the gambia - europa › cmsdata › upload › 065b878b...2017/04/06 · to genuine and transparent...

FINAL REPORT

The GAMBIA

National Assembly Elections 6 April 2017

EuropeanUnionElectionObservationMissionsareindependentfromthe

EuropeanUnioninstitutions.Theinformationandviewssetoutinthisreportarethoseoftheauthor(s)anddonotnecessarilyreflecttheofficialopinionoftheEuropeanUnion.NeithertheEuropeanUnioninstitutionsandbodiesnoranypersonactingontheirbehalfmaybeheldresponsiblefortheusewhichmaybe

madeoftheinformationcontainedtherein.

EUROPEANUNIONELECTIONOBSERVATIONMISSION

EUElectionObservationMissiontoTheGambia2017NationalAssemblyElections–6April2017

FinalReportPage1of68

TABLEOFCONTENTS

LISTOFACRONYMS..................................................................................................................................3I. EXECUTIVESUMMARY......................................................................................................................4II. INTRODUCTION................................................................................................................................9III. POLITICALBACKGROUND..................................................................................................................9IV. LEGALFRAMEWORKANDELECTORALSYSTEM.................................................................................11A. UniversalandRegionalPrinciplesandCommitments.............................................................................11B. ElectoralLegislation................................................................................................................................11C. TheElectoralSystem...............................................................................................................................13V. ELECTIONADMINISTRATION............................................................................................................14A. StructureandComposition.....................................................................................................................14B. TheAdministrationofElections.............................................................................................................14VI. DELIMITATIONOFCONSTITUENCIES................................................................................................15VII. VOTERREGISTRATION.....................................................................................................................16VIII.REGISTRATIONOFPOLITICALPARTIESANDCANDIDATENOMINATION...........................................17A. RegistrationofPoliticalParties...............................................................................................................17B. CandidateNomination...........................................................................................................................18IX. CIVICANDVOTEREDUCATION.........................................................................................................18X. CAMPAIGNENVIRONMENT.............................................................................................................19XI. CAMPAIGNFINANCE........................................................................................................................21XII. MEDIAANDELECTIONS....................................................................................................................22A. MediaEnvironment................................................................................................................................22B. LegalFrameworkforMedia....................................................................................................................22C. LegalFrameworkforCampaignCoverage..............................................................................................24D. EUEOMMediaMonitoring....................................................................................................................24XIII.DOMESTICANDINTERNATIONALOBSERVERS..................................................................................26XIV.PARTICIPATIONOFWOMEN............................................................................................................26XV. PARTICIPATIONOFPERSONSWITHDISABILITIES.............................................................................27XVI.ELECTORALJUSTICE.........................................................................................................................28A. ElectoralOffences...................................................................................................................................28B. ComplaintsandAppeals.........................................................................................................................28C. ElectionPetitions....................................................................................................................................29XVII.ELECTIONDAYANDANNOUNCEMENTOFTHERESULTS...................................................................29A. OpeningandVoting................................................................................................................................29B. CountingandTabulation........................................................................................................................30C. AnnouncementofElectionResults.........................................................................................................30XVIII. POST-ELECTIONDAYDEVELOPMENTS.........................................................................................31XIX.RECOMMENDATIONS......................................................................................................................34ANNEXI TableofRecommendations.................................................................................................38ANNEXII ElectionResults...................................................................................................................54ANNEXIII MediaMonitoringResults...................................................................................................57



EuropeanUnionElectionObservationMissionsare independentfromtheEuropean Union institutions. The information and views set out in thisreportarethoseoftheauthor(s)anddonotnecessarilyreflecttheofficialopinion of the EuropeanUnion.Neither the EuropeanUnion institutionsandbodiesnoranypersonactingontheirbehalfmaybeheldresponsiblefortheusewhichmaybemadeoftheinformationcontainedtherein.Reportreleased: September2017 Banjul,TheGambia



LISTOFACRONYMSACDEG AfricanCharteronDemocracy,ElectionsandGovernance

ACHPR AfricanCharteronHumanandPeoples’Rights

APRC AllianceforPatrioticReorientationandConstruction

AU AfricanUnion

AUCPCC AfricanUnionConventiononPreventingandCombatingCorruption

CEDAW ConventionontheEliminationofAllFormsofDiscriminationagainstWomen

CRPD ConventionontheRightsofPersonswithDisabilities

DPFEA DeclarationofPrinciplesforFreedomofExpressioninAfrica

ECOWAS EconomicCommunityofWestAfricanStates

ECOMIG ECOWASMilitaryInterventioninTheGambia

EUEOM EuropeanUnionElectionObservationMission

GDC GambiaDemocraticCongress

GMC GambiaMoralCongress

GMD Dalasi.(TheGambianmonetarynomination)

GPDP GambiaPartyforDemocracyandProgress

IEC IndependentElectoralCommission

ICCPR InternationalCovenantonCivilandPoliticalRights

ICCPRGC InternationalCovenantonCivilandPoliticalRightsGeneralComments

MEP MemberoftheEuropeanParliament

MP MemberofParliament

NA NationalAssembly

NAM NationalAssemblyMember

NCP NationalConventionParty

NRP NationalReconciliationParty

NTYTR NotTooYoungToRun

PDOIS People'sDemocraticOrganisationforIndependenceandSocialism

PPP People’sProgressiveParty

TTB TeamTahawalBanjul

UDP UnitedDemocraticParty

UDHR UniversalDeclarationofHumanRights

UNCAC UnitedNationsConventionagainstCorruption



I. EXECUTIVESUMMARY

On 6 April 2017, The Gambia held its first National Assembly elections since the end of 22 years ofauthoritarian rule under President Yahya Jammeh. Following an invitation from theGovernmentof TheGambiaandtheIndependentElectoralCommission(IEC),theEuropeanUnionElectionObservationMission(EU EOM) was present in The Gambia from 13 March to 26 April 2017. The Mission was led by ChiefObserverMiroslavPoche,aMemberoftheEuropeanParliament(MEP).Intotal,theEUEOMdeployed56observersfrom27EUMemberStates,aswellasfromNorwayandSwitzerland,acrossthecountrytoassesstheentireelectoralprocessinaccordancewiththeinternationalandregionalobligationsandcommitmentstogenuineandtransparentelectionsandthelawsofTheGambia.

ThelastNationalAssemblyelections,heldin2012,werelargelyboycottedbytheopposition.Priortothe2016 presidential election, seven political parties and an independent candidate formed the Coalition2016, backing Adama Barrow, a former deputy treasurer of the United Democratic Party (UDP), as anindependentcandidate.PresidentBarrowwonthesingleroundpresidentialelectionwith43.3percentofthe votes, against 39.6 for the then incumbent President Jammeh of the Alliance for PatrioticReorientation and Construction (APRC). Mamma Kandeh, of the newly formed Gambia DemocraticCongress(GDC),received17percentofthevotes.PresidentJammehinitiallyacceptedbutsubsequentlyrejectedtheelectionresults.Followingdomesticand internationalpressure, Jammehwent intoexileon21 January 2017, after several weeks of political stalemate under high tension. President Barrow wasinitiallyswornintoofficeattheGambianEmbassyinDakar,Senegal,on19JanuaryandwasinauguratedamonthlaterinBanjul.AgovernmentwasthenformedintegratingrepresentativesoftheCoalition2016.

TheNationalAssemblyiscomprisedof58members.53MembersoftheunicameralNationalAssemblyareelected for a five-year mandate through the first-past-the-post (FPTP) system in single-memberconstituencies.Areviewoftheconstituencyboundariesin2015increasedthenumberofelectedmembersinparliamentfromthethen48to53.Fiveadditionalmembersareappointedbythepresident.

Thenominationofcandidatestookplacebetween9and12Marchandresultedinatotalof239candidatesrepresenting all nine registered political parties, as well as 42 independent candidates. No candidatenominationswere rejected by the IEC. Only 20 among the nominated candidateswerewomen (8.4 percent).ThepoliticalpartiesoftheCoalition2016decidedtopresentcandidatesunderthebannersoftheirindividualpoliticalparties.

On7April,theIECannouncedtheoverallresultsoftheNationalAssemblyelections.TheUDPwon31seats,falling just shortofa two-thirdsmajority. Thiswas followedby the former rulingpartyAPRCwith5, theGDCwith5,theNRPwith5,PDOISwith4,PPPwith2andasingleindependentcandidate.

The legal framework provides an adequate basis for the conduct of electionswhich are in linewith theinternational obligations and commitments of The Gambia. The broader legal system within which theelectoral frameworkoperateshas,however,beenseverelycompromised in recentyears.Theruleof lawhasbeensignificantlyundermined,particularlythroughaprogressiveerosionofthe independenceofthejudiciary.TheGambiaisaStatePartytomostinternationallegalinstrumentswhichrelatetohumanrightsandtheconductofelections,muchofwhichwereentirelyignoredbythepreviousGambiangovernment.

The legal rules relating to the National Assembly elections are to be found across a plethora of legalinstruments.Many areas of lawarenotwell regulated, however,with a dearthof subsidiary legislation.Therearepracticalproblemswithaccess to legal instrumentsandthedisseminationof legal texts inTheGambia.



The IEC is a constitutional body led by a five-member commission. All its members, including thechairperson, are appointed by the president. Only one of the five IEC commissioners is a woman. TheConstitution imposesvastresponsibilitiesontheIEC includingtheregistrationofvoters,theconductofacontinuousprogrammeofvotereducation,oversightofthecampaign,andensuringthateachcandidateisgiven equal time on public radio and television. In addition, political parties must submit their auditedannualaccountstotheIEC.SuchaplethoraoftaskscouldoverburdentheIEC.

The IEC does not command its ownbudget and the current financialmechanisms do not guarantee theIEC’sindependence.TheIEChaspermanentofficesineachofthesevenregions.Theseregionalofficeslacksafestoragefacilitiesaswellaselectricityandeffectivemeansofcommunication.The IECenjoyedbroadpublic confidence among political parties and other stakeholders due to its legacy from the 2016presidentialelection,whereitdefendedtheelectionresultsdespitepressurefromtheauthorities.TheIECdid not, however, conduct meetings with political parties or candidates during the election campaignperiod. Despite the legal authority for the IEC to issue rules and procedures until six months ahead ofelections, the IEC did not issue any additional written procedures on counting and collation for thiselection, beyond the handbook for polling officials. The IEC generally managed this electoral processsuccessfully.However,alackoftransparencystillcharacterisedtheworkingsoftheIEC.

TheConstitutionprovidesfortherighttovoteofallcitizens,ofeighteenyearsofage,witharequirementofeitherbirthorresidenceintheconstituencyofregistration.TheIECusedthesamevoterregisterasfortheDecember2016presidentialelection.Thisdecisiondisenfranchisedotherwiseeligiblevoterswhohadturned18yearsof agebetween1December2016and6April 2017. In2016, the IEC conducteda voterregistration update ahead of the 2016-2018 election cycle but no deletions of entries, or changing ofentriesofvoterswhohadmovedtodifferentplacesofresidence,werefacilitated.TheIECrecorded89,649new entries resulting in a total of 886,578 registered voters. A significant number of deceased personsremainon thevoter register.While thevoter registerneeds improvement,politicalpartiesaccepted thevalidityofthevoters´rollforthesetransitionalelections.

The2015Elections(Amendment)Actsubstantiallyincreasedthelegalrequirementsfortheregistrationofpolitical parties. These requirements seemexcessive and unreasonably limit the freedomof association.Therearenounduerestrictionsonbeingnominatedasacandidate.Thevastdiscrepancyinthenumberofvoters per constituency falls far short of ensuring the equality of the vote. A total of 49 of the 53constituencies deviated by more than 15 per cent from the national average of 16,728 voters perconstituency,withthelargestconstituencyhaving23timesasmanyvotersasthesmallestone.

Given the contemporary history of TheGambia, there ismuch need for both civic and voter education.However,onlylimitedfundingandtimewereavailable.Votereducationaheadoftheelectionsstartedlate,and lacked coordination with the public broadcaster The Gambia Radio and Television Services (GRTS).Voter educationwas also conducted by civil society organisations (CSOs), including a voter sensitisationcampaign carried out through community and school outreach as well as radio messages. No voterinformationoreditorialprogrammesorarticleswereairedorprinted, inthemediamonitoredbytheEUEOM,aimedatadvancingthepoliticalparticipationofpersonswithdisabilities.

