the language of formal education and the role of libraries in oral-traditional societies

ht. Libr. Rev. (1984) 16, 393-406

The Language of Formal Education and the Role of Libraries in Oral-traditional Societies

MAGNUS JOHN*

THE NATUREOF ORAL-TRADITIONAL SOCIETIES

After the room had been tidied up Nwango and Obiageli spread a mat and sat by their mother’s low stool. ‘Which story do you want to hear?’ ‘Onwuero’, said Obiageli. ‘No’, said Nwafo, ‘we have heard it too often. Tell us about-- ’ ‘All right’, cut in Obiageli. ‘Tell us about Eneke Ntulukpa.’ Ugoye searched her memory for a while and found what she looked for. l

This short passage from Chinua Achebe’s novel, Arrow of God, captures the mood feeling and dilemma of societies which are predominantly oral in tradition. It will form the basis for discussion about such societies.

The passage, however, portrays a social pastime--one of a number of learning situations to be encountered during the various stages in a child’s development in oral-traditional societies. It reflects a situation imbued with self-confidence of a kind which suggests strength, derived from a feeling of self-assurance and of being at home in participating in, and executing, tasks relating to one’s cultural experience. Significant also is the fact that the knowledge in use in such societies, revealed or inferred, is stored not in books but in the memory. Such knowledge constitute their values, beliefs and norms.

The impact of formal education in such societies not only affects their structure of social relationships, it also imposes profound psychological problems on their way of life. 2 The social setting portrayed in Achebe’s novel enables children and parents to interact socially in a way that cognitive development of the child can take place in and about a known

* Liaison Librarian (Arts), Open University Library, Walton Hall, Milton Keynes, MK7 6AA. United Kingdom.

’ Chinua Achebe (1980). Arrow ofGod, rev. ed. p. 190, Heinemann. 2 Magnus John (1979). Libraries in oral-traditional societies. Znt. Libr. Rev. 11, 321~-339. See also

Bill Katz (ed.) (1980). Library Lit. IO--- The Eevl of1979, pp. 24-45. Metuchen: Scarecrow Press.

002Cb7837/84/040393+14 $03.00/O CC) 1984 Academic Press Inc. (London) Limited

394 M. JOHN

cultural environment. The development of the child taking place in such an environment evolves from a unified interrelationship between the child’s culture, language and social relationships. The transmission of culture becomes a circular, mutually influencing process, in which the influencing agents-parents and elders-interact with the influenced learners, i.e. the children, in a variety ofsocial contexts. Only under such conditions can cognitive development be enhanced to its full potential.

It is inevitable, therefore, that the introduction of any kind of formal education which uses a language which is foreign to both parent and child, adds another dimension to the relationship between the schooled and the unschooled. Since the majority of parents are illiterate, formal education imposes a chasm in the psyche of the children as regards their overall development. School work and school language not only become unrelated to the cultural environment to which the child belongs but formal education also introduces a further embargo. School language becomes an unrelated factor in the cognitive development process arising from the child’s social environment.

Thus while the use of a foreign language adds a new dimension- writing and reading-to both the child’s experience and potential development, the discontinuous nature of this new experience, which breaks the link between school language and the child’s cultural environment, limits the pace of both the process of the child’s cognitive development and language acquisition. In literate societies, the view is held to be axiomatic that culture, identity and class membership are necessary prerequisites for language acquisiti0n.l And it is the interplay of these as a single continuous process that provides the framework for the cognitive development of the child to reach its full potential.

LANGUAGE IN FORMAL EDUCATION

The political implications behind the use of a foreign language in formal education are numerous but they need not be dealt with here. It is the effect of such decisions as they affect formal education of the individual and the society as a whole that is pertinent. Even when one discounts the colonial links of oral-traditional societies with Western imperial nations the fact remains that a power relationship came into existence on the adoption of the latter’s language. As it happens, that power relationship still exists. This has vital implications for, and repercussions on, development for the countries concerned. Even within a country a similar power relationship often exists between groups in respect of the

‘George Butterworth (1983). Structure of the mind in human infancy. Univ. 4: 37(3), 231 ~252.

