ing in the midst of my fellow citizens thebenign influence of good laws under a freegovernment—the ever-favorite object of myheart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labors, and dangers.

George Washington

During the British bombardment of FortMcHenry during the War of 1812, a young Balti-more lawyer named Francis Scott Key was inspiredto write the words to “The Star-Spangled Banner.”Although it became popular immediately, it was notuntil 1931 that Congress officially declared “TheStar-Spangled Banner” as our national anthem.

O! say can you see by the dawn’s early light,

What so proudly we hailed at the twilight’slast gleaming,

Whose broad stripes and bright starsthrough the perilous fight,

O’er the ramparts we watch’d, were so gallantly streaming?

And the Rockets’ red glare, the Bombsbursting in air,

Gave proof through the night that our Flag was still there;

O! say does that star-spangled Banner yet wave,

O’er the Land of the free, and the home of the brave!


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At the end of his second term as president, GeorgeWashington spoke of the dangers facing the youngnation. He warned against the dangers of politicalparties and sectionalism, and he advised the nationagainst permanent alliances with other nations.

. . . Citizens by birth or choice of a commoncountry, that country has a right to concentrateyour affections. The name of American, whichbelongs to you in your national capacity, mustalways exalt the just pride of patriotism morethan any appellation derived from local dis-criminations. With slight shades of difference,you have the same religion, manners, habits,and political principles. You have in a commoncause fought and triumphed together. . . .

In contemplating the causes which may dis-turb our union it occurs as matter of seriousconcern that any ground should have been fur-nished for characterizing parties by geographi-cal discriminations. . . .

No alliances, howeverstrict, between the partscan be an adequate substi-tute. They must inevitablyexperience the infractionsand interruptions whichall alliances in all timeshave experienced. . . .

The great rule of con-duct for us in regard to for-eign nations is, in extending our commercialrelations to have with them as little politicalconnection as possible. . . .

. . . I anticipate with pleasing expectationthat retreat in which I promise myself to realize . . . the sweet enjoyment of partak-ing in the midst of my fellow citizens thebenign influence of good laws under a freegovernment—the ever-favorite object of myheart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labors, and dangers.

George Washington

During the British bombardment of FortMcHenry during the War of 1812, a young Balti-more lawyer named Francis Scott Key was inspiredto write the words to “The Star-Spangled Banner.”Although it became popular immediately, it was notuntil 1931 that Congress officially declared “TheStar-Spangled Banner” as our national anthem.

O! say can you see by the dawn’s early light,

What so proudly we hailed at the twilight’slast gleaming,

Whose broad stripes and bright starsthrough the perilous fight,

O’er the ramparts we watch’d, were so gallantly streaming?

And the Rockets’ red glare, the Bombsbursting in air,

Gave proof through the night that our Flag was still there;

O! say does that star-spangled Banner yet wave,

O’er the Land of the free, and the home of the brave!

988 Documents of American History

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our residence and our privileges, and secure usagainst intruders. Our only request is, thatthese treaties may be fulfilled, and these lawsexecuted. . . .

. . . We have been called a poor, ignorant,and degraded people. We certainly are notrich; nor have we ever boasted of our knowl-edge, or our moral or intellectual elevation.But there is not a man within our limits soignorant as not to know that he has a right tolive on the land of his fathers, in the possessionof his immemorial privileges, and that thisright has been acknowledged by the UnitedStates; nor is there a man so degraded as not tofeel a keen sense of injury, on being deprivedof his right and driven into exile. . . .

The Indian Removal Act of 1830 called for the relocationof Native Americans to territorywest of the Mississippi River.Cherokee leaders protested the policy.

We are aware that somepersons suppose it will be for

our advantage to remove beyond the Missis-sippi. We think otherwise. Our people univer-sally think otherwise. . . .

We wish to remain on the land of ourfathers. We have a perfect and original right toremain without interruption or molestation.The treaties with us, and laws of the UnitedStates made in pursuance of treaties, guaranty

In an 1823 address to Congress, President JamesMonroe proclaimed the Monroe Doctrine. Designedto end European influence in the Western Hemi-sphere, it became a cornerstone of United States foreign policy.

. . . With the existing colonies or dependen-cies of any European power we have not inter-fered and shall not interfere. But with theGovernments who have declared their inde-pendence and maintained it, and whose inde-pendence we have, on great consideration andon just principles, acknowledged, we could notview any interposition for the purpose ofoppressing them, or controlling in any othermanner their destiny, by any European powerin any other light than as the manifestation

of any unfriendly dispositiontoward the United States. . . .