Thefreedomsofassemblyandexpressionofcandidateswerewellrespectedduringtheelectioncampaign.Political parties, as well as citizens, expressed themselves freely on political matters without fear ofpersecution.Thethree-weekcampaignperiodstartedon15Marchandendedon4April.AllapplicationstoconductralliesweregrantedbytheIEC.TheunprecedentednumberofcandidatesledtheIECtoallowcampaignevents late into thenight.TheEUEOMobserved44campaignevents inall sevenregions.Thecampaignenvironmentwascalminallregionsofthecountry,withonlyafewminorincidentsreportedintheGreaterBanjulAreaandone inKomboEast. Inahistoricfirst,candidateshelddebatesboth inpublicplaces and in the media. Many rallies included question and answer sessions offering attendees theopportunitytointeractwiththecandidates.



Candidatesfocussedonnationalsocio-economicdevelopmentandontheimprovementoflivingconditionswithin their constituencies. Most of the Coalition 2016 parties emphasised their affiliation with theCoalition. The GDC and the APRC expressed concerns over this use of the Coalition brand. The IECinstructed candidates to refrain frommentioning the Coalition 2016 in their campaigning or theywouldfacetheriskofrevocationofcandidature.TheIECrequestwaslargely ignored,butnofurtheractionwastaken.OnMarch 14, theMinister of Information issued a statement prohibiting any use of governmentresources for partisan politics. Themisuse of administrative resources, that had characterised Gambianelectionsinthepast,wasnotobserved.

From23Marchto2April,thePresidentundertookaconstitutionallymandatedtour,officiallyintendedtothank thepopulation forhiselectionand to solicit voters’ continuedsupport for theCoalition2016.ThePresident’snationwidetourhadanimpactonthecampaignas ittookprominenceoverothereventsandwasdisproportionatelycoveredbythemedia.Thetimingofthetourwassubjecttomuchcriticismbutnoformal complaints were dealt with. The president was accompanied by government ministers whoalternatedinthedifferentstopovers.TheGambiansecurityforcesandECOMIGtroopswereusedtosecurethepresidentialconvoyofgovernmentvehicles.TheEUEOMobservedthepresidentendorsingcandidatesofpartiesaffiliatedwiththeCoalition2016duringhisspeechesindifferentregions.

A significant lacuna in the legal framework is theabsenceofanymeaningful regulationof campaignandpolitical party finance. Campaign finance is very lightly regulated, characterised by an absence of legalprovisionstorestraintheundueimpactofmoneyintheelectoralprocess.

TheGambianmediaisundergoingamomentousliberalisationandmediapractitionerswereabletoexploitthenewlyacquiredfreedomofexpression.However,thelegalframework,as inheritedfromthepreviousregime, undermines freedom of expression and speech, although it is currently not applied. Citizens’,includingmedia practitioners', right to information is not protected. There is no independent regulatorybody for media, as there are no legal safeguards for public broadcaster editorial and financialindependence.Consequently,TheGambia’sregionalandinternationalcommitmentsremainunfulfilled.

Allmediaoutletsstrovetoprovidealevelplayingfieldthroughoutthecampaignperiod,applyingavarietyofgenres, includingdebatesamongcandidates.Onlinenewssitesandsocialmediachallengedtraditionalmedia’s at times self-referential narrative and community radios were instrumental in introducingcandidates to the electorate. However, poor financial standing, dilapidated equipment and lack ofprofessionalismlimitedmedia’seditorialoutputandcurbedvotersabilitytomakeafullyinformedchoice.

ThenewssegmentsonthepublicTheGambiaRadioandTelevisionServices(GRTS)weredominatedbythepresidential tour and government ministers’ institutional activities. Commercial radio stations’ newsfollowedasimilarpattern.Suchallocationoftimedistortedthefairnessofcampaigncoveragewithinthenewsthatperserequireshigherstandardsofneutrality,balanceandseparationbetweenpoliticalactors’executivedutiesandcampaigning.Theoveralltonewithinthenewssegmentswasneutral.

GRTSTVallotted33per centof itsnews coverage to thepresident and61per cent to thegovernment.GRTSradioallotted81percentofnewstothepresidentandafurther13percenttothegovernment. Inthe positive, GRTS news reports were neutral and brief, yet they relayed the president’s promises ofsustainabledevelopment. Suchallocationof timedistorted the fairnessof campaigncoveragewithin thestatebroadcasters’newssegmentsthatperserequirehighstandardsofneutrality,balanceandseparationbetween political actors’ executive duties and campaigning. The overall tone across commercial medianews was neutral. Community FM radio stations were instrumental in introducing candidates to thepopulationandinconveyingvoterinformation.

There is an extensive catalogue of electoral offences set out in the law. Not a single prosecution of anelectoral offence was undertaken. There were some arrests on criminal charges of assault, which wereelection related, although not specified as electoral offences in the charges. This undermines the



accountabilityofcandidatesandpoliticalpartiesfortheactionsoftheirsupporters.Objectionstocandidatenominationswereeffectivelyimpossible.Anobjectionperiodwasprovidedforonthedayafterthecloseofnominations, while the law requires even less, mandating just a period of a few hours for objections.Disputes which arose during the campaign were dealt with through informal system of mediation andreconciliation,reflectingthegeneralapproachtodisputeresolutioninTheGambia.

Thepoliticalandlegalrealitiesofthelasttwodecadeshavehadtheresultthatthereisnorecentcultureofcontestingelectionresults,orindeedofanyrecoursetothelawduringtheelectoralprocess.Nonetheless,the legal jurisdiction for election petitions after the declaration of results exists, with responsibilityattributed exclusively to the Supreme Court. This court had not sat for two years prior to the electioncampaignperiod,and,comprisedofjustasinglemember,wasnotfunctioningduringtheelectionperiod.Nonetheless,electionpetitionscould, technically,havebeen filed for futureadjudication,butnoneweresubmitted.

TheIECconductedpollingandcountinginatransparentandorderlymanner.Onelectionday,theEUEOMobservedvotingproceduresat222pollingstations,representing16percentofallpollingstationsacrossallsevenregionsof thecountry.Votingproceduresweresimple,withoutadvance,postal,mobileorout-of-countryvoting.Registeredvoterscouldvoteonlyinthepollingstationswheretheywereregistered.Pollingwasconductedfrom8:00to17:00hours,inall1,422pollingstations.EUobserversassessedtheconductofpollingpositivelyin98percentofpollingstationsvisited.Countingatthepollingstationswasconductedinaquickandaccuratemanner, in full viewofcandidates'agentsandobservers.However, collationat thesevenregionalcollationcentreslackedclearprocedures,organisationandtransparency.

The legal framework lacks details concerning the announcement of results. All electedmembers of theNationalAssemblywereannouncedby9:00amthemorningaftertheelections.TheresultsprovidedbytheIECwereinitiallyonlybrokendowntoconstituencylevelwithnoindividualpollingstationresultsdisplayedontheIECwebsitenormadeavailabletopoliticalpartiesorcandidates.Atotalof379,320validvoteswerecast, resulting in a voter turnoutof 42.8per cent. TheDecember2016presidential electionhad a voterturnout of 59.3 per cent. Several civil society organisations actively engaged in electionobservation andelection-relatedconflictmonitoringandvoicednograveconcerns.

On11AprilmembersoftheNationalAssemblyweresworninaftertheSpeakerandDeputySpeakerwereelected. Following the provisions of the Constitution, both the speaker and the deputy speaker wereelectedfromamongthefiveNationalAssemblymembersnominatedbythepresident.

Whileelectiondaywasmarkedbypeaceandcalm,afewdisorderlyincidentsoccurredsubsequently.On7April, clashes between UDP and GDC supporters took place in Sandu constituency following theproclamationofthevictoryoftheUDPcandidatewithjust14votesmorethantheGDC.Onthesameday,violenceoccurredbetweentheUDPandtheAPRCsupportersinFoniBintangconstituency.On20April,anincidentoccurred betweenmembersoftheGambianArmyandtheECOMIGforcesinthevillageofformerpresidentJammehinFoniKansalaconstituency

Enhancement of several aspects of the electoral process is required for the full realisation of thefundamental rightsof individualsandgroups,asprovided for in theapplicable internationalandregionalcommitments to democratic elections of The Gambia. In this regard, the following priorityrecommendations areoffered, for considerationandaction, to theGovernmentof TheGambia, the IEC,political parties, civil society and the international community. Discussion on implementation of allrecommendationsshouldbeundertakenasexpeditiouslyaspossibleinordertoaddresstheshortcomingsidentified in the2017electoralprocess ina timelymanner.Adetailed tableof recommendationscanbefoundinAnnexItothisreport,whilethepriorityrecommendationsarelistedbelow:



1. Revisethelegalrequirementsforregistrationasapoliticalparty.

2. Strengthen the institutional independenceof the IECby: establishing an inclusivemechanism for

theselectionandappointmentoftheIECChairpersonandCommissioners;byensuringthesecurityoftheIECCommissioners’tenure;andbyprovidingtheIECwithfullsovereigntyoveritsbudget;aswellasalegalrequirementfortheIECCommissiontomakejointdecisions,particularlyonresults.

3. Establish clear and coherent procedures for polling, counting, result transfer, and collation, inconjunctionwiththeintroductionof improvedsecuritymeasuresofresultandcollationforms;aswell as provide timely, participatory training of election staff and candidate agents on theseprocedures.

4. Establish the Boundaries Commission and enact legislation outlining the criteria for thedemarcationofconstituencyboundaries,impartiallyandtransparently,ensuringtheequalityofthevote, with legally binding permitted deviations from the national average number of voters perconstituency.

5. Establish an accurate voter register and provide citizenswith timely opportunities to register asvoters, to update voter registration entries in case of error or change of place of residence, toremove deceased and other unqualified persons’ entries, with adequate time for display andchallenge.

6. Deliverextensiveandcontinuousciviceducationwhichwouldensurethatallcitizensareinformedof their rights as citizens and voters. They would also be made aware of the role of electedinstitutionsandof themainaspectsofgovernance.Specialprogrammesaimedatyouth,womenandpersonswithdisabilitiescouldalsobedevelopedandimplemented.CSOscouldplayanactiveroleinthepromotionandimplementationoftheseactivities.

7. Confer the power to conduct effective campaign finance oversight on the IEC or on a yet-to-be-established anti-corruption body. The respective body should be granted sufficient powers tomonitorandenforcerulesoncampaign finance.Toenhancetransparency, financial reportsofallpartiesandcandidatescouldbepublishedbeforeandafterthecampaignperiod.

8. Amend the legal framework for traditional and online media regarding content limitations andregistration procedures; decriminalise defamation and lift online media’s liability for third-partycontent, consequently bringing the overall legal framework into line with The Gambia’sinternationalcommitmentsregardingfreedomofexpression.

9. Establishlegalsafeguardsforthepublicservicebroadcaster’seditorialindependenceandfinancialautonomy.

10. Introduce legal requirements, suchasmandatoryquotas, forpoliticalparties toapplyaffirmativeactiongenderpolicieswithintheirparties,intermsofintegratingwomenintopartystructuresandselectingwomen as party candidates. Such policies can be particularly effectivewhen using thebottom-up approach. Enforcementmeasures could be linked to the ongoing registration of thepoliticalparty.Inanyrevisionoftheelectoralsystem,introductionofquotasforfemalecandidatescouldbeconsidered.

11. Theintroductionofadetailedcomplaintsprocedure,withreasonabletimelimitsforadjudication,shouldbeconsidered.Theprocedurecouldregulatematterssuchaswhen,inwhatformatandtowhichinstitution,complaintswouldbesubmittedandhowtheywouldbeadjudicatedupon.