FORMAL EDUCATION AND THE ROLE OF LIBRARIES 395

language in use. For example, one can look at the situation in Britain- at the on-going debate about the use of other languages (e.g. Welsh), regional dialects and Standard English in the formal education system- to appreciate the difficulties which the use ofa foreign language as the medium of instruction in formal education has introduced in oral- traditional societies.

Apart from pilot projects which have been introduced in various parts in West Africa’g2 indigenous languages are not taught formally nor are children’s books normally written in these languages. It means, therefore, that the basic structure of the mother tongue is learnt in an informal way and built upon subsequently through interlintra-personal relationships. Such an informal approach to language acquisition does not provide referents which would assist the children in understanding the educational process in terms of their mother tongue. Nor does the formal education system allow the children to build upon linguistic structures acquired in their mother tongue prior to starting school. Studies3T4 have demonstrated how strongly motivated children are to learn and communicate, eager to manage situations and people in their environment in order to satisfy their felt needs. In such situations children are known to capitalize on any known devices, linguistic or otherwise, which provide the basis for them to achieve their end. Since it has been established beyond doubt how effective the use of the mother tongue is as a medium of instruction in schools5,’ the repercussion of the present practice on the development of the children calls for a radical reappraisal of the current situation.

But the introduction of a new language in school opens up new posssibilities in so far as added dimensions in language acquisition- reading and writing-are introduced into the child’s experience. Where the majority of parents are illiterate in that new language the possibility of extending these two dimensions of language acquisition outside the school walls becomes virtually impossible. The new situation then becomes one in which the use of the new language in speech, the most direct and comprehensive expression ofsocial experience of people living

’ Ayo Bamgbose ( 1983). Education in indigenous languages: the West African model oflanguage education. J. Negro Educ. 52(l), 57~-64.

’ G. Omani Collinson (1974). Concept formation in a second language: a study of Ghanaian school children. Harvard Educ. Rev. 44(3), 441-457.

3 Carol Chomsky (1972). Stages in language development and reading exposure. Harvard Educ. Rev. 42(l), l-33.

4 G. Omani Collinson (1974). Ibid. 5 Ibid. “A. B. Fafunwa (1975). Education in the mother-tongue: a Nigerian experiment--the six-yea]

(Yoruba medium) primary education project at the University of Ife, Nigeria. W. Afr. J. Educ. 19. Fehruary1975,213-227.

396 M. <JOHN

in oral-traditional societies,’ cannot take place at the social level. Inevitably, the lack of continuity in the use of the language of formal education outside the school environment affects not only the child’s level of language acquisition but also of his/her perception and thought about his environment. Consequently the development of the child is unlikely to achieve its full potential either in formal education or in his/her overall development.

It is believed that in any cultural environment understanding achieved during a sustained use oflanguage enables the child to transfer from the social to the cognitive level. In such situations language, social interaction and cognitive knowledge interact in a dynamic way in the normal process of development of the individual.2 The dichotomy which thus exists in the cognitive development of children in oral- traditional societies, arising from the different languages in use in formal education and in social relationships outside the school environment, becomes more apparent.

If thought, as Piaget argues, arises from the internalization of action, then the development of the children within an educational framework such as that which exists in oral-traditional societies cannot be seen as a unified process in which language, social interaction and cognitive knowledge are in a dynamic interrelationship. What in fact happens in oral-traditional socieites is a situation in which the process operates on two levels which are to a large extent mutually exclusive. If we accept the role which communication plays in social interaction as an important aid to language acquisition and cognitive development, then the indigenous language as the medium of communication must take precedence to enable the children to come to terms with their cultural environment. In fact, the interaction of children with parents and elders at the social level can only take place in their native language. Since the situation is one where many parents have no knowledge of English, the resultant effect is that the language of formal education no longer allows for the cognitive development of the child to be a single continuous process, as is the case in Western societies. In so far as the educational framework in developing countries is concerned one then has to ask oneself how far the use of a foreign language as a medium of instruction impedes or enhances the child’s cognitive development?