Our policy in regard toEurope, which was adoptedat an early stage of the warswhich have so long agitatedthat quarter of the globe, never-theless remains the same, whichis, not to interfere in the internal concerns ofany of its powers; to consider the governmentde facto as the legitimate government for us; to cultivate friendly relations with it, and topreserve those relations by a frank, firm, andmanly policy, meeting in all instances the justclaims of every power, submitting to injuriesfrom none. . . .

James Monroe

Beaded shoulderbag, Cherokee people


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our residence and our privileges, and secure usagainst intruders. Our only request is, thatthese treaties may be fulfilled, and these lawsexecuted. . . .

. . . We have been called a poor, ignorant,and degraded people. We certainly are notrich; nor have we ever boasted of our knowl-edge, or our moral or intellectual elevation.But there is not a man within our limits soignorant as not to know that he has a right tolive on the land of his fathers, in the possessionof his immemorial privileges, and that thisright has been acknowledged by the UnitedStates; nor is there a man so degraded as not tofeel a keen sense of injury, on being deprivedof his right and driven into exile. . . .

The Indian Removal Act of 1830 called for the relocationof Native Americans to territorywest of the Mississippi River.Cherokee leaders protested the policy.

We are aware that somepersons suppose it will be for

our advantage to remove beyond the Missis-sippi. We think otherwise. Our people univer-sally think otherwise. . . .

We wish to remain on the land of ourfathers. We have a perfect and original right toremain without interruption or molestation.The treaties with us, and laws of the UnitedStates made in pursuance of treaties, guaranty

In an 1823 address to Congress, President JamesMonroe proclaimed the Monroe Doctrine. Designedto end European influence in the Western Hemi-sphere, it became a cornerstone of United States foreign policy.

. . . With the existing colonies or dependen-cies of any European power we have not inter-fered and shall not interfere. But with theGovernments who have declared their inde-pendence and maintained it, and whose inde-pendence we have, on great consideration andon just principles, acknowledged, we could notview any interposition for the purpose ofoppressing them, or controlling in any othermanner their destiny, by any European powerin any other light than as the manifestation

of any unfriendly dispositiontoward the United States. . . .

Our policy in regard toEurope, which was adoptedat an early stage of the warswhich have so long agitatedthat quarter of the globe, never-theless remains the same, whichis, not to interfere in the internal concerns ofany of its powers; to consider the governmentde facto as the legitimate government for us; to cultivate friendly relations with it, and topreserve those relations by a frank, firm, andmanly policy, meeting in all instances the justclaims of every power, submitting to injuriesfrom none. . . .

James Monroe

Beaded shoulderbag, Cherokee people


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One of the first documents to express the desirefor equal rights for women is the Declaration ofSentiments and Resolutions, issued in 1848 at theSeneca Falls Convention in Seneca Falls, New York.Led by Lucretia Mott and Elizabeth Cady Stanton,the delegates adopted a set of resolutions that calledfor woman suffrage and opportunities for womenin employment and education. Excerpts from theDeclaration follow.

When, in the course of human events, itbecomes necessary for one portion of the fam-ily of man to assume among the people of theearth a position different from that whichthey have hitherto occupied, but one to whichthe laws of nature and of nature’s God entitlethem, a decent respect to the opinions ofmankind requires that they should declare the causes that impel them to such a course.

We hold these truths to be self-evident:that all men and women are created equal;that they are endowed by their Creator withcertain inalienable rights; that among theseare life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness;that to secure these rights governments areinstituted, deriving their just powers fromthe consent of the governed. Whenever anyform of government becomes destructive ofthese ends, it is the right of those who sufferfrom it to refuse allegiance to it, and to insistupon the institution of a new government,laying its foundation on such principles, andorganizing its powers in such form as tothem shall seem most likely to effect theirsafety and happiness. Prudence, indeed, willdictate that governments long establishedshould not be changed for light and transientcauses; . . . But when a long train of abuses

and usurpations, pursuing invariably thesame object, evinces a design to reduce themunder absolute despotism, it is their duty tothrow off such government, and to providenew guards for their future security. . . .

The history of mankind is a history ofrepeated injuries and usurpations on the partof man toward woman, having in directobject the establishment of an absolutetyranny over her. To prove this, let facts besubmitted to a candid world. . . .

Now, in view of the entire disfranchise-ment of one-half the people of this country,their social and religious degradation—inview of the unjust laws above mentioned,and because women do feel themselvesaggrieved, oppressed, and fraudulentlydeprived of their most sacred rights, weinsist that they have immediate admission toall the rights and privileges which belong tothem as citizens of these United States. . . .