II. INTRODUCTION

FollowinganinvitationfromtheGovernmentofTheGambiaandtheIndependentElectoralCommission,theEuropeanUnionElectionObservationMissionwaspresentinTheGambiafrom13Marchto26April2017. TheMission was led by Chief Observer Miroslav Poche, a Member of the European Parliament(MEP). Intotal,theEUEOMdeployed56observersfrom27EUMemberStates,aswellasfromNorwayandSwitzerland, acrossthecountrytoassesstheentireelectoralprocessinaccordancewithinternationaland regional obligations and commitments to genuine and transparent elections and the laws of TheGambia. A delegation from the European Parliament, headed by Jean Lambert MEP, also joined themissiontoobserveelectionday.

TheEUEOMisindependentinitsfindingsandconclusionsandadherestotheDeclarationofPrinciplesforInternational Election Observation commemorated at the United Nations in October 2005. This reportpresents a detailed assessment of the findings of the EU EOM on the various stages of the electoralprocess,and,basedonthesefindings,includesaseriesofrecommendationsfortheimprovementoftheprocessinfutureelections.

TheEUEOMexpresses itsappreciation to theGovernmentofTheGambia, the IEC,politicalparties, civilsociety,media,aswellasthepeopleofTheGambia,fortheircooperationandassistanceinthecourseoftheobservationmission.TheEUEOMisgratefultotheDelegationoftheEuropeanUniontoTheGambiaandtheEuropeanUnionMemberStates’diplomaticmissionsaccreditedtoTheGambiafortheirsupportthroughout.

III. POLITICALBACKGROUNDOn6April2017,TheGambiahelditsfirstNationalAssemblyelectionsfollowing22yearsofauthoritarianrulebyPresidentYahya Jammeh.Theholdingof theelectionswasasecond fundamentalelement in thetransitionwhichstartedafterthepresidentialelectionofDecember2016.

Prior to thepresidentialelection, sevenpoliticalparties (UDP,PDOIS,NRP,PPP,GMC,GPD,NCP)andanindependentcandidate(IsatouTouray)formedtheCoalition2016,backingAdamaBarrow,aformerdeputytreasureroftheUnitedDemocraticParty(UDP),asan independentcandidate.PresidentBarrowwonthepresidential election with 43.3 per cent of the votes, against 39.6 for the then incumbent PresidentJammeh.MammaKandeh,oftheGambiaDemocraticCongress(GDC),received17percentofthevotes.

The2016presidential electionwas followedbyapolitical impasse. Jammeh initiallyaccepted the resultsand agreed to transfer power to Barrow. However, he subsequently rejected the election results andrefused to leave office shortly thereafter. Under domestic and international pressure, and notably thethreatofmilitaryinterventionbytheEconomicCommunityofWestAfricanStates(ECOWAS),Jammehleftthecountry forexile inEquatorialGuineaon21January,afterseveralweeksofpoliticalstalemateunderhightension.BarrowwasinitiallyswornintotheofficeofPresidentattheGambianEmbassyinDakaron19JanuaryandwasinauguratedamonthlaterinBanjul.

The subsequent formation of a government integrating representatives of the Coalition 2016 broughtaboutconfidenceintheelectoralprocess.Politicalspacewasopenedupforcompetitiveelections.In2017,TheGambiahelditsfifthNationalAssemblyElectionssince1997,whentheNationalAssembly,underthenewconstitutionof1997,hadreplacedthepreviousWestminsterparliamentarystylesystem.

ThemembersoftheunicameralNationalAssemblyareelectedforafive-yearmandatethroughthefirst-past-the-post (FPTP) system insingle-memberconstituencies.TheNationalAssemblycurrentlycomprises58 seats.A reviewof the constituencyboundaries in2015 increased thenumberof electedmembers inparliamentfromthethen48to53members.Fiveadditionalmembersareappointedbythepresident.



ThelastNationalAssemblyelections,heldin2012,werelargelyboycottedbytheopposition.Atthetime,thethenrulingAllianceforPatrioticReorientationandConstruction(APRC)partywon42ofthe48electedconstituency seats, 25 of which it gained unopposed. The six othermembers of the National AssemblycomprisedtwofromtheNationalReconciliationParty (NRP)andfour independents. In2017, forthefirsttime,allthe53single-memberconstituencieswerecontested,with197candidatesfromallnineregisteredpoliticalpartiesand42independentcandidatesrunningforoffice.

ThesevenpoliticalpartiesoftheCoalition2016decided,afterdifficultnegotiations,topresentcandidatesunderthebannersoftheir individualpoliticalparties. TheUDPapproachwassupportedbytheNRPandtheGambiaMoralCongress(GMC).ThePeople’sDemocraticOrganisationforIndependenceandSocialism(PDOIS)and thePeople’sProgressiveParty (PPP),however,wouldhavepreferred thestrategyofputtingforwardindependentcandidatesundertheCoalition2016banner,followingthemodelofthepresidentialelection.TheUDP’s'TacticalAlliance'approach,agreedbytheparties,entailedthatonlyonepoliticalpartyfromCoalition2016weretopresentacandidateperconstituency.However,thepartiesdisagreedonthenumberofconstituenciestoallocatetothedifferentparties.Eachpartythereforepresentedcandidatesintheirperceivedstrongholds,basedalsoontheirfinancialcapacity.TheUDPpresentedthelargestnumberofcandidatescovering44constituencies,followedbytheNRPwith24.ThePDOISpresentedcandidatesin22constituencies.ThePPPpresented14candidatesand theGMC, theGambiaParty forDemocracyandProgress (GPDP), and the National Convention Party (NCP) presented five, four and three candidates,respectively.Ultimately, candidatesde facto supportedby sucha tacticalalliancecompeted in just15ofthe53constituencies.

Politicalparties informed theEUEOMthat their selectionof candidateswas conducted throughprimaryelections in constituencies with more than one aspiring candidate. This exercise was conducted atconstituency level and was presided over by the executive members, though voters came from villagestructures.NeitherthePPPnortheNCPheldprimariesastheiraspirantcandidateswerenotchallenged.

The APRC, the former ruling party, presented candidates in only 29 constituencies. In the weeks thatpreceded the elections, the party leadership repeatedly expressed concerns over the allegedly unfairtreatment of party supporters by the security forces. They also expressed anxiety that the presence ofECOMIG and Gambian troops in their strongholds might negatively affect voter turnout. This did notmaterialiseastheturnoutfiguresinthefiveconstituenciesintheFoniareawereamongthehighestinthecountry.

The GDC, the party of the presidential candidate Mamma Kandeh, was founded prior to the 2016presidentialelection.Despitebeing relativelynew, theGDCpresented the largestnumberof candidates,contesting52outof53constituencies.During theNationalAssemblyelectioncampaignperiod, theGDCrepeatedlydenouncedtheallegedmisuseoftheCoalition2016brandandofPresidentBarrow’simagebythe parties affiliated with the Coalition. They also criticised the alleged misuse of state resources byPresidentBarrowonhiscountry-widetour.

On 7 April, the Independent Electoral Commission announced the results of the National Assemblyelections.TheUDPwon31seats,fallingjustshortofatwo-thirdsmajority.ThiswasfollowedbytheAPRCwith5,theGDCwith5,theNRPwith5,PDOISwith4,PPPwith2andasingleindependentcandidate.



IV. LEGALFRAMEWORKANDELECTORALSYSTEM

A. UniversalandRegionalPrinciplesandCommitmentsTheGambiaisaStatePartytomostinternational legal instrumentswhichrelatetohumanrightsandtheconductofelections.TheinstrumentswhichithasratifiedincludetheInternationalCovenantonCivilandPoliticalRights (StatePartysince1979); theConventionontheEliminationofAllFormsofDiscriminationagainstWomen(since1993);theConventionontheEliminationofRacialDiscrimination(since1978);theInternationalCovenantonEconomic,SocialandCulturalRights(in1978);theConventionontheRightsoftheChild (in1990); and theConventionon theRightsofPersonswithDisabilities (in2015). TheGambiaaccededtotheUNConventionagainstCorruptionon8July20151.

The Gambia has also acceded to several relevant regional human rights treaties, including the AfricanCharteronHumanandPeople’sRights(ratifiedin1983),theProtocoltotheAfricanCharteronHumanandPeople’sRightsontheRightsofWomeninAfrica(ratified in2005),andtheAfricanUnionConventiononPreventing and Combating Corruption (ratified in 2009). The Gambia signed the African Charter onDemocracy, Elections andGovernance in 2008, but has yet to ratify it. TheGambia has also ratified theECOWAS Protocol on Democracy and Good Governance Supplementary to the Protocol Relating to theMechanismforConflictPrevention,Management,Resolution,PeacekeepingandSecurity.

While these instruments are binding upon TheGambia under international law, the legal system in TheGambiarequiresthattreatyprovisionsmustbeincorporatedintodomesticlawbeforetheybecomepartofthelawsofTheGambia.Whileextensiveeffortshavebeenmadetoincorporatetheprovisionsoftreatiessuchas theConventionontheRightsof theChildandtheConventionontheEliminationofAllFormsofDiscriminationagainstwomenintodomesticlaw,manyofthesetreatyobligationswereentirelyignoredbythe last Gambian government. The planned creation of a national human rights institutionmay supportgreaterhumanrightscompliance in the legislativeprocess.Severaldecisionsof theECOWASCommunityCourt of Justice, and of the African Commission on Human and People’s Rights, which found that TheGambiawasresponsibleforviolatingtheAfricanCharteronHumanandPeople’sRights,werenotcompliedwith.TherearealsocasescurrentlyunderwayagainstTheGambiaallegingfurtherviolationsoftheAfricanCharteronHumanandPeople’sRights.

B. ElectoralLegislationThe legal rules relating to the National Assembly elections are to be found across a plethora of legalinstruments,includingtheConstitutionoftheRepublicofTheGambia1997,theElectionsActCap.3:01,asamended,andseveralpiecesofdelegatedlegislationintheformofregulations,rules,noticesandorders.TheseincludetheCodeofElectionCampaignEthics.Manyareasoflawarenotwellregulated,andthereisvery little subsidiary legislation to guide the interpretation of the existing law. The legal framework hasbeensubjectedtoseveralamendmentssincetheconductofthelastNationalAssemblyelectionsin2012.Twoofthemostsignificantchangesin2015hadtheeffectofobstructingpoliticalparticipation,bymakingitmoredifficulttoregisterapoliticalparty,andmorecostlytorunasacandidateforelection.

The legal framework provides an adequate basis for the conduct of electionswhich are in linewith theinternational obligations and commitments of The Gambia. The broader legal system within which theelectoral frameworkoperateshas,however,beenseverelycompromised in recentyears.Theruleof lawhasbeensignificantlyundermined,particularlythroughaprogressiveerosionofthe independenceofthejudiciary.Beyondthis,anothercriticalaspectoftheruleoflawhasbeenabsent,whichisthenecessitythatthelawisclearandwell-publicised,thatitisjust,thatitisappliedfairly,andthatitprotectsfundamentalrights.Wherethisisnotthecase,asinTheGambiaoflate,thenthelegalsystem,whichmightappeartobein compliance with international standards, fails entirely to provide the basic requirements for the

1 TheGambia is not a party to the Convention on the Protection of the Rights of AllMigrantWorkers and

MembersofTheirFamilies.



protectionoffundamentalrights.Theconceptoftheruleof lawiscentraltotheUniversalDeclarationofHumanRights2(applicable to TheGambia as a statement of jus cogens), aswell as toGeneral AssemblyResolution 67/1 of 20123. TheAfrican Charter onDemocracy, Elections andGovernance, Article 4.1, thesigningofwhich indicatesan intentionbyTheGambia tobeboundby it in the future, requiresstates tocommitthemselvestopromotionoftheruleoflaw.

TherearepracticalproblemsinTheGambiawithaccesstothelawandthedisseminationoflegaltexts.TheEU EOM encountered some instances where stakeholders weremistaken as to the content of the law,mistakesarisingprincipallyfromunfamiliaritywithprimarysourcesofthelaw.Almostalllegalinstruments,includingtheofficialGambiaGazette,areavailableonlyonpaper,andmanyareoutofprint.Some legalinstruments, such as the Constitution and the Elections Act, have been the subject of repeatedamendment,butconsolidatedversionsofthetextsareunavailable.