The use of a foreign language in formal education in countries with a high rate of illiterate population does not encourage normal growth of cognitive development in the child, in that very little reinforcement

1 J. Goody (ed.) (1968). Litern~y in Tradifioml Societies. Cambridge: CUP. * Richard L. Wright (1983). Functional language, socialization and academic achievement.

3. Negro Educ. 52(l), 3-14.


takes place of the norms, values and beliefs experienced by the child outside the school environment within the school’s formal environment.’ In addition, the cultural bias of the new language helps to accentuate this separation between school life and that experienced outside school. For many children this state of affairs can only confuse them and retard their perception and development. In my view, the question of class is irrelevant in developing countries since all children are exposed to the clash between culture and language. Those children who manage to rise above this difficulty are those who, in general, are able to grasp’the nature of the new language quickly, i.e. the language of formal education. In addition, they are able to apply other skills introduced through formal education, particularly the ability to look at issues and ideas in an objective way.2

As private tuition after school hours is a common feature which supplements formal education in West Africa it can be seen as reinforcing those aspects which aid one to succeed in a formal education system without necessarily providing the skills with which to develop the child’s perceptive and cognitive powers. This situation is a common feature of any educational environment in so far as children are known to absorb ideas and information readily without necessarily understanding fully the meaning of what they read.3 One example of this experience is the Koranic schools in West Africa where children are taught to recite the Koran in Arabic by rote. But the nature of oral- traditional societies makes this a characteristic which, though not exclusive to children from such societies, is something which is perhaps more peculiar to them as a natural phenomenon, when we take into account the nature of the society in which they live. It must be pointed out that this characteristic is not exclusive to children. This point will be taken up again and developed more fully.

READING AND LANGUAGE ACQUISITION

The unfortunate situation which exists in West Africa is that the marked increase in the provision of formal education after political independence in the 1960s was not matched with a similar increase in the availability of imaginative literature germane to the cultural environment. Then, as now, public libraries were a new phenomenon. Consequently, not only has it been difficult, during the early stages these children learn to read, to capture their imagination with gripping

’ R. Benge (1976). Identity, confusion and the third world. (;;lmmunication 2, 205-220. z Magnus John (1979). Ibid. 3 Katharine Perera (1981). Some language problems in school learning. In Neil Mercer (ed.).

Language in School and Communi~. pp. 3-29. London: Edward Arnold.

398 IM. ,JOHN

stories, but such back-up facilities as exist in libraries and bookshops are largely written for children in other cultural environments. Children are unlikely, therefore, to turn to such books to stimulate their interest which, in turn, is the only way open to them to acquire both language and reading skills. This situation cannot but accentuate the psychological as well as physical division between school and home life.

As there is no exposure to the language of formal education at pre- school level it is not difficult to appreciate the task facing teachers as well as the mental ordeal children go through when they enter school. Unfamiliarity with the language at social level also minimizes the frequency of children’s exposure to sentence patterns and constructions of that formal language, as well as rules of grammar and syntax. As they become older and the use of textbooks becomes a regular feature of school work, a much higher concentration becomes necessary to understand the language used. Not only are sentences generally long, but ideas are dealt with in such quick succession that the subject matter regulates the pace at which reading takes place. In effect, the structure of factual prose presents greater comprehension difficulties than does fictional prose.

But because reading is still associated with formal education there has arisen a situation in oral-traditional societies in which fiction is seldom read, even among eminent educationalists.’ Reading as a leisure activity is only now emerging as a pastime among children. It remains clear, therefore, how the difficulty associated with textbook language not only hampers language acquisition but also inhibits people in such societies from wanting to read fiction. Reading is then, inevitably, seen as a chore and very few children read widely enough to be exposed to the variety of styles of writing so necessary to facilitate language and reading skills. With the limited provision of library services in such societies, this situation cannot but accentuate the problem.

Such difficulties as those described above associated with reading and language acquisition may often cause a reader to fail to understand what is being read, even though no difficulty is experienced in identifying the words in the passage. When this situation occurs, where the act of reading fails to evoke any response from the reader, this reading deficiency can be described as barking at print-‘“yapping the correct sounds but extracting little meaning”.2

This difficulty, which also retards fluency in language acquisition, is not exclusive to those who learn a language other than their mother tongue. So the point about barking atprint may be equally applicable to

’ Chinua Achebe (1972). What do African intellectuals read? 7imes Lit. Suppl. 12 May, 547. z D. H. Warner (1972). A conversation. In A. Melnik and J. Merritt (eds). Rending Today and

Tomorrow, pp. 3- 17. University of London Press in association with The Open University Press.


native speakers of the language. However, it is likely that the nature of oral-traditional societies provides an environment where this situation is more common than elsewhere.