Elizabeth Cady Stanton


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One of the first documents to express the desirefor equal rights for women is the Declaration ofSentiments and Resolutions, issued in 1848 at theSeneca Falls Convention in Seneca Falls, New York.Led by Lucretia Mott and Elizabeth Cady Stanton,the delegates adopted a set of resolutions that calledfor woman suffrage and opportunities for womenin employment and education. Excerpts from theDeclaration follow.

When, in the course of human events, itbecomes necessary for one portion of the fam-ily of man to assume among the people of theearth a position different from that whichthey have hitherto occupied, but one to whichthe laws of nature and of nature’s God entitlethem, a decent respect to the opinions ofmankind requires that they should declare the causes that impel them to such a course.

We hold these truths to be self-evident:that all men and women are created equal;that they are endowed by their Creator withcertain inalienable rights; that among theseare life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness;that to secure these rights governments areinstituted, deriving their just powers fromthe consent of the governed. Whenever anyform of government becomes destructive ofthese ends, it is the right of those who sufferfrom it to refuse allegiance to it, and to insistupon the institution of a new government,laying its foundation on such principles, andorganizing its powers in such form as tothem shall seem most likely to effect theirsafety and happiness. Prudence, indeed, willdictate that governments long establishedshould not be changed for light and transientcauses; . . . But when a long train of abuses

and usurpations, pursuing invariably thesame object, evinces a design to reduce themunder absolute despotism, it is their duty tothrow off such government, and to providenew guards for their future security. . . .

The history of mankind is a history ofrepeated injuries and usurpations on the partof man toward woman, having in directobject the establishment of an absolutetyranny over her. To prove this, let facts besubmitted to a candid world. . . .

Now, in view of the entire disfranchise-ment of one-half the people of this country,their social and religious degradation—inview of the unjust laws above mentioned,and because women do feel themselvesaggrieved, oppressed, and fraudulentlydeprived of their most sacred rights, weinsist that they have immediate admission toall the rights and privileges which belong tothem as citizens of these United States. . . .

Elizabeth Cady Stanton

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conclusive evidence that such state, and thepeople thereof, are not then in rebellionagainst the United States. . . .

And, by virtue of the power and for thepurpose aforesaid, I do order and declare thatall persons held as slaves within said desig-nated states and parts of states are, andhenceforward shall be, free; and that the Executive Government of the United States,including the military and naval authoritiesthereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of said persons.

And I hereby enjoin upon the people sodeclared to be free to abstain from all violence,unless in necessary self-defense; and I recom-mend to them that, all cases when allowed,they labor faithfully for reasonable wages.

And I further declare and make known that such persons, of suitable condition, will be receivedinto the armed service ofthe United States. . . .

And upon this act, sin-cerely believed to be anact of justice, warrantedby the Constitutionupon military necessity,I invoke the consideratejudgement of man-kindand the gracious favor ofAlmighty God. . . .


Members of the 4th Infantry

Abraham Lincoln

On January 1, 1863, President Abraham Lincoln issued the Emancipation Proclamation,which freed all enslaved people in states under Confederate control. The Proclamation was a steptoward the Thirteenth Amendment (1865), whichended slavery in all of the United States.

. . . That on the 1st day of January, in theyear of our Lord 1863, all persons held asslaves within any state or designated part of a state, the people whereof shall then be inrebellion against the United States, shall bethen, thenceforward, and forever free; and theExecutive Government of the United States,including the military and naval authoritythereof, will recognize and maintain the free-dom of such persons, and will do no act oracts to repress such persons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make for their actualfreedom.

That the Executive will, on the 1st day ofJanuary aforesaid, by proclamation, designatethe states and parts of states, if any, in whichthe people thereof, respectively, shall then bein rebellion against the United States; and thefact that any state, or the people thereof, shallon that day be in good faith represented in theCongress of the United States, by memberschosen thereto at elections wherein a majorityof the qualified voters of such states shall have participated, shall, in the absence ofstrong countervailing testimony, be deemed

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conclusive evidence that such state, and thepeople thereof, are not then in rebellionagainst the United States. . . .

And, by virtue of the power and for thepurpose aforesaid, I do order and declare thatall persons held as slaves within said desig-nated states and parts of states are, andhenceforward shall be, free; and that the Executive Government of the United States,including the military and naval authoritiesthereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of said persons.

And I hereby enjoin upon the people sodeclared to be free to abstain from all violence,unless in necessary self-defense; and I recom-mend to them that, all cases when allowed,they labor faithfully for reasonable wages.