Elements of the Criminal Code, dealing with election-related issues such as freedom of expression andassembly,date fromcolonial times,andhavean interpretivehistorywhichhasbeenvery restrictiveandcontrary to the protection of political rights. The same is also true ofmuch public order law. Reviewoftheselegalinstrumentspertainingtopoliticalrights,withaviewtoensuringcompliancewithinternationalhumanrightsobligations,aswellasconsolidationofthelaw,wouldpromoteclarityandcertaintyastothecontentof the law.This, coupledwithanenhanceddisseminationof the law,particularly throughonlineavailability,freeofcharge,wouldrepresentamajorcontributiontorestorationoftheruleoflaw.

TheConstitutionprovidesthatelectionsaretobegenuineandperiodic,conductedbysecretballot,onthebasisofuniversalandequalsuffrage.Politicalrights,includingtherighttovoteandtostandforelectiontothe National Assembly, are well protected in the legal framework. Independent candidates, as well asrepresentativesofpoliticalparties, can seekelection.The right tovote is circumscribed,however, in thecaseofprisonerswhoareservingasentence,whoaredeprivedof theright tovoteby law.Prisonersonremand,whoretaintheir lawfulrighttovote,areunabletovoteeither.TheLunaticsDetentionAct1917underminestherighttovoteofpersonswithintellectualdisabilities.Secrecyrightswereunderminedinthecaseofvoterswithvisual impairmentswhowerenotaffordedanyBraille labellingofballotdrumswhichwouldhaveprotectedthesecrecyoftheirvote.

Anamendment toelectoral law in2017,which reducedexcessivedeposits tobepaiduponnomination,waswelcome,as itenabledamultiplicityofcandidates tocompete.Section134 (3)of theElectionsAct,however, provides that the IEC shall not make any significant change to the rules relating to electionswithin the sixmonths before an election. The amendmentwaswithin twomonths of the election date.Whilethisisnotinexplicitviolationofthelaw,asthechangewaseffectedbytheNationalAssemblyratherthan by the IEC, and it could also be argued that it did not amount to a “significant alteration”, it wascertainly contrary to the spirit of the law. Article 2 of the ECOWAS Protocol on Democracy and GoodGovernance Supplementary to the Protocol Relating to the Mechanism for Conflict Prevention,Management, Resolution, Peacekeeping and Security, ratified by The Gambia, prohibits any substantialmodificationofelectorallawsinthesixmonthsprecedinganelection,withouttheconsentofamajorityofpoliticalactors.ConsentwasforthcomingonthisoccasionsotherewasnoconflictwiththeProtocol.

There are significant defects in the protection of the freedom of association, as the requirements toregister a political party are extremely burdensome. Section 105 of the Elections Act provides that anapplication for registration must be accompanied by a declaration signed by at least ten thousandmembers, all registeredvoters,withat leastone thousandmembers fromeachadministrativearea.The

2 UniversalDeclarationofHumanRights“...itisessential,ifmanisnottobecompelledtohaverecourse,asa

lastresort,torebellionagainsttyrannyandoppression,thathumanrightsshouldbeprotectedbytheruleoflaw…”

3 GAResA/67/1Declarationofthehigh-levelmeetingoftheGeneralAssemblyontheruleoflawatnationalandinternationallevels,adoptedwithoutavoteon24September2012.



law had previously required a total of just five hundred members, without any specific geographicaldesignation.Apartymustalsohaveasecretariatineachadministrativeregion,andmustpayaregistrationfee of one million GMD (around €20,000). These registration requirements could serve to inhibit thefreedomofassociation,as theymayprove tobe insurmountableobstacles toachieving registration.TheAfricanCharteronHumanandPeoples’Rightsprovides,inArticle10(1),thateachindividualshallhavetherighttofreeassociation,whiletheInternationalCovenantonCivilandPoliticalRightsArticle22.1containsthesamecommitment.

Thefreedomsofassemblyandexpressionofcandidateswerewellrespectedduringtheelectioncampaign,withallapplicationstoconductralliesbeinggrantedbytheIEC. TheIEC,however,restrainedcandidatesfrom using the Coalition 2016 identity rather than that of their individual parties while campaigning.Candidateswererequiredtomakedeclarationsoftheirassetstothe IECuponregistration,withthesolepurposeofreviewattheendoftheirterminofficetoseeifassetsareaugmentedduringthatperiod. Asignificant lacuna in the legal framework is the absence of any meaningful regulation of campaign andpoliticalpartyfinance.

C. TheElectoralSystemThe Gambia is a constitutional republic, secular, with all sovereign power vested in the people. ThreepowersofgovernmentaresetoutintheConstitution,theexecutivepowervestedinthePresident,whichisexerciseddirectly,orthroughtheVice-Presidentandthemembersofcabinet;thelegislativepowervestedin the National Assembly; and the judicial power vested in the courts. These powers are stated to beseparate from one another, and to have the role of serving as checks and balances upon one another.However,alargedegreeofoverlapexistsintheexerciseofthevariouspowers,withahistoricaldominancebytheexecutivepoweroverallotherpowers.

ThelegislativepowerisvestedintheNationalAssembly.Thisisasingle-chamberparliament,comprisedof58 members. Fifty-three members are directly elected, while five members are nominated by thePresident.Thismeansthatthereis,effectively,noentirelydirectlyelectedparliamentinTheGambia.Thisis contrary to international standards which provide that the will of the people should be the basis ofgovernmentalauthority4.Thesestandardscanbeinterpretedasrequiringthatallrepresentativesshouldbefreelychosenbyvotersandshouldbeaccountabletothem.

TheConstitutionprovidesthattheNationalAssemblyshallbecomprisedofatleast53electedmembers.ItstatesthattheyaretobeelectedfromconstituenciesdemarcatedbytheBoundariesCommission,butsuchcommission has not been brought into existence. In the interim, until the creation of a BoundariesCommission,theConstitutionprovidesthatthepre-existingconstituenciesprescribedinthe1996ElectionsDecreesshouldcontinuetobeused.Additionalconstituenciesmay,andindeedhavebeen,demarcatedbythe IEC as the number of members elected to the National Assembly increased from 48 to 53 byconstitutional amendment in 2015. Beyond this, theConstitution is silent on the electoral systemwhichshould be used to conduct the election. The National Assembly elections were conducted in 53 single-memberconstituencies,withafirst-past-the-postsystememployed.

There is also a decentralised system of local government in operation, created pursuant to the LocalGovernment Act 2002. The Gambia is divided into seven administrative areas, with a total of six localgovernmentcouncils,onemunicipalcouncilandonecitycounciladministeringthem.

4 UniversalDeclarationofHumanRights,Art.21;AfricanCharteronHumanandPeople’sRights,Art.13.



V. ELECTIONADMINISTRATION

A. StructureandCompositionTheIECisanindependentconstitutionalbodyledbyafive-membercommission.Allitsmembers,includingthechairperson,areappointedbythepresident inconsultationwiththeJudicialServiceCommissionandthe Public Service Commission.5Commissioners are appointed for a term of seven years and may holdoffice foramaximumof twoterms.The IECvice-chairperson iselected fromamongthemembersof theCommission but there is no legal provision to this effect. In April 2017, the IEC enjoyed broad publicconfidenceamongpoliticalpartiesandotherstakeholderssincetheIECdeclaredtheoppositioncandidatethe winner of the 2016 presidential election, and stood by the declared result, despite tremendouspressuretodootherwise.

Thepresidentmayremovecommissionersforaninabilitytoperformtheirfunctionsormisconduct.Beforeremovingacommissioner, thepresidentmustappointa three-judge tribunal toenquire into thematter.Theformerpresidentremovedthreechairpersonsandthreecommissionersfromoffice,allegedlywithoutrespectingdueprocess.ThecurrentIECchairpersonwasappointedinApril2016replacingthepreviousIECchairpersonwhohadoverstayedhismandateashehadbeenanIECmembersince1997.Onlyoneofthefive IEC commissioners is a woman. The current constitutional provisions lack an inclusive cross-partymechanismfortheselectionandappointmentaswellassecurityoftenureof IECcommissionersandfallshortofinternationalcommitmentsguaranteeinganindependentelectoralauthority.6

TheIECCommissionhasnoregularmeetingschedule.WhilethreemembersoftheCommission,includingtheIECchairperson,formaquorum,decisionsoftheCommissionrequiretheconcurrenceofamajorityofthemembers.TheCommissionhasthelegalentitlementtoregulateitsownprocedures. Itsmeetingsareclosedandnominutesordecisionswerepublished.

Apart from the national headquarters in Kanifing, the IEC has a permanent office in each of the sevenregionsheadedbyaRegional ElectoralOfficer (REO). Fora three-weekperiodduring theelectionsREOswereassistedby122AssistantReturningOfficers(AROs),ofwhichmorethan90percentwerere-engagedfromthe1December2016presidentialelection.Only11AROswerewomen(9percent).Onelectionday,some4,500 temporary staffworked at 1,422polling stations, aswell as at the53 constituency collationroomsofthesevenregionalcollationcentres.

B. TheAdministrationofElectionsTheConstitutionimposesvastresponsibilitiesontheIECincludingtheregistrationofvoters;theconductofelectionsand referenda; the conductof theelectionof theSpeakerandDeputy-Speakerof theNationalAssembly; the registration of political parties; the nomination of candidates; and the announcement ofelection results. In addition, by amendment of the Elections Act in 2015, the IEC has to carry out acontinuousprogrammeofvotereducation.Furthermore,theIECoverseesthecampaignandtheadherencetotheCodeonElectionCampaignEthics.Ithastoensurethateachcandidateisgivenequaltimeonpublicradioandtelevision,whilecandidatesalsorequirepriorIECapprovalfortheirmediacampaignmaterials.Inaddition,politicalpartiesmust submit their auditedannualaccounts to the IEC. Suchaplethoraof taskscouldoverburdentheIECespeciallyduringtheelectioncampaignperiod.RegionalIECofficesinparticular

5 TheJudicialServiceCommissioncomprisestheChiefJusticeasChairperson,aJudgeofaSuperiorCourt,the

Solicitor-General, a member nominated by the Attorney General in consultation with the Gambian BarAssociation, one person appointed by the president and onemember appointed by the NA (ConstitutionSection145).ThePublicServiceCommissioncomprises three to fivemembers, includingaChairperson,allappointedbythePresident(ConstitutionSection172).

6 Article 25 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, United Nations Human RightsCommission,General CommentNo. 25 (ICCPRGC25), paragraph 20: “[a]n independent electoral authorityshouldbeestablishedtosupervisetheelectoralprocessandtoensurethatitisconductedfairly,impartiallyandinaccordancewithestablishedlawswhicharecompatiblewiththeCovenant”.



lacksufficientandsafestoragefacilitiesaswellasreliablecommunicationandelectricityinfrastructure.

TheIECStrategicPlan(2015-2019)setsouttheIEC’svision,mission,guidingprinciples,strategicprioritiesand riskmanagement.While it provides guidance for further reforms, it needs revision and updating toaccommodatechangingcircumstances,likelyrecommendationsandavailabilityofexternalfunding.

TheIECdoesnotcommanditsownbudgetandthecurrentfinancialprovisionsdonotguaranteetheIEC’sindependence.TheConstitutionprovidesfortheIECtosubmit itsannualestimatesofexpendituretothepresident.TheestimatesaresubsequentlytobeplacedbeforetheNationalAssemblywithcommentsbutwithoutamendments. Inpractice, theMinistryofFinancenegotiatestheannualbudgetwiththe IECanddisburses funds in tranches, often late. The 70 permanent IEC staff members are public servants.TemporarystaffarepaidbytheIECafterreceivingthefundsfromthenationaltreasury.AccordingtotheIECtheestimatedbudgetforthe2017NationalAssemblyelectionswasaround€1million.

The IEC rarely communicatedwith thepublicduring theelectionperiod. Its fewpress releaseswerenotavailableontheIECwebsitewhichmainlycontainedinformationaboutthe2016presidentialelectionbutwith few updates added since. The IEC did not conduct any formal consultationmeetings with politicalpartiesorcandidatesduring theelectioncampaignperiodanddidnotuseanysocialmediachannels forinteractionwithcandidatesorvoters. It communicated itsdecisionsmainly throughTheGambiaGazettewhichisnoteasilyavailable.On16February,forexample,theIECannouncedinTheGambiaGazettethenamesofthesevenReturningOfficers(ROs)andthe localityofthesevencollationcentres.On17MarchtheIECissuedapressreleaseinformingcandidatesthattheyriskedhavingtheirnominationrevokediftheypresentedthemselvestotheelectorateascoalitioncandidates.BothimportantpiecesofinformationwereneverpostedontheIECwebsite.