If the main association with reading in such societies stems from formal education, then textbooks become the main reading matter which people in such societies read. This point has been dealt with elsewhere and suggestions were made about how public libraries could help to alter the reading patterns of their users.‘.2 The turgid style and denseness of information in textbooks requires concentration of a kind which not only slows down the pace of language acquisition but also inhibits students and teachers from cultivating the habit of reading as a cultural pastime. Coupled with the exercise ofreading being a chore, is it not possible that the cumulative effect of all these factors on readers living in oral-traditional societies and using a foreign language causes them to bark at print much more than would those in literate societies using their mother tongue? I think it is more than likely that this would be the case and for the following reasons.

Only a limited knowledge of how the foreign language works would be at the disposal of many a reader. In addition, the scarcity of books in libraries, bookshops, etc. reduces the oportunity of being exposed to a number of approaches to a subject. Where this is possible a reader is likely to become familiar with more than one way of looking at an issue or idea, the consequence of which can lead him not only to familiarity with the subject but also to his experiencing a greater level ofexposure to the language. Needless to say this latter situation as well as exposure to imaginative literature would aid language acquisition to a considerable degree.

If we now refer to the passage from Achebe’s novel cited in the first paragraph, we recall that information about the cultural values and beliefs oforal-traditional societies is stored in the memory. The point has been made how information passed on in this way represents the most direct form of communication- talking and listening3 -and is handed down for centuries from one generation to the other. Is this characteristic unique to people living in oral-traditional societies?

I think not, although people living in such societies are not exposed to as much information as those living in literate societies. People living in the former type of societies depend on their memory to recall skills necessary for their survival whereas inhabitants in literate societies have a variety of sources at their disposal from which information may be

’ UNESCO (1954). Deuelo$mmt of Public Libraries in Africa: the Ibadan Seminar (UNESCO Public Library Manual 6).

* Magnus John (1979). Ibid. 3 J. Goody (ed.) (1968). Ibid.

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retrieved as and when required. Does not this limited amount 01‘ information required for survival suggest that the memory is under- utilized? Ifso, is it reasonable for one to conclude then that people living in such societies are therefore likely to have a high level of retention and recall of certain kinds of information?

In my view, people living in literate societies are exposed to so much information that only a limited amount can, perhaps, be stored successfully. The fact, too, that information can be easily obtained from documented sources does encourage people living in such societies to feel they need not store all useful information in the memory. Can we be sure, however, about the capacity of the brain and the optimum amount of information it can store, retain and recall successfully? Society’s demands in literate societies are so varied that this speculative idea may appear unnecessary. But in oral-traditional societies is not survival at stake if information cannot be retrieved? And is not the absence of information one of the factors which contributes to economic under- development in such societies?

Can this need for survival make this ability to store information, retain, and recall it when required a characteristic feature of people living in oral-traditional societies? It has been pointed out how conditions prevalent in one particular cultural environment can account for cultural differences between one culture and another.’ A briefdiscussion about the way in which this characteristic manifests itself provides ample evidence for an analogous situation when formal education is introduced in societies which are predominantly oral in tradition.

W. H. Rivers and colleagues on the Torres Straits Expedition in 1898 are reported to have observed how the “visual acuity” of the islanders could not be matched by any members of the visiting party. The islanders were reported to be able to distinguish “birds among the thick foliage of trees” or “identify and describe a boat far at sea when their European visitors could barely see it”. This characteristic was explained as arising from their familiarity in responding to minute sense signals to objects pertaining to, and within, their local cultural environment.