And I further declare and make known that such persons, of suitable condition, will be receivedinto the armed service ofthe United States. . . .

And upon this act, sin-cerely believed to be anact of justice, warrantedby the Constitutionupon military necessity,I invoke the consideratejudgement of man-kindand the gracious favor ofAlmighty God. . . .


Members of the 4th Infantry

Abraham Lincoln

On January 1, 1863, President Abraham Lincoln issued the Emancipation Proclamation,which freed all enslaved people in states under Confederate control. The Proclamation was a steptoward the Thirteenth Amendment (1865), whichended slavery in all of the United States.

. . . That on the 1st day of January, in theyear of our Lord 1863, all persons held asslaves within any state or designated part of a state, the people whereof shall then be inrebellion against the United States, shall bethen, thenceforward, and forever free; and theExecutive Government of the United States,including the military and naval authoritythereof, will recognize and maintain the free-dom of such persons, and will do no act oracts to repress such persons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make for their actualfreedom.

That the Executive will, on the 1st day ofJanuary aforesaid, by proclamation, designatethe states and parts of states, if any, in whichthe people thereof, respectively, shall then bein rebellion against the United States; and thefact that any state, or the people thereof, shallon that day be in good faith represented in theCongress of the United States, by memberschosen thereto at elections wherein a majorityof the qualified voters of such states shall have participated, shall, in the absence ofstrong countervailing testimony, be deemed


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On November 19, 1863, President Abraham Lincoln gave a short speech at the dedication of anational cemetery on the battlefield of Gettysburg. His simple yet eloquent words expressed his hopesfor a nation divided by civil war.

Four score and seven years ago our fathersbrought forth on this continent a new nation,conceived in liberty, and dedicated to theproposition that all men are created equal.

Now we are engaged in a great civil war,testing whether that nation, or any nation soconceived and so dedicated, can long endure.We are met on a great battlefield of that war.We have come to dedicate a portion of thatfield as a final resting place for those whohere gave their lives that that nation mightlive. It is altogether fitting and proper that weshould do this.

But, in a larger sense, we can notdedicate—we can not consecrate—we can not hallow—this ground.

The brave men, living and dead, who strug-gled here, have consecrated it far above ourpoor power to add or detract. The world willlittle note nor long remember what we sayhere, but it can never forget what they didhere. It is for us, the living, rather, to be dedi-cated here to the unfinished work which theywho fought here have thus far so noblyadvanced. It is rather for us to be here dedi-cated to the great task remaining before us—that from these honored dead we takeincreased devotion to that cause for whichthey gave the last full measure of devotion;that we here highly resolve that these deadshall not have died in vain; that this nation,under God, shall have a new birth of free-dom; and that government of the people, bythe people, for the people, shall not perishfrom the earth.

Gettysburg Memorial

Soldier’s kit, Civil War


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On November 19, 1863, President Abraham Lincoln gave a short speech at the dedication of anational cemetery on the battlefield of Gettysburg. His simple yet eloquent words expressed his hopesfor a nation divided by civil war.

Four score and seven years ago our fathersbrought forth on this continent a new nation,conceived in liberty, and dedicated to theproposition that all men are created equal.

Now we are engaged in a great civil war,testing whether that nation, or any nation soconceived and so dedicated, can long endure.We are met on a great battlefield of that war.We have come to dedicate a portion of thatfield as a final resting place for those whohere gave their lives that that nation mightlive. It is altogether fitting and proper that weshould do this.

But, in a larger sense, we can notdedicate—we can not consecrate—we can not hallow—this ground.

The brave men, living and dead, who strug-gled here, have consecrated it far above ourpoor power to add or detract. The world willlittle note nor long remember what we sayhere, but it can never forget what they didhere. It is for us, the living, rather, to be dedi-cated here to the unfinished work which theywho fought here have thus far so noblyadvanced. It is rather for us to be here dedi-cated to the great task remaining before us—that from these honored dead we takeincreased devotion to that cause for whichthey gave the last full measure of devotion;that we here highly resolve that these deadshall not have died in vain; that this nation,under God, shall have a new birth of free-dom; and that government of the people, bythe people, for the people, shall not perishfrom the earth.

Gettysburg Memorial

Soldier’s kit, Civil War


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In 1877 the Nez Percefought the government’sattempt to move them to asmaller reservation. Aftera remarkable attempt toescape to Canada, ChiefJoseph realized that resist-ance was hopeless andadvised his people to surrender.