TheIECconductedatrainingoftrainersforthe122temporaryAROson25and26Marchtowhichpartyrepresentatives,mediaandobserverswerealso invited. The trainedAROs in turn trainedpolling staff intheirregionson1and2April.Thetrainingsessionswerewellattendedandlargelycoherentininformationdissemination but in most regions lacked mock exercises and attention to detail, especially for thereconciliationandfillinginofresultsforms.

DespitethelegalauthorityfortheIECtoissuerulesandproceduresuntilsixmonthsaheadofelections,theIECdidnot issue any additionalwrittenprocedureson counting and collation, beyond its rather generalhandbook for polling officials. The simplicity of the electoral process served the purpose of thwartingsuspicionofpossiblemalpractices.However,thelackofsecuritymeasures,especiallyfortheofficialresultsforms,andtheabsenceofwrittenproceduresforcounting,resultstransferandcollation,couldhaveeasilyledtoarbitraryelectoralconductandtosuperfluousquestionsabouttheintegrityoftheelectoralresultsprocess,orpartsof it.Theresultsandcollationformsusedwerewithoutanysecurityfeaturesandmanylackedsufficientsignaturesonthesamepageandwould,therefore,havebeenunusabletostandaslegalevidence.

VI. DELIMITATIONOFCONSTITUENCIESTheConstitutionprovidesfortheestablishmentofaBoundariesCommissionandrequirestheenactmentof legislation to outline the criteria for the demarcation of constituency boundaries.7 However, aBoundariesCommissionwasneverconstitutedandlegislationoutliningthespecificcriterianeverpassed.Inaddition,theElectionsActprovidestheIECwiththepowertodefinetheboundariesofeachconstituency,whichrequireslegalclarificationasalsoemphasisedbytheIECstrategicplan.

AnincreaseinthenumberofelectedseatsintheNationalAssemblyin2015,from48to53,affectedonlythefourconstituencieswiththehighestnumberofvoterswhichweresubdivided(threeintotwo,oneinto

7 AsprovidedforintheConstitutionArticle50,seealsoElectionsActSection9.



three) intoninenewconstituencies.Thismeasuredidnotdelimitotherconstituencyboundariesandthehighlyunequalrepresentationoftheelectoratewasnotproperlyaddressed.

Atotalof49of53constituenciesdeviatedbymorethan15percentfromthenationalaverageof16,728votersperconstituency,withthelargestconstituencyhaving23timesasmanyvotersasthesmallestone.Janjanburehconstituency, in Janjanbureh region,has the lowestnumberof registeredvoterswith1,980,whileSerekundaWestconstituency, inKanifing region,has thehighestnumberof registeredvoterswith46,502.Theelectorates in theKanifingandBrikama regionsareparticularlyunderrepresented,while theelectoratesintheBanjul,MansakonkoandJanjanburehregionsareoverrepresented,basedontheexistingconstituency boundary delimitation. The vast discrepancy in the number of voters per constituency isfallingfarshortofensuringtheequalityofthevote8.

VII. VOTERREGISTRATIONTheConstitutionprovidesfortherighttovoteofallcitizens,ofeighteenyearsofage,witharequirementofeitherbirthorresidenceintheconstituencyofregistration.TheConstitutionis,however,restrictiveasonlythoseofsoundmindareentitledtoberegisteredasvoters,violatinginternationalcommitments.9Theright to vote is further circumscribed in the case of thosewho have been convicted of certain types ofelectoraloffence,orwhohaveservedprisonsentencesinexcessofsixmonthswithinthelastfiveyears.Allprisonersservingasentencearedeprivedoftherighttovotebylaw.Theserestrictionsonvotingrightsfailtorespecttheprincipleofuniversalandequalsuffrage.Despitethemandatoryprovision intheElectionsActwhichrequirestheIECtomaintainaregisterofGambianslivingabroad,thisprovisionhasnotyetbeenactedupon.

The introductionofbiometricvoterregistration in2011, forwhichapictureofeachregisteredvoterandhis/hertwothumbprintswererecorded,resultedin796,929registeredvoters.In2016,theIECconductedavoterregistrationupdateaheadofthe2016-2018electioncyclebutnodeletionsofentries,orchangingofentriesof voterswhohadmoved todifferentplacesof residence,wereconducted,as the2011voterregisteris“frozen”.Astrictinterpretationofthe2015amendmenttotheElectionsActdeterminedthatnoentries could be changed or deleted. This resulted in a high number of erroneous entries, as persons’namesmighthavebeenmisspelledandasnamesofdeceasedwerestillincluded.

To be included in the voter register during the 2016 update exercise, a person had to produce anidentification document such as a birth certificate, passport, national identification card, or a documentcertifiedbythedistrictSeyfoorvillageAlkalo(traditionalauthorities)statingthattheapplicantwasborninthat village. The IEC recorded 89,649 new entries resulting in a total of 886,578 registered voters, anincreaseof11.2percentsince2011.

Based on the 2013 population census The Gambia had an estimated projection of total population of2.100,000personsinApril2017.Anestimateprojected1.081,000personswere18yearsandaboveofageinApril 2017.10In comparison to the total number of registered voters of 886,578 an estimated total of194,000persons residing in TheGambia, or 18per centof thepopulation, arenot registered.However,non-Gambiansandholdersofdoublecitizenshiparenotallowedtoregisterasvoters.Asthevoterregister

8 Article 25 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, United Nations Human Rights

Commission, General Comment No. 25, paragraph 21: “...within the framework of each State’s electoralsystemthevoteofoneelectorshouldbeequaltoanother.Thedrawingofelectoralboundariesandmethodofallocatingvotesshouldnotdistortthedistributionofvotersordiscriminateagainstanygroup.”

9 Article29of theUnitedNationsConventionon theRightsofPersonswithDisabilitiesprovides that “StatePartiesshallguaranteetopersonswithdisabilitiespolitical rightsandtheopportunitytoenjoythemonanequalbasiswithothers.”

10 In2013themedianagewas18.2years,meaningalmosthalfofthepopulationwereeligiblevoters.



contains all names of deceased voters since 2011 and possible multiple entries, the number of non-registeredvotersmightbeevenhigher.

TheIECdecidednottoupdatethevoterregisteraheadoftheNationalAssemblyelectionsandtousethesamevoterregisterasduringtheDecember2016presidentialelection.Thisdecisiondisenfranchisedthoseeligible voters who had turned 18 years of age between 1 December 2016 and 6 April 2017, up to anestimated8,000eligiblevoters,oralmostonepercentofthetotalnumberofregisteredvoters.

FortheNationalAssemblyelectionsonlythoseeligiblevoterswereallowedtovotewhopresentedavalidvoterregistrationcardissuedbytheIECforthepollingstationforwhichtheyhadbeenregistered.Duringthe 2016 presidential election polling staff and police on electoral duty were issued duty certificatesallowing them to vote at their duty polling stations. No duty certificates were issued for the NationalAssemblyelections,asthelawdoesnotallowit11.Upto8,500policeandpollingstaff,representingonepercentofthetotalnumberofregisteredvoters,mighthavebeendisenfranchised.Inaddition,theIECdidnotreplaceanylostordestroyedvoterregistrationcardsafterthelastelection.Therewere,further,nopollingmeasures in place for remand prisoners, or for those hospitalised or homebound. All these decisionsdeprivedaconsiderablenumberofeligiblevotersoftherighttovote12.

The IEChasnoplanstoopenthevoterregister foranupdateandregisternewvotersaheadoftheApril2018 localgovernmentelections.Thiswill result in thesamenumberofvotersonthevoter register,butwill disenfranchise all those eligible voters who turn 18 years of age by the next election date, anapproximate24,000citizensoralmostthreepercentofregisteredvoters.Thiswill result inan increasednumberofdisenfranchisedvoters.Nevertheless, the IECwill replace lostvoterregistrationcards.The IECfurther advocates the reintroductionof vettingduring the voter registrationprocess, for the IEC staff tointerview those who register, instead of automatically registering all those providing the necessarydocumentation.

VIII. REGISTRATIONOFPOLITICALPARTIESANDCANDIDATENOMINATION

A. RegistrationofPoliticalPartiesRegistration of political parties is governed by the Constitution, which provides for the freedom ofassociation, including formingand joiningpolitical parties. Political parties are required to adhere to theprinciplessetoutintheElectionsActtoguaranteethattheirinternalorganisationconformstodemocraticprinciplesandthatthepartyhasanationalcharacterandisnotformedonanyreligious,ethnicorregionalbasis.Politicalpartyregistrationandde-registrationisunderthecontroloftheIECwhichalsoreceivestheannualauditedaccountsoftheregisteredpoliticalparties.

The2015Elections (Amendment)Acthassubstantially increasedtherequirements for theregistrationofpoliticalpartiesincludingi)thatallexecutivemembersofthepoliticalpartyareresidentinTheGambia,ii)thatthepoliticalpartyhasasecretariatineachadministrativeregionofthecountry,iii)thepartyholdsabiennialcongress,iv)asignificantincrease-from500to10,000members(theequivalenttoonepercentofthevoterpopulation)-ofthenumberofmembersofthepoliticalpartythatshouldberegisteredasvoters,withatleastonethousandmembersfromeachadministrativearea,v)aregistrationfeeofGMD1million(approx.€20,000)and,vi)thesubmissionoftheparty’sannualauditedaccountstotheIEC.InthecontextofTheGambia,theserequirementsseemexcessiveandunreasonablylimitthefreedomofassociation.

11 ElectionsAct,Section61(5)statesthatdutycertificatesarevalidonlyforPresidentialelections.12 Article 25 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, United Nations Human Rights

Commission,GeneralCommentNo.25,paragraph11:“Statesmusttakeeffectivemeasurestoensurethatallpersonsentitledtovoteareabletoexercisethatright.Whereregistrationofvotersisrequired,itshouldbefacilitatedandobstaclestosuchregistrationshouldnotbeimposed.”



B. CandidateNomination

There are no undue restrictions on being nominated as a candidate. Independent candidates are alsoallowedfor.CitizensofTheGambiaholdingdualnationalityare,however,excluded. InamovetoreducetheentrybarrierforcompetingintheNationalAssemblyelections,thenominationfeeforcandidateswasreduced fromGMD50,000 (€1,000)back to thepreviousamountofGMD5,000 (€100)by theElections(Amendment)Act2017.ThenominationofcandidatestookplaceatthesevenregionalIECofficesbetween9and12Marchandresultedinatotalof239candidates.NocandidateswererejectedbytheIEC.Amongthenominatedcandidatesonly20werewomen(8.4percent),a leveloffemaleparticipationeven lowerthanpastleveloffemalerepresentation(9.4percent)intheNationalAssembly.

TheGambiaDemocraticCongress(GDC)proposedthelargestnumberofcandidatesat52,followedbytheUDPwith44candidates.Theformerrulingparty,theAPRC,fielded29candidates.TheNRP,whichwastheonlyoppositionpartyrepresentedintheout-goingNationalAssemblywithtwoseats,presentedcandidatesin24 constituencies. ThePDOIS contested22 seats. ThePPPpresented14 candidatesand theGMC, theGambiaPartyforDemocracyandProgress(GPDP),andtheNationalConventionParty(NCP)presentedfive,fourandthreecandidates,respectively.Oneindependentcandidatewithdrewwithinthestipulatedperiod.