Street also cites the works of Levi-Strauss and Bruner as providing further explanation for cultural differences of this kind. Both writers suggest that the way in which a task is tackled or an idea developed may vary from one cultural environment to another by virtue of how such a task or idea is conceived and internalized. The social digestion of the

’ B. V. Street (1983). Perceptual inferences. Times HigherEduc. Suppl. 22 July, 15. (Book review on Joseph C. Berland (1983). JV o F’ WC F’ g tn en are Alike: Cognitive Amplz$ecrs in Social Context. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press.)


task or idea thus becomes a process conditioned by prevailing environ- mental factors, in the same way that the method or approach conceived to solve the task or explain the idea would be conditioned by one’s cultural environment. Those cultural differences which can be “seen” to be present among a group of people in one cultural environment and not in another, in respect of a particular task or idea, are referred to as “amplifying tools”. It does seem to me that these “amplifying tools” are no more than cultural traits ofvarying kinds and effectiveness. They also seem to me to serve as survival aids for people who possess such characteristics and live within their own cultural environment. It is interesting, therefore, to consider how this characteristic of people living in oral-traditional societies might affect their participation in formal education.

DEVELOPINGA THEORYOF HIGH RETENTIONAND RECALL

As far as I am aware no empirical work has been reported which corroborates the theory put forward here. It has been developed from ideas held about library development in oral-traditional societies and the nature of such societies. In an earlier project, I had put forward the view linking the relative lack of library facilities in West Africa with the continuance of rote learning. l This view, I think, is only one aspect of the more acute problem about the facility with which the language of formal education is acquired in West Africa. That problem is much better understood when looked at in relation to the nature of the society.

Over the years, I have heard it said many times on the radio network of the British Broadcasting Corporation how West African audiences have revealed an incredible knowledge of Shakespeare’s plays when they are produced by actors and actresses on tour in West Africa under the auspices of the British Council. Such audiences are usually made up ofchildren preparing for public examinations. Actors and actresses have remarked how on several occasions they depended on their audiences for their cues.

This revelation has led me not only to look back on my school days in West Africa but also to ask myselfwhether a school audience in a literate society would be able to memorize so much of a play to be able to respond in a similar way to those children in West Africa? If not, why? Can it be such an imponderable situation not to have an answer? In a recent discussion with a British teacher who prepares students at a comprehensive school for “0” and “A” Level examinations in English

’ E. M. 0. John (1977). A Study of the Correlation between thr Success ofNational Education Programmes and the Level of Library Development in Ghana, Nigeria and Sierra Leone. unpublished MA dissertation, University College, University of London.

402 M. JOHN

literature the point was raised in a general way about how familiar pupils are with their prescribed texts. This was followed up with my theory about children in West Africa and of the exceptional memory they have been reported to possess. My teacher friend cited from her own experience in the school where she teaches, how a West Indian pupil who had taken a “mock” “ 0” Level examination paper in English literature had quoted extensively from memory various passages from the set play. The teacher did not only comment further on the pupil’s remarkable memory but added her disappointment about the pupil’s poor understanding of the play.

The danger of citing one example as evidence of this phenomenon of high retention and recall from people living in or having previous links with such societies is obvious. I have not yet found myself in a position where I can engage in an empirical study to test this theory. Nor do I feel that such a study should necessarily be initiated by me. Since its overall effect, however, is one which has implications for libraries in such societies it is hoped that some work will be carried out in the area which would help to test the idea and, hence, its validity.

One more example of this particular experience needs to be recalled here. The idea has been put to friends living in England who came originally from the West Indies. It is significant that not only was the theory confirmed as a characteristic among people living in the West Indies, but different examples of the way it manifested itself were adduced. An interesting example is one which reported how Roman Catholics, until changes were implemented, recited the responses of the Mass in Latin-a situation where the ritual of a church service became part of the peoples’ way oflife with varying degrees of awareness of what they recited. The participation of both children and adults in the ritual not only highlighted the characteristic as a feature affecting all ages, but also confirmed how in such a situation, the level of understanding of what was being recited wduld vary enormously. But was it not also the case that daughters ofJohn Milton read Latin passages to their blind father without an understanding of what they read?