Tell General Howard I know his heart.What he told me before I have in my heart. I am tired of fighting. . . . The old men are all

dead. It is the young men who say yes or no.He who led the young men is dead. It is coldand we have no blankets. The little childrenare freezing to death. My people, some ofthem have run away to the hills, and have noblankets, no food; no one knows where theyare—perhaps freezing to death. I want to havetime to look for my children and see howmany of them I can find. Maybe I shall findthem among the dead. Hear me, my chiefs. I am tired; my heart is sick and sad. Fromwhere the sun now stands I will fight no more forever.

In 1892 the nation celebrated the400th anniversary of Columbus’s landingin America. In connection with this cele-bration, Francis Bellamy, a magazine editor, wrote and published the Pledge ofAllegiance. The words “under God” wereadded by Congress in 1954 at the urging of President Dwight D. Eisenhower.

I pledge allegiance to the Flag of the United States of America and tothe Republic for which it stands, oneNation under God, indivisible, withliberty and justice for all.

Shield made of buffalo hide

Students in a New York City school recitethe Pledge of Allegiance


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In 1877 the Nez Percefought the government’sattempt to move them to asmaller reservation. Aftera remarkable attempt toescape to Canada, ChiefJoseph realized that resist-ance was hopeless andadvised his people to surrender.

Tell General Howard I know his heart.What he told me before I have in my heart. I am tired of fighting. . . . The old men are all

dead. It is the young men who say yes or no.He who led the young men is dead. It is coldand we have no blankets. The little childrenare freezing to death. My people, some ofthem have run away to the hills, and have noblankets, no food; no one knows where theyare—perhaps freezing to death. I want to havetime to look for my children and see howmany of them I can find. Maybe I shall findthem among the dead. Hear me, my chiefs. I am tired; my heart is sick and sad. Fromwhere the sun now stands I will fight no more forever.

In 1892 the nation celebrated the400th anniversary of Columbus’s landingin America. In connection with this cele-bration, Francis Bellamy, a magazine editor, wrote and published the Pledge ofAllegiance. The words “under God” wereadded by Congress in 1954 at the urging of President Dwight D. Eisenhower.

I pledge allegiance to the Flag of the United States of America and tothe Republic for which it stands, oneNation under God, indivisible, withliberty and justice for all.

Shield made of buffalo hide

Students in a New York City school recitethe Pledge of Allegiance


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William Tyler Page of Friendship Heights,Maryland, wrote The American’s Creed. This state-ment of political faith summarizes the true mean-ing of freedom available to all Americans. The U.S.House of Representatives adopted the creed onbehalf of the American people on April 3, 1918.

I believe in the United States of America asa Government of the people, by the people,for the people; whose just powers are derivedfrom the consent of the governed; a democ-

racy in a republic; a sovereign Nation of many sovereign States; a perfect union, oneand inseparable; established upon those principles of freedom, equality, justice, andhumanity for which American patriots sacrificed their lives and fortunes.

I therefore believe it is my duty to myCountry to love it; to support its Constitution;to obey its laws; to respect its flag, and todefend it against all enemies.

On January 8, 1918, President Woodrow Wilsonwent before Congress to offer a statement of aimscalled the Fourteen Points. Wilson’s plan called forfreedom of the seas in peace and war, an end to secretalliances, and equal trading rights for all countries.The excerpt that follows is taken from the President’smessage.

. . . We entered this war because violationsof right had occurred which touched us to thequick and made the life of our own peopleimpossible unless they were corrected and theworld secured once for all against their recur-rence. What we demand in this war, therefore,is nothing peculiar to ourselves. It is that theworld be made fit and safe to live in; and par-ticularly that it be made safe for every peace-loving nation which, like our own, wishes tolive its own life, determine its own institutions,be assured of justice and fair dealing by theother peoples of the world as against force andselfish aggression. All the peoples of the worldare in effect partners in this interest, and for

our own part we see very clearly that unlessjustice be done to others it will not be done tous. The program of the world’s peace, there-fore, is our program; and that program, theonly possible program, as we see it, is this:

I. Open covenants of peace, openly arrivedat, after which there shall be no private inter-national understandings of any kind butdiplomacy shall proceed always frankly andin the public view.

II. Absolute freedom of navigation uponthe seas, outside territorial waters, alike inpeace and in war, except as the seas may beclosed in whole or in part by internationalaction for the enforcement of internationalcovenants.

XIV. A general association of nations mustbe formed under specific covenants for thepurpose of affording mutual guarantees ofpolitical independence and territorial integrityto great and small states alike. . . .