IX. CIVICANDVOTEREDUCATIONVoter education aheadof the elections started late, lacked coordination and good cooperationwith thepublicheGambiaRadioandTelevisionServices(GRTS),aswellasneedingbetterfundingandgreaterdepthineducatingtheelectorateabouttheroleofmembersoftheNationalAssembly.TheNationalCouncilofCivicEducation(NCCE)hastheconstitutionalmandateofraisingthecitizens’awarenessoftheircivicandfundamental rights,dutiesand responsibilities. TheNCCE,whichdoesnothaveany regionaloffices,wasactive ahead of the presidential election. It had planned an intensive voter education programme inconjunctionwiththeIECthroughthemediaintheweekpriortotheNationalAssemblyelections,includingTVspotsandtwiceweeklytalkshowswithIECandNCCEchairpersons.However,votereducationthroughthemediabytheNCCEstartedverylate,partlyduetoadisagreementbetweenNCCEandGRTSabouttheprices charged for broadcasts13. Thirteen radio stations aired different two-minute long voter educationspots in the finaldaysaheadof theelections in theEnglish,WolofandMandinka languages. Inaddition,severalcommercialandcommunityradiostationsproducedandbroadcastedciviceducationmessagesontheirowninitiative.

With the 2015 amendment to the Elections Act, the IEC has the task of implementing continuous votereducation. Following the nomination of candidates, the IEC conducted voter education meetings atcommunitylevelwhereitemphasisedthatmembersoftheCoalition2016werestandingascandidatesoftheir parties or as independent candidates. IEC pick-up trucks toured the regions broadcasting votereducationmessagesvialoudspeakers.TherathersimplevotereducationcampaignspotbroadcastedonTVportrayedballotdrumsinaspecificcolourwhichcouldhavebeenmisunderstoodasacolourreservedforaparticularpoliticalparty.

VotereducationwasalsoconductedbyCSOs.Activista,with6000to7000membersnationwide,focussedon empowering young people andwomen to participate in politics and conducted a voter sensitisationcampaigncalled“NottooYoungtoRun”withotherorganisations.TheNationalYouthCouncilhasabranchin each region and aimed at encouraging the youth to vote through radio messages, communityprogrammes, youth events and socialmedia. TheNational Youth Parliament conducted a “go and vote”

13 TheplannedlivebroadcasttalkshowbetweentheIECandtheNCCEChairpersonsontheeveningaheadof

electiondaywasconstrainedbyacontroversialpricehikebyGRTS.ThenewGRTSdirectorincreasedthefeefrom20,000Dalasi(about400Euros)aspaidbyIEC/NCCEaheadofthepresidentialelectionto65,000Dalasi(about1,300Euros)



campaignthroughcommunityandschooloutreachaswellasradiomessages.TheCSOHopesofTomorrowdisseminatedradiomessagesanddistributedT-shirts.

X. CAMPAIGNENVIRONMENTTheCodeonElectionCampaignEthicsprescribesabroadcatalogueofrulesforcandidates,politicalpartiesandsupporterstofollowduringcampaignactivities.InthecaseofabreachoftheCode,theIndependentElection Commission has a range of powers, including revocation of candidature. There is also an Inter-Party Committee which comprises all nine registered political parties. On 8 March, the nine registeredpolitical parties agreed on a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) on the conduct of the campaign,reflectingthetermsoftheCodeonElectionCampaignEthics.NoInter-PartyCommitteemeetingtookplaceduringthecampaign.

The three-week campaign period started on 15March and ended on 4 April. Overall, the freedoms ofassembly and associationwere respected and candidates could convey theirmessages to the electoratewithout hindrance. All applications in respect of rallies and processions during the campaign weredeterminedand scheduledexclusivelyby the IECwith theaimofavoidingoverlapbetween rival groups.TheunprecedentednumberofcandidatesledtheIECtoallowcampaigneventslateintothenight.

TheEUEOMobserved44campaigneventsinallsevenregions,ofwhich11wereheldbyUDP,8wereheldbyGDC,5wereheldbyAPRC,3wereheldbyNRP,3wereheldbyPPPand1byGPDP.Additionally,theEUEOMobservedtwodebatesheldinBanjulbetweenvariouscandidatesofGDC,PDOIS,UDP,PPP,aswellasindependentcandidates.TheEUEOMobservedPresidentBarrow’snationwidetourin11constituencies.

Thecampaignenvironmentwascalminallregionsofthecountry,withonlyafewminorincidentsreportedin the Greater Banjul Area and one in Kombo East, which had little impact on the overall electoralenvironment.Afewinstancesofverbalabusealsooccurred,arisingprincipallyfromaltercationsbetweenUDPandAPRCsupporters.

For the first time, political parties as well as ordinary citizens, expressed themselves freely on politicalmatterswithoutfearingpersecution.Inahistoricfirst,candidateshelddebatesbothinpublicplacesandinthe media. Many rallies also included question and answer sessions offering voters the opportunity tointeractwiththecandidates.

Campaigns initially employed a door-to-door strategy, mobilising teams at the community level to rallysupport.Visibleevidenceofpoliticalactivityappearedlow,eveninurbanareassuchasBanjulandKanifing.Therewas a noticeable absence of posters, billboards and other visual advertisements in public spaces.CampaignmaterialsweremorenoticeableintheWestCoastandNorthBankregion,withapredominanceoftheUDPinthelatter.TheAPRCwasquitevisibleintheWestCoastandUpperRiverregions.

Political parties stepped up their efforts during the second half of the campaign, with the nationalleadership of all the nine parties touring to support their candidates. Party leaders tried to consolidategrass-rootssupportandleveragetheirinfluenceonlargeraudiences.Campaigntourswereconcentratedinthe constituencies where they had a candidate running, with the UDP and the GDC covering all sevenregions.Advertisingusingpostersandbillboardsslightlyincreasedpriortoelectionday.

Many candidates expressed their dissatisfaction with the short length of the campaign period, whichcurbed their outreach to the rural population. Candidates’ limited access to financial and technicalresourcesfurtherlimitedthescopeofcampaigning.

No substantive ideological difference between candidates emerged during the campaign. Candidatesfocussed on national socio-economic development and on the improvement of living conditions withintheir constituencies. Most of the Coalition 2016 parties emphasised their affiliation with the Coalition.



President Barrow also did the same during his nationwide tour, calling on the electorate to vote forCoalitioncandidates.TheGDCandtheAPRCexpressedconcernsoverthisuseoftheCoalitionbrand.TheIECinstructedcandidatestorefrainfrommentioningtheCoalition2016intheircampaigningortheywouldfacetheriskofrevocationofcandidature.TheIECrequestwas largely ignored,butnofurtheractionwastaken.

The misuse of administrative resources, that characterised Gambian elections in the past, was notobserved.

OnMarch14,theMinisterofInformationissuedastatementprohibitinganyuseofgovernmentresourcesfor partisan politics. This followed a request by the Vehicles Control Unit of Office of the President forgovernmentagenciestoprovidevehiclesforCoalition2016executivemembers’nationwidetourtoidentifycandidates for the elections. The minister’s statement made a reference to the previous regime andaffirmedthatStatemattersandpartisanpoliticsshouldbetreatedasseparateentities.

From23Marchto2April,thePresidentundertookaconstitutionallymandatedtour,officiallyintendedtothank thepopulation forhiselectionand to solicit voters’ continuedsupport for theCoalition2016.ThePresident’snationwidetourhadanimpactonthecampaign.Notonlywasitdisproportionatelycoveredbythemedia,butpartiestookadvantageofthetourbydecoratingthevenueswiththeirownflagsaswellasorganising theirownrallies justbeforeorafter thepresidential stopoverso that theycouldbenefit fromthe public gatherings. The president was accompanied by government ministers who alternated in thedifferentstopovers.TheGambiansecurityforcesandECOMIGtroopswereusedtosecurethepresidentialconvoy of government vehicles. The EU EOM observed the president endorsing candidates of partiesaffiliated to the Coalition 2016 during his speeches in different regions. Article 166 of the GambianConstitutionstates that thepresident,vice-presidentandministersarenotpublicservantsandthereforenotbarredfromparticipatingincampaignactivities.

ThenationalcampaignoftheGDCleadershipalsoservedthepurposeofthankingvotersfortheirsupportduringthepresidentialelection.TheGDCdistributedhand-outssuchascementandmillingmachines.TheGDC party leader also financed boreholes and donatedmoney tomosques, hospitals and individuals inneed. This appears to be in breach of the Elections Act. On 29March, the EU EOMobserved anAlkalo(villagechief)thankingtheGDCleaderforadonationandpromisingthevotesofthevillagetotheGDCintheJimaraconstituency.

Bycontrast,theAPRCcampaignhadalowprofile,focussingtheireffortsonre-brandingtheirpublicimage.ThepartyexplainedtotheEUEOMthattheysufferedfromfinancialconstraints.Theyreportedthatthere-possessionofstatevehiclesandtheevictionfromtheirpartyheadquartersonshortnoticehadanegativeimpactontheirabilitytocampaign.

During the final days of the campaign, political speeches began to carry a more adversarial tone.DisagreementsbetweentheCoalition2016politicalpartiesalsotookonamorepublicdynamicduringthisperiod. APRC andGDC both becamemore critical of the president, questioning his close relationswithSenegalandFrance,and thepresenceofECOMIG troops inTheGambia.BothPresidentBarrowand theUDPleadershipaccusedex-PresidentJammehandtheAPRCofbeingresponsibleforhumanrightsabusesas well as the lack of development. A UDP rally, held on 2 April in Latrikunda Sabiji constituency, wasmarkedbyinflammatoryspeechestargetingtheAPRC,aswellasthePPP.

Duringthe finaldaysof thecampaign,allegationsof“votebuying”spreadthroughoutthesevenregions,particularly in the North Bank. Also, the subject of political tribalism became more prominent in thecampaign narrative. The EU EOM observed rallies where ethnicity was exploited to mobilise politicalsupport. These includedUDPappeals for the supportof theMandinkaand theManjago communities inKanifing,inWestCoastRegionandinLowerRiverRegion.TheEUEOMalsoobservedeffortsbytheGDCtocallforthevotesoftheFulacommunityintheLowerRiverRegion.



This election also saw a new type of grass-roots canvassing. A non-partisan citizen movement, TeamTahawal Banjul (TTB), held initial consultations,where candidates from different partieswere invited totakepart.Atthesecondstage,theTTBinvitedallcandidatesrunningforthethreeseatsinBanjultoruninprimaryelections;sixcandidatesparticipated.Amongthecandidatesrunningunderapartyticket,onlythetwoPPPcandidatesintheBanjulCentralandSouthconstituencies,andthecandidatefromPDOISinBanjulNorthconstituency,participated.Theotherpartiesdidnotrecognisethelegitimacyofthemovement.TheoutcomeoftheprimarieswasthattwoPPPcandidateswereselectedalongsidethecandidatefromPDOIS.TheTTBcoveredcampaignexpensesforthethreecandidatesincludingforlargefinalralliesonthelastdayofthecampaign.ThecandidatessponsoredbyTTBwonthethreeconstituenciesinBanjul.

Youthmovementsalso,forthefirsttime,playedanactiveroleintheelectionprocess.Amongthem“NotTooYoungtoRun”activelypromoted25youthcandidatesfromdifferentpoliticalpartiestorunforpublicoffice.TheyweresupportedbyvariousnationalcivilsocietyorganisationsandtheNationalYouthCouncil.They helped candidates with training and through promotion of their campaign activities. Candidatesaffiliatedto themovementhadtobeyounger than35yearsofage.Fiveyouthcandidateswereelected:threefromUDP,onefromGDCandonefromPPP.

XI. CAMPAIGNFINANCECampaignfinance isvery lightlyregulated,characterisedbyanabsenceof legalprovisionstorestraintheundueimpactofmoneyintheelectoralprocess.IndividualGambiancitizens,civilsocietyorganisationsandprivate entitiesmay all make campaign contributions. Donations from corporations and unincorporatedbodies, and from all foreign entities, are prohibited. There are no ceilings on donations or expenditure,while there are also no monitoring and enforcement mechanisms in place. A State Party to the UNConvention against Corruption since 2015, legal reform is required to ensure compliance with theobligationstoensuretransparencyandfairness.

Overall,partiesandcandidateslackedthefinancialmeanstoengageindiverseandintensivecampaigning.Remaining resources from the Coalition 2016 presidential campaign were used to support NationalAssembly candidates. Both vehicles and funds were distributed to Coalition 2016 member-partiesproportionatetothenumberof theircandidates.UDPhad25of their44candidates funded,NRP,PDOISandPPPeachhadsixcandidatesfunded,whiletheotherparties,GMC,NCPandGPDP,hadthreefunded.Independentcandidates,supportingtheCoalition2016,alsoreceivedsomeresources.TheCoalition2016representativesdidnotdisclosetheamountoffundsatitsdisposaltotheEUEOM.WealthypartymemberspaidfortheAPRCandGDCcampaigns.Again,theresourceswerenotdisclosedtotheEUEOM.