In all these examples the majority ofpeople had little or no knowledge of the import of what they recited or recalled. Consequently, it is to be expected that there would be different levels of understanding experienced by those involved. There is strong evidence, however, that in all the examples cited two interesting features occurred on each occasion: (a) the subjects recited or recalled passages from memory which they did not fully understand; (b) the level of recall had some significance for survival in the communities where the subjects lived. The only exception is the example of Milton’s daughters who read Latin. My point here was to show that one can “use” a language without


necessarily responding to what is being read. In their case the exercise of reading to their father in Latin was not a matter ofsurvival, as is the case in the other examples. They, here, barked at print.

It does seem that in oral-traditional societies the capacity of the human memory of the majority of people is under-utilized to the point that their ability to recall information is instantaneous. In matters relating to one’s cultural environment it is to be expected that any information recalled for a specific purpose would be conditioned by the norms, beliefs and values of the society. All this will not only be relevant to the context in which the information is used it would also be demonstrated for the sake of its usefulness-satisfying some useful social, cultural purpose; in other words, its usefulness for survival purposes. The mechanism which accounts for the committal to memory of the information, as well as for its recall can be regarded as the “amplifying tools” which people living in oral-traditional societies puts into action. These amplifying tools also become a useful mechanism by which the difficulty of language acquisition is overcome with the introduction of formal education. It does seem, also, that because cognitive development seldom reaches its full potential in children in oral-traditional societies that information acquired through formal education can only be used effectively if properly understood and digested.

OVERALL IMPLICATIONSFOR NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT AND LIBRARIES

Having highlighted this natural characteristic prevalent among peoples living in oral-traditional societies it is now apposite to consider how the use of a foreign language as the medium of instruction for formal education affects the overall development of the individual in terms of language acquisition and cognitive development. Taken a stage further this situation affects not only individuals within the societies but also the various structures and institutions within the societies responsible for the formulation ofpolicies and ideas for the national good. The implications for national development, seen from this perspective, highlight the paucity of an ethos of innovation among peoples in such societies- literary, scientific, technological. Such an innovation can only come from an imaginative use of those aspects of formal education with which we have come into contact.

Part of the failure to develop this ethos may be the absence of a strong link between formal education and one’s cultural environment, and the confusion this creates in peoples’ minds. l The other is linked to both the

' R. Benge (1976). Ibid.

404 M. JOHN

overall development of the individual-one’s perceptive and cognitive powers and language acquisition. These interdependent factors seem to me to provide the framework for possible development of analytical and imaginative ideas in general, as well as those in relation to the development of one’s cultural environment. Such ideas would, then, best be explained in a language that could be understood by all.

It is also an unfortunate situation that the cognitive development of the individual in oral-traditional societies is not achieved as a continuous interaction between school, home, and culture. This may not be a complete, harmonious, process for most children anywhere; but the segregation of these aspects will be extreme in such societies. In most cases, not much of what is learnt through formal education has relevance to the cultural environment. Any requirement, therefore, of the individual to come to terms with his environment through formal education requires such a mental leap that it makes the prospect of new ideas for development from within the society a scarce commodity. The issue, then, goes beyond the problems of cognitive development, language acquisition and library provision to ideological considerations about what should constitute the package of formal education. In this regard the Institute of Education in Sierra Leone has made considerable strides in developing materials for use in secondary schools with relevance to the local environment.

The nature of oral-traditional societies itself inhibits formal education. The kind of communities in which people live and the issues which affect their lives relate more than anything else to the question of survival. Face to face contact is such a powerful communicative force in these communities that questions of how to survive seldom rise above local level. Political independence and decisions taken at the centre have little impact on the lives of the majority of people. Consequently, immediacy is a characteristic phenomenon which pervades the modes of thought and feelings of such people.

When placed alongside the context offormal education, the unrelated nature of formal education to the cultural environment puts this condition into question. Seen in this light, immediacy is a state of being which pervades the very existence and philosophy of the people. The requirement of being objective which formal education demands as a discipline for success becomes an important and critical issue with far wider implications.

The question one then asks is how far does what we know or learn enable us to think in terms of improving our environment? The crux is not just how well we know our subject but whether we are also able to detach ourselves from our subjects when offering suggestions and ideas. It might not appear such a difficulty for people living in literate societies


in that objectivity is a condition in such societies, in a way that it is not in oral-traditional societies.’ The social and psychological upheaval which such private acts of reading and writing would require in an otherwise communal environment are major considerations for which formal education provision for children is no solution on its own.