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William Tyler Page of Friendship Heights,Maryland, wrote The American’s Creed. This state-ment of political faith summarizes the true mean-ing of freedom available to all Americans. The U.S.House of Representatives adopted the creed onbehalf of the American people on April 3, 1918.

I believe in the United States of America asa Government of the people, by the people,for the people; whose just powers are derivedfrom the consent of the governed; a democ-

racy in a republic; a sovereign Nation of many sovereign States; a perfect union, oneand inseparable; established upon those principles of freedom, equality, justice, andhumanity for which American patriots sacrificed their lives and fortunes.

I therefore believe it is my duty to myCountry to love it; to support its Constitution;to obey its laws; to respect its flag, and todefend it against all enemies.

On January 8, 1918, President Woodrow Wilsonwent before Congress to offer a statement of aimscalled the Fourteen Points. Wilson’s plan called forfreedom of the seas in peace and war, an end to secretalliances, and equal trading rights for all countries.The excerpt that follows is taken from the President’smessage.

. . . We entered this war because violationsof right had occurred which touched us to thequick and made the life of our own peopleimpossible unless they were corrected and theworld secured once for all against their recur-rence. What we demand in this war, therefore,is nothing peculiar to ourselves. It is that theworld be made fit and safe to live in; and par-ticularly that it be made safe for every peace-loving nation which, like our own, wishes tolive its own life, determine its own institutions,be assured of justice and fair dealing by theother peoples of the world as against force andselfish aggression. All the peoples of the worldare in effect partners in this interest, and for

our own part we see very clearly that unlessjustice be done to others it will not be done tous. The program of the world’s peace, there-fore, is our program; and that program, theonly possible program, as we see it, is this:

I. Open covenants of peace, openly arrivedat, after which there shall be no private inter-national understandings of any kind butdiplomacy shall proceed always frankly andin the public view.

II. Absolute freedom of navigation uponthe seas, outside territorial waters, alike inpeace and in war, except as the seas may beclosed in whole or in part by internationalaction for the enforcement of internationalcovenants.

XIV. A general association of nations mustbe formed under specific covenants for thepurpose of affording mutual guarantees ofpolitical independence and territorial integrityto great and small states alike. . . .


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On May 17, 1954, the Supreme Court ruled inBrown v. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas,that racial segregation in public schools was uncon-stitutional. This decision provided the legal basis forcourt challenges to segregation in every aspect ofAmerican life.

. . . The plaintiffs contend that segregatedpublic schools are not “equal” and cannot be made “equal” and that hence they aredeprived of the equal protection of the laws.Because of the obvious importance of the question presented, the Court took jurisdiction. . . .

Our decision, therefore, cannot turn onmerely a comparison of these tangible factorsin the Negro and white schools involved ineach of the cases. We must look instead to theeffect of segregation itself on public education.

In approaching this problem, we cannotturn the clock back to 1868 when the Amend-ment was adopted, or even to 1896 whenPlessy v. Ferguson was written. We must con-sider public education in the light of its full

development and its present place in Ameri-can life throughout the Nation. Only in thisway can it be determined if segregation inpublic schools deprives these plaintiffs of theequal protection of the laws.

Today, education is perhaps the mostimportant function of state and local govern-ments. Compulsory school attendance lawsand the great expenditures for education bothdemonstrate our recognition of the impor-tance of education to our democratic society. .. . In these days, it is doubtful that any childmay reasonably be expected to succeed in lifeif he is denied the opportunity of an educa-tion. Such an opportunity, where the state hasundertaken to provide it, is a right whichmust be made available to all on equal terms.

We come then to the question presented:Does segregation of children in public schoolssolely on the basis of race, even though thephysical facilities and other “tangible” factorsmay be equal, deprive the children of theminority group of equal educational opportu-

nities? We believe that it does.. . . We conclude that in the

field of public education the doc-trine of “separate but equal” hasno place. Separate educationalfacilities are inherently unequal.Therefore, we hold that theplaintiffs and others similarly sit-uated for whom the actions havebeen brought are, by reason ofthe segregation complained of,deprived of the equal protectionof the laws guaranteed by theFourteenth Amendment. . . .

Troops escort students to newly integrated school


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On May 17, 1954, the Supreme Court ruled inBrown v. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas,that racial segregation in public schools was uncon-stitutional. This decision provided the legal basis forcourt challenges to segregation in every aspect ofAmerican life.

. . . The plaintiffs contend that segregatedpublic schools are not “equal” and cannot be made “equal” and that hence they aredeprived of the equal protection of the laws.Because of the obvious importance of the question presented, the Court took jurisdiction. . . .