Through its fundraisingefforts,TTBcollectedoveronemillionDalasi (€20,000)thatwasusedtosponsorthe campaign of the three candidates TTB decided to support following primaries. TTB sponsored thecandidateswitha total ofGMD200,000 (approximately€4,000) each receivingGMD137, 000worthofcampaignmaterialsandGMD63,000cashfortheirtransportneedsduringtheircampaigns.Therestofthefundswereusedtofinancealargefinalrallyonthelastdayofthecampaign.TheTTBannouncedthattheywill publish their full campaign expenditures. “Not Too Young to Run” also sponsored the campaignmaterialsof selectedyouthcandidates–100posters foreachof themfora totalofGMD25,000 forallcandidates-aswellasone-daytraining.



XII. MEDIAANDELECTIONS

A. MediaEnvironmentTheGambianmediaisundergoingamomentousliberalisation.Overthelastdecade,themediasectorwascarefully tailored to serve the ruling party and independent voices weremeticulously silenced by stateactors.Consequently,mediapractitionersarejuststartingtoexploitboththenewlyacquiredfreedomsandthe ensuing responsibility to provide the audience with comprehensive and accurate information thatfacilitatesaninformedchoiceonelectionday.TheseNationalAssemblyelectionswerethefirstonesinTheGambia’spoliticalhistorywhenthemediastrovetooffertotheelectorateavarietyofstandpointsfreeofformalcensorship.

Wordofmouth,aswellastraditionalandreligiousauthorities,isstillthekeysourceofinformationinlargepartsofthecountry,whiletheradio isthecountry’sprincipalnewsmedium.There isonlyonetelevisionstationandoneradiostationcoveringtheentirecountry,botharestate-ownedandareoperatedbyTheGambianRadioandTelevisionServices(GRTS).Untilthe2016presidentialelectionsthefewcommercialFMradio stationswhich had acquired broadcasting licenses aired hardly anything other than entertainmentprogrammes,whiletheonlycriticaltalkradioTarangaFMfacedfrequentgovernment’sretaliations.AfterthechangeoftheregimeinFebruary2017,someradiostationsstartedtoofferbriefnewsandlivepoliticaldiscussions. There is only one commercial radio station –Paradise FM – that has a network of regionalofficesandclosetocountry-widecoverage.Theownershipstructuresofcommercialradiostationsarenottransparent. At the regional level, ten community radio stations air in local languages. All broadcasters,includingthestate-run,sufferfromasignificantlackoffinancial,technicalandhumanresources.

The print media’s readership is limited and distribution is confined to urban centres. However, radiostations’newscontentprimarilyoriginates fromnewspapersarticles, thusprintmedia stillhasanotablerole in setting the country’s political agenda. Hence, owing a newspaper confers certain leverage overvoters’politicaldecisionmaking.Allprintmediaareprivateandtheirpoliticalpreferencesareevident ineditorialoutputs.Therearefournewspapersthataredeemedtoachieveanation-widedistribution.

With the growing 3G network penetration and ease of access to Internet-enabledmobile phones,web-basedmediaareemergingasanoteworthysourceofinformation.Duringthepre-electionperiodFacebookofferedaplatformforfierceandopenpoliticaldiscussions,whileWhatsAppconversationgroupsprovedtobe an additional low-cost campaign tool.Onlinenews sites, operating fromabroadand runbyGambianjournalists and freedom of expression advocates living in exile, challenged the at-times self-referentialnationalmedianarrative.

Overall,themediawasabletoexercisefreedomofexpressionwithoutanyundueinterferencefromstateornon-stateactors14.Duringthecampaignperiodonlyoneincidentofharassmentofajournalistoccurred,andthiswaspromptlyaddressedbythepolice.

B. LegalFrameworkforMediaFreedom of expression is provided for by the Constitution, yet it is not protected through specificlegislation.Asdesignedbythepreviousregime,theexisting legalframeworkforofflineandonlinemediainduces an environment of self-censorship and equips state actors, most notably the president, with arangeoftoolstoholdatightgripontraditionalandonlinemediaoutletsaswellasnetizens.TheCriminalCodeequates criticismwithdefamation, libel and sedition, punishablewith two-year imprisonment. The2013 amendments to the Information and Communication Act introduced 15-year prison term forspreading false news online. Such provisions undermine the international standards for the freedom ofexpression,mostnotably,theDeclarationofPrinciplesonFreedomofExpressioninAfrica(DPFEA)Article9

14 Forlegal,technicalandfinancialconstraintsthestate-runmediainheritedfromthepreviousregimeandthat

affectedtheelectioncoverageseesectionLegalFrameworkforMedia.



and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) Article 19 and the subsequent 2011UnitedNationHumanRightsCommitteeGeneralCommentNo.34(ICCPRGC34)15.

The state monopoly on television services and on providing digital connection limits media diversity.Moreover, the Newspaper Act 2004 contains costly and cumbersome registration procedures for printmedia, while public Internet access places, such as Internet cafes, are required to renew a specialregistration with a Public Utilities Regulatory Authority (PURA) on a yearly basis. In addition, the legalframeworkpoorlydefinesregistrationdenialcriteria,thusleavingspaceforanarbitraryapplicationofthelaw.SuchalegalenvironmentchallengestheregionalcommitmentsofTheGambia16.

Intheabsenceofanindependentregulatorybody,keyexecutiveandregulatorypowersarevestedinthepresident and in the minister of information. The board of the PURA, the telecommunication sector’sregulatory body, is directly appointed by the president. Its independence is, thus, questionable. Theprevious regime attempted to form aNationalMedia Commissionwith full oversight of themedia, andensuring de facto subservience of the media to the president. Such regulatory system undermines theArticle9oftheACHPRandtheSectionVIIRegulatoryBodiesforBroadcastandTelecommunicationoftheDPFEA17.

The legal frameworkgoverning thestate-runbroadcasterdoesnotprovide foradequateandsustainableeditorialandfinancialindependence.ThepresidentappointstheGRTSdirectorgeneral.Thebroadcaster’sannualbudgetdependsonpoliticaldecisionsandtheGRTS’semployeesarepublicservants.Furthermore,therearebroadandvaguelydefined,yetlegallybinding,contentobligationsthathindertheGRTSabilitytoofferindependentprogramming.SuchalegalstandingdoesnotprovideforagenuinepublicbroadcasterasoutlinedinParagraph16oftheICCPRGC34andinSectionIVPublicBroadcastingoftheDPFEA.

Commendably,duringthecampaignperiod,thepresidentandtheministerofinformationexpressedpubliccommitments to bring the existing legislation governing the media sector into line with regional andinternationalstandardsandbestpracticesforthefreedomofexpression.

TheGambiadoesnothavea Freedomof InformationAct, anumbrella law thatwould consolidate stateresponsibilities regarding the right of access to information andwouldprovide for the transparency andaccountability of national and local government bodies. Such Act would also enable citizens, includingmediapractitioners,toexercisetheirscrutinizingrights.Regionalandinternationalstandardsfortherightto information prescribe a set ofmeasures statesmust undertake to secure citizens’ rights to seek andreceiveinformationinperson,offlineandonline18.

15 Paragraph13oftheICCPRGC34statesthat“afree,uncensoredandunhindered…mediaisessentialinany

society to ensure freedom of opinion and expression and enjoyment of other Covenant rights”. See alsoparagraph43:“Anyrestrictionsontheoperationofwebsites,blogsoranyotherinternet-basedinformationdisseminationsystem…areonlypermissibletotheextentthattheyarecompatiblewithparagraph3”.

16 The Article 9 of the ACHPR and subsequent Section III Diversity, of the DPFEA, that reads: “Freedom ofexpressionimposesanobligationontheauthoritiestotakepositivemeasurestopromotediversity”.

17 SectionVIIoftheDPFEAstatesthat“1)Anypublicauthoritythatexercisespowersintheareasofbroadcastor telecommunications regulationshouldbe independent and adequately protected against interference,particularly of a political or economic nature. 2) The appointments process for members of a regulatorybodyshouldbeopenandtransparent,involvetheparticipationofcivilsociety,andshallnotbecontrolledbyanyparticularpoliticalparty”.

18 Paragraph 19 of the ICCPR GC 34 states that “to give effect to the right of access to information, StatespartiesshouldproactivelyputinthepublicdomainGovernmentinformationofpublicinterest.Statespartiesshouldmakeeveryefforttoensureeasy,prompt,effectiveandpracticalaccesstosuch information.Statespartiesshouldalsoenactthenecessaryprocedures,wherebyonemaygainaccesstoinformation,suchasbymeansoffreedomofinformationlegislation”.



C. LegalFrameworkforCampaignCoverage

The legislation governing themedia’s conduct during elections lacks clarity on key aspects of campaigncoverage.Nevertheless, the IEC’smediarules,coupledwiththecollaborativeengagementofthe IEC,theGRTS,theMinistryofInformationandTheGambiaPressUnion,tosomeextentsubstitutedforthelackofprovisions. The IEC media rules fostered balanced and issue-oriented reporting and called for thecandidatestorefrainfromusinglanguagethatcontradictsthelegallybindingCodeonCampaignEthics.

The IECmedia rules foresee theuseofpolitical advertisementsby the candidatesandparties.However,priortopublishingorbroadcastingpaid-formaterials,mediawasobligedtoreceivetheIEC’sauthorisation.The authorisation procedure is, however, non-existent. Nevertheless, for these elections all outlets thatexpressed an interest in offering advertisement space and time to the candidates were granted thepermission.Intotalonlysome10percentofcandidatesutilisedtheopportunity,primarilyoncommunityradio stations19 . The price for a paid-for political broadcast was the same as for a commercialadvertisementandvariedfromGMD1,500toGMD2,500(€30-50)foroneandahalfhoursoncommunityandcommercialFMradiostations,asreportedtotheEUEOM.Theadvertisementpricewasnotperceivedas unreasonable or precluding candidates from exploring the effectiveness of paid-for political publicitybroadcasts.

TheGRTSislegallyobligedtoprovideallcandidateswithfiveminutesoffreeairtimeeach,topresenthisorhermanifesto in the language of his or her choice. Due to time constrains, the GRTS pre-recorded thecandidates' statements at the IEC regional offices within a few days well into the campaign period.Furthermore, only two days’ notice was given to candidates to prepare their campaign spots. Insomeconstituencies,notallaspirantscouldreachtheregionalcapital,thereforetheirproxiesdeliveredthemessage,asobservedbytheEUEOM.From24Marchonwards,thespotswereairedsimultaneouslyontheTVandradioinonehour-longblock,hinderingvoters’abilitytodistinguishbetweendifferentcontestantsandtheirconstituencies.Furthermore,thebroadcastschedulewasneitheradvertisednorpublishedontheGRTS’s website; the recordings were not placed either on the GRTS’s website or on its social mediaaccounts. Best practices recommend aiming at enabling voters to familiarise themselves with thecandidates in a preferred time. Consequently, theGRTS’s fulfilled its legal obligation and introduced thecandidatestovoters,yetsuchprogrammingdidnoteffectivelyfacilitateaninformedchoice.

The IEC is legallymandatedtooverseemediaconductduringthecampaignperiod. Itwouldconsiderablyburden theelectionmanagementbody, if thoroughly implemented. Furthermore, the IECdoesnothaveeitherthetechnicalequipmentorprofessionalknowledgeonhowtoconductcomprehensive,nation-widemediamonitoring. Best practices recommend thatmedia oversight duties be vested in an independentregulatorybody.

D. EUEOMMediaMonitoringTheEUEOMmediamonitoringcomprisedasampleofTheGambia’smediaoutlets,complementedbyanassessment of social media and assessment of a representative sample of community radio stations’electioncoverage20.Themonitoringrevealedhowmedia’spoorfinancialstanding,dilapidatedequipment

19 TheEUEOMvisitedallregionalcommunityradiostationsandregionalbranchesofParadiseFMandreceived

information about 26 candidates across the political spectrum and independents that bought additionalairtimeonlocalradio.