On the other hand, there is scope for improvement in our present predicament. Having said that people living in oral-traditional societies under-utilize the capacity of their memory much more can, perhaps, be done to expose all nationals to the written word. One does not know to what extent a display board recording the name of a school, its hours of business and the name ofits headmaster might cause illiterate parents to be curious enough to ask their children the meaning of the display! This is a simple observation which is sadly a representative of the West African situation. As things are at the moment, the majority of people are subjugated to what has been described as the “culture ofsilence”, in the sense that a vast proportion of the population living in such societies are excluded from any forum of debate on issues of national development.

A more important role can be promoted by libraries-particularly public libraries-in encouraging the wider use of fiction. Taking into account the phenomenon ofhigh retention and recall as a quality which can aid language acquisition, public libraries can do more to promote more effectively the use of fiction, not only among children but also among students in higher education. 3 As librarians we need to capitalize on the level of exposure of the written word available for our readers, particularly the young.

Library provision and the training of librarians also have an unfortunate connection which links libraries with formal education. While in itself it is not a bad thing this situation has psychological implications for the divide between formal education and one’s cultural environment. Added to this is the fact that library schools in West Africa, particularly in Nigeria, are ail based in the faculty of education within the universities. Practising librarians, therefore, have a diflicult task, psychologically as well as in practice, in changing the existing position effectively. The promotion of the reading of fiction more widely has obvious benefits for libraries and the respective societies. The exposure to a greater variety ofstyles ofwriting would, undoubtedly, aid pupils’ fluency in English. The phenomenon revealing one’s capacity of high recall may bring about a situation where rote learning itself

’ Magnus John (1979). Ibid. * Paula Friere ( 1972). Pedagogy ofthe Opp ressed. Harmondsworth: Penguin (translated by Myra

Bergman Ramos). 3 MagnusJohn (1979). Ibid.

406 M. ,JOHN

becomes a major contributory factor in the learning process, in language acquisition and cognitive development.

The responsibility of formal education should, therefore, be shared, particularly in the early stages, between teachers and librarians; their respective professionals skills should complement each other. In general, teachers in oral-traditional societies have such poor facilities at their disposal that the task of imparting the necessary verbal and linguistic skills could be shared with librarians within the school environment. It seems to me appropriate that the task of acquiring these skills, so necessary to stimulate development, should be approached from all angles, and involve talking, listening, reading and writing. Librarians should, therefore, be encouraged to go into schools to assist with definite tasks, particularly where it helps to promote the reading of fiction.

Fictional prose is not only simpler in its construction than the prose of textbooks, the contents ofnovels have such a unique attractiveness in the way the narrative structure unfolds its stories that it is likely to appeal to children learning to read, more so if the stories relate to their own cultural environment. Teachers and librarians could then be helped to be efficient in their duties by ensuring that their training equip them for such tasks.

Therefore, all trainees in both professions should be given an understanding of the ways literary skills are taught and acquired, to enable them to identify and remedy reading difficulties which children under their guidance may reveal.

Teachers, by virtue of the formal nature of their work, may be expected to stress the importance of reading for the purpose of acquiring knowledge and linguistic skills. They would be in a position to impart skills which would help children to identify “at what point does it become reading and at what point does it cease to be reading and something else, thinking perhaps, or concept formation, or acquisition of knowledge”. l

Librarians, on the other hand, need not adopt this attitude as well. They should encourage reading for the sheer pleasure inherent in the act and not merely as a means to an end. That way, we shall begin to break the mould of the cast which limits the purpose of reading in oral- traditional societies. That, in turn, will open up vistas beyond which will emerge an ethos of innovation from within our societies.

1 Kenneth S. Goodman (1972). Behind the eye: what happens in reading. In A. Melnik and J. Merritt (eds) (1972). Reading Today and ?hmomow, pp. 45-57. University of London Press in association with The Open University Press.

the language of formal education and the role of libraries in oral-traditional societies

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