Our decision, therefore, cannot turn onmerely a comparison of these tangible factorsin the Negro and white schools involved ineach of the cases. We must look instead to theeffect of segregation itself on public education.

In approaching this problem, we cannotturn the clock back to 1868 when the Amend-ment was adopted, or even to 1896 whenPlessy v. Ferguson was written. We must con-sider public education in the light of its full

development and its present place in Ameri-can life throughout the Nation. Only in thisway can it be determined if segregation inpublic schools deprives these plaintiffs of theequal protection of the laws.

Today, education is perhaps the mostimportant function of state and local govern-ments. Compulsory school attendance lawsand the great expenditures for education bothdemonstrate our recognition of the impor-tance of education to our democratic society. .. . In these days, it is doubtful that any childmay reasonably be expected to succeed in lifeif he is denied the opportunity of an educa-tion. Such an opportunity, where the state hasundertaken to provide it, is a right whichmust be made available to all on equal terms.

We come then to the question presented:Does segregation of children in public schoolssolely on the basis of race, even though thephysical facilities and other “tangible” factorsmay be equal, deprive the children of theminority group of equal educational opportu-

nities? We believe that it does.. . . We conclude that in the

field of public education the doc-trine of “separate but equal” hasno place. Separate educationalfacilities are inherently unequal.Therefore, we hold that theplaintiffs and others similarly sit-uated for whom the actions havebeen brought are, by reason ofthe segregation complained of,deprived of the equal protectionof the laws guaranteed by theFourteenth Amendment. . . .

Troops escort students to newly integrated school


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President Kennedy’s Inaugural Address on Jan-uary 20, 1961, set the tone for his administration. In his address Kennedy stirred the nation by call-ing for “a grand and global alliance” to fighttyranny, poverty, disease, and war.

We observe today not a victory of party but a celebration of freedom—symbolizing an endas well as a beginning—signifying renewal aswell as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath ourforebears prescribed nearly a century andthree-quarters ago.

The world is very different now. For manholds in his mortal hands the power to abol-ish all forms of human poverty and all formsof human life. And yet the same revolution-ary beliefs for which our forebears fought arestill at issue around the globe—the belief thatthe rights of man come not from the generos-ity of the state but from the hand of God.

We dare not forget today that we are theheirs of that first revolution. Let the word goforth from this time and place, to friend andfoe alike, that the torch has been passed to anew generation of Americans—born in thiscentury, tempered by war, disciplined by ahard and bitter peace, proud of our ancientheritage—and unwilling to witness or permitthe slow undoing of those humanrights to which this nation hasalways been committed, and towhich we are committed today athome and around the world.

Let every nation know, whether it wishes uswell or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear anyburden, meet any hardship, support anyfriend, oppose any foe to assure the survivaland the success of liberty.

This much we pledge—and more.To those old allies whose cultural and spir-

itual origins we share, we pledge the loyaltyof faithful friends. United, there is little wecannot do in a host of cooperative ventures.Divided, there is little we can do. . . .

Let us never negotiate out of fear. But letus never fear to negotiate.

Let both sides explore what problems uniteus instead of belaboring those problemswhich divide us. . . .

Let both sides seek to invoke the wondersof science instead of its terrors. Together letus explore the stars, conquer the deserts,eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, andencourage the arts and commerce. . . .

And so, my fellow Americans: ask notwhat your country can do for you—ask whatyou can do for your country.

My fellow citizens of the world: ask notwhat America will do for you, but whattogether we can do for the freedom of man. . . .

President Kennedy speaking at his inauguration


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President Kennedy’s Inaugural Address on Jan-uary 20, 1961, set the tone for his administration. In his address Kennedy stirred the nation by call-ing for “a grand and global alliance” to fighttyranny, poverty, disease, and war.

We observe today not a victory of party but a celebration of freedom—symbolizing an endas well as a beginning—signifying renewal aswell as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath ourforebears prescribed nearly a century andthree-quarters ago.

The world is very different now. For manholds in his mortal hands the power to abol-ish all forms of human poverty and all formsof human life. And yet the same revolution-ary beliefs for which our forebears fought arestill at issue around the globe—the belief thatthe rights of man come not from the generos-ity of the state but from the hand of God.

We dare not forget today that we are theheirs of that first revolution. Let the word goforth from this time and place, to friend andfoe alike, that the torch has been passed to anew generation of Americans—born in thiscentury, tempered by war, disciplined by ahard and bitter peace, proud of our ancientheritage—and unwilling to witness or permitthe slow undoing of those humanrights to which this nation hasalways been committed, and towhich we are committed today athome and around the world.

Let every nation know, whether it wishes uswell or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear anyburden, meet any hardship, support anyfriend, oppose any foe to assure the survivaland the success of liberty.

This much we pledge—and more.To those old allies whose cultural and spir-

itual origins we share, we pledge the loyaltyof faithful friends. United, there is little wecannot do in a host of cooperative ventures.Divided, there is little we can do. . . .

Let us never negotiate out of fear. But letus never fear to negotiate.

Let both sides explore what problems uniteus instead of belaboring those problemswhich divide us. . . .

Let both sides seek to invoke the wondersof science instead of its terrors. Together letus explore the stars, conquer the deserts,eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, andencourage the arts and commerce. . . .

And so, my fellow Americans: ask notwhat your country can do for you—ask whatyou can do for your country.

My fellow citizens of the world: ask notwhat America will do for you, but whattogether we can do for the freedom of man. . . .

President Kennedy speaking at his inauguration


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On August 28, 1963, while Congress debatedwide-ranging civil rights legislation, Dr. MartinLuther King, Jr., led more than 200,000 people in a march on Washington, D.C. On the steps ofthe Lincoln Memorial he gave a stirring speech inwhich he eloquently spoke of his dreams for AfricanAmericans and for the United States. Excerpts ofthe speech follow.

. . . There are those who are asking thedevotees of civil rights, “When will you be satisfied?”

We can never be satisfied as long as theNegro is the victim of the unspeakable hor-rors of police brutality. . . .

We cannot be satisfied as long as theNegro’s basic mobility is from a smallerghetto to a larger one.

We can never be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. . . .

I say to you today, my friends, that in spite of the difficulties and frustrations of themoment I still have a dream. It is a dreamdeeply rooted in the American dream. I have

a dream that one day this nationwill rise up and live out thetrue meaning of itscreed: “Wehold thesetruths to beself-evident,that all menare createdequal.”

I have a dream that one day on the red hillsof Georgia the sons of former slaves and thesons of former slaveowners will be able to sitdown together at the table of brotherhood.

I have a dream that one day even the stateof Mississippi, a desert state sweltering withthe heat of injustice and oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

I have a dream that my four little childrenwill one day live in a nation where they willnot be judged by the color of their skin but bythe content of their character. . . .

. . . When we let freedom ring, when welet it ring from every village and every ham-

let, from every state and everycity, we will be able to speed upthat day when all of God’s chil-dren, black men and white men,Jews and Gentiles, Protestantsand Catholics, will be able tojoin hands and sing in the wordsof the old Negro spiritual: “Freeat last! Free at last! Thank GodAlmighty, we are free at last!”

The March on Washington

Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.


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On August 28, 1963, while Congress debatedwide-ranging civil rights legislation, Dr. MartinLuther King, Jr., led more than 200,000 people in a march on Washington, D.C. On the steps ofthe Lincoln Memorial he gave a stirring speech inwhich he eloquently spoke of his dreams for AfricanAmericans and for the United States. Excerpts ofthe speech follow.

. . . There are those who are asking thedevotees of civil rights, “When will you be satisfied?”

We can never be satisfied as long as theNegro is the victim of the unspeakable hor-rors of police brutality. . . .

We cannot be satisfied as long as theNegro’s basic mobility is from a smallerghetto to a larger one.

We can never be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. . . .

I say to you today, my friends, that in spite of the difficulties and frustrations of themoment I still have a dream. It is a dreamdeeply rooted in the American dream. I have

a dream that one day this nationwill rise up and live out thetrue meaning of itscreed: “Wehold thesetruths to beself-evident,that all menare createdequal.”

I have a dream that one day on the red hillsof Georgia the sons of former slaves and thesons of former slaveowners will be able to sitdown together at the table of brotherhood.

I have a dream that one day even the stateof Mississippi, a desert state sweltering withthe heat of injustice and oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

I have a dream that my four little childrenwill one day live in a nation where they willnot be judged by the color of their skin but bythe content of their character. . . .

. . . When we let freedom ring, when welet it ring from every village and every ham-

let, from every state and everycity, we will be able to speed upthat day when all of God’s chil-dren, black men and white men,Jews and Gentiles, Protestantsand Catholics, will be able tojoin hands and sing in the wordsof the old Negro spiritual: “Freeat last! Free at last! Thank GodAlmighty, we are free at last!”

The March on Washington

Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.