20 From15MarchEUEOMTheGambia2017conductedacomprehensivemediamonitoringusinginternationalmethodologicalstandardsforquantitativeandqualitativeanalysis.Thesampleofmediamonitoredincludedstate-ownedGRTS’sradiostationandtelevisionchannel,twocommercialradiostationsParadiseFMandStarFM, and four newspapersForoyaa, ThePoint, TheDailyObserverand The Standard. Broadcastmediawasmonitored daily during prime-time hours, the newspapers from Monday to Friday. The quantitativemonitoringconsistsofanalysesofthetimeandspaceallocatedtothepoliticalactors,whilethequalitativeanalyses assesses the manner in which relevant actors are portrayed. The EU EOM long-term observersvisitedalltencommunityradiostationsandfilledinacomprehensiveassessmentform.



and lackofprofessionalismhindered theopportunity for candidates topromotediverse standpointsandimpactedvoters´ ability tomakea fully informedchoice.However, the shortcomingsequally affectedallpartiesandwereprimarilytobeseenasaheritageofthepreviousregime.

TheGRTS’seditorialcoverageofelectionswasscant.Thefreeairtimeslotsconstituted84percentofGRTStelevisionand97percentofGRTSFMradioprime-timeelectionrelatedprogramming.Thesestatementswerenever subjected toa criticaleditorial assessmentandcandidates largely refrained fromchallengingeach other in public. Moreover, despite best practices, a debate between parties contesting electionsnation-widewasneverconductedbytheGRTS.TheGRTS’smanagementstressedthat,assevenoutoftenGRTS’s TV camerasweredeployed to record the free airtimemessages, therewas no equipment left toproducequality campaign coverage.Consequently, a genuine, issue-orientedpolitical debatewasabsentfromthestate-runbroadcasters’programming.

The news segments on GRTS were dominated by the presidential tour and government ministers’institutionalactivities.TheGRTSTVallotted33percentof itsnewscoveragetothepresidentand61percenttothegovernment.TheGRTSradioallotted81percentofnewstothepresidentandafurther13percenttothegovernment.Onthepositiveside,GRTSnewsreportswereneutralandbrief,yettheyrelayedmainlypresident’spromisesofsustainabledevelopment.Suchallocationoftimedistortedthefairnessofthecampaigncoveragewithinthestatebroadcasters’newssegmentsthatperserequirehigherstandardsofneutrality,balanceandseparationbetweenpoliticalactors’executivedutiesandcampaigning.

Commercialradiostationsfacilitatedlivepoliticalface-offs.ParadiseFMdevoted90percentandStarFM85 per cent of their prime-time election related programming to the debates. The distribution of timeamongindividualpartiesandcandidateswasequitableandreflectedcandidates’interestandreadinesstodiscusstheirpolicies.Withinthenews,commercialradiostationsappliedapatternsimilartotheoneoftheGRTS. On Star FM the president was granted 47 per cent, while 53 per cent were allotted to thegovernment.ParadiseFMallotted59percenttothepresident.

Theoveralltoneacrosscommercialmedianewswasneutral.Ascommercialandcommunityradiostations’newscontent largelyoriginates fromnewspaperarticles, thedistributionof spaceamongpolitical actorswithintheprintmediashouldbeseenasanation-widereferencetoassesstheoverallbalanceofcampaigncoverage. In all print outlets, prominent party leaders, such asMama Kandeh (GDC), Mai Ahmad Fatty(GMC), Halifa Sallah (PDOIS) and Ousainu Darboe (UDP) were featured in between 6 and 12 headlinearticleseach.OmarAmadouJallow(PPP),whileblendinghisinstitutionalactivitieswithpoliticalstatementsthat impacted on the campaign,was featured in 20 signal articles across themonitoredmedia. In total,printmediadevotedequitablespacetoallpoliticalparties,includingtheAPRC.However,thecoveragewasbeneficial to prominent politicians. In addition, some independent candidateswere granted a fair sharewithinthenewspapers’coverageofthecampaign.Printmediaallottedfrom10to19percentofitsarticlesdevoted to thepolitical communication to independentcandidates, including inphotographsofelectoralevents.

Community FM radios were instrumental in introducing candidates to the population and in conveyingvoter information. All ten community radio stations offered free airtime to candidates contesting therespectiveconstituency,espousedsensitisationmessagesinlocallanguagesandinvitedopinionleaderstoparticipate in live programmes. None of them received additional funds to boost their broadcastingcapacity,thuslimitingtocertaindegreetheirservicestotheelectorate.

Thepoliticalnarrativeofonlinemediawasanimatedandtoucheduponissuesneglectedbythetraditionalmedia, such as allegedly politicallymotivated fracas. Online news sites operating from abroadwere themost vocal critics of the president’s nation-wide tour. Eight out of nine parties or their leaders havededicated Facebook page, with the GDC and the UDP having over 80,000 and 50,000 active followers,respectively.TheGDCandtheUDPfurtherexpandedtheironlinereachanddiversifiedthemessagingbycreating interconnected profiles on different platforms.WhatsApp groupswere used for circulating pre-



recordedcandidates’ statements thatwere later re-played tovotersat community centres in ruralareaswithalimitedaccesstotraditionalmedia.

Commendableeffortsweremadebyallmonitoredmediaoutletstopromotetheparticipationofwomeninpolitical life by granting, the however few, female candidates prominent exposure within the election-relatedprime-timebroadcastsandwithinthenewspapers.GRTSallotted42(radio)and57(television)percent of its election-related original programming to female political actors21. Commercial radio stationsallottedfrom12to13percenttowomenpoliticians,whilethenewspapersdevotedfrom5percentinThePoint, to 23 per cent in The Standard. Online news sites, in their editorial sections, published severalendorsementsoffemalecandidates.Inaddition,ParadiseFMproducedspecialciviceducationminidramastopromotewomen’sparticipationasvoters.

XIII. DOMESTICANDINTERNATIONALOBSERVERSSimilar to the recentpresidential election, several civil society organisations actively engaged in electionobservation and election related conflictmonitoring. An IEC Code of Conduct regulated the activities ofcitizen and international observers and the IEC invited citizen and international observers to attend aspecialbriefing.

ThebiggestgroupofcitizenobserverswasaccreditedundertheCSOCoalitiononElectionsledbytheWestAfricanNetworkforPeace-building(WANEP)with200observers.Inaddition,theIECissuedaccreditationsfor54PeaceAmbassadors,35observers fromtheNationalYouthParliament,and20observers fromProGambia.All citizenobservers focusedprimarilyon theobservationofelectionday.TheCSOCoalitiononElections concluded that, inmany instances, police officerswerepresent inside thepolling stations. TheCSO coalition recommended the empowerment of the NCCE to efficiently and effectively conduct civiceducationnationwideonacontinuousbasis.

TheAfricanUniondeployedashort-termobservationmissionwith30observerswhich, in itspreliminarydeclaration, reported generally calm and well administered elections and called on the government tofocusonnationalreconciliationinviewofthethenrecentpoliticalevents.TheAUEOMalsoexpresseditsconcern that citizenswho had turned 18 years of age since the last registration exercise did not get anopportunitytoexercisetheirfranchise.TheAUEOMfurthernotedthattheelectorallegalframeworkdoesnotadequatelyaddresstheissueofpublicpartyandcampaignfundingandthatthesystemcouldbemoreinclusivethroughtheintroductionofaffirmativeactionforvulnerablegroupssuchaswomenandpersonswithdisabilities.

The Economic Community of West African States Commission deployed 17 accredited observers andrecommendedthattheIECandpoliticalpartiesshouldmakemoreefforttoeducateandsensitisecitizensontheimportanceofactiveparticipationinallnationalelections.

XIV. PARTICIPATIONOFWOMENThere were just 20 women among the 239 nominated candidates for the National Assembly elections,while three amongst themwereelected to the53elected seats. This represents less than6per centofelectedmembers. Threeof the fivepresidential nomineeswere female, bringing the total to sixwomenamongthetotalmembershipof58of theNationalAssembly,which is less than11percentof thetotal.Whilethisrepresentsaslightincreasefromthetotaloffivewomeninthelastparliament(twoelectedandthree appointed, representing9.4per centof the total), the impactof theelectoral systemhasbeen todelivernosignificantrepresentationforwomenamongstthemembershipoftheNationalAssembly.

21 Thetimeandspaceallottedtothepresidentisexcludedfromthetotaltimeandspacemeasuredtoassess

thegenderbalanceacrossthemonitoredmedia.



Article7oftheConventionontheEliminationofAllFormsofDiscriminationagainstWomenobligesstatestotakeallappropriatemeasurestoeliminatediscriminationagainstwomeninthepoliticalandpubliclifeofthe country. TheBeijing Platform forAction set a target of 30per cent of elected representatives tobefemale,asanindicatorofsubstantiveequality.Theuseoftemporaryspecialmeasures,underArticle4oftheConvention,isopentoTheGambiatopromoteandfulfilwomen’srightstodejureaswellasdefactoequality.Inaddition,Article9oftheProtocoltotheAfricanCharteronHumanandPeoples’RightsontheRights ofWomen in Africa, acceded to by The Gambia in 2005, requires states to take positive action,through legislationandothermeasures, toensure thatwomenare representedequallyatall levelswithmeninallelectoralprocesses.

TheWomen’sAct2010provides,inSection15(1),fortheadoptionoftemporaryspecialmeasuresinfavourofwomen,inordertoacceleratetheachievementofdefactoequalitybetweenmenandwomen.Thishasnot, however, been used in a systematic way. While it is difficult, on technical grounds, to introducereservedseatsforwomenwithinthepresentsinglemember,first-past-the-post,electoralsystem,politicalparties could ameliorate the situation through the adoption of affirmative action policies. Such policiescould include the promotion of female participation within party structures, and the nomination of anincreasednumberoffemalecandidatesforelection.Whilethereisadvocacyofreservedseatsforwomenthroughquotaswithinaproportionallyrepresentativesystem,thiswouldbepossibleonlyinthecontextofarevisionofthecurrentelectoralsystem.

XV. PARTICIPATIONOFPERSONSWITHDISABILITIESThe Constitution provides, in Article 31, for the rights of persons with disabilities. These rights are toinclude the right to respect and to human dignity, as well as to protection against exploitation anddiscrimination,particularlywithregardtoaccesstohealthservices,educationandemployment.There is,however, no specific protection for the political rights of personswith disabilities, beyond the standardrights which apply to all citizens. A guarantee of equality, which would prohibit discrimination on thegroundsofdisabilitystatus,isalsoabsent.

In2015TheGambiaaccededtotheUNConventionontheRightsofPersonswithDisabilitiesbutnoeffecthasbeengivento theConvention indomestic law. TheLunaticsDetentionActof1917, last reviewed in1964, is the only legislation dealingwith intellectual disability, legislationwhich does not have a rights-based perspective. The African Commission on Human and People’s Rights, in the case of Purohit andMoore v The Gambia22, decided that this legislation is contrary to the African Charter on Human andPeople’s Rights, as, among other consequences, it deprives persons detained in a psychiatric hospital oftheirrighttovote.TheGambiawasurgedtorepealtheLunaticsDetentionAct,buthasyettodoso.

The Elections Act stipulates that assistancemay be provided to facilitate voting by personswith specialneeds. While secrecy of the ballot is guaranteed, this was undermined in the case of voters requiringassistance. Braille labels on ballot drums could have ameliorated this situation, and would have beenwelcomedbyvoters.

No voter information or editorial programmes or articles aimed to advance the political participation ofpersonswithdisabilitieswerepublishedinmediamonitoredbytheEUEOM.Noneofthepoliticalpartiesspecifically addressed the needs of people with disabilities in their campaign platforms or employedcampaignmethodsthatwouldeffectivelyreachouttothecommunity.

Engagement with the community of persons with disabilities in making electoral preparations will beimportantinthefuturetobettervindicatetheirrighttovote.

22 PurohitandMoorevTheGambia(Afr.Com.No.241/01(2003))



A draft Disabilities Bill was published in 2007 by the Gambia Federation for Persons with Disabilities.Provisions in the Bill include the introduction of a quota of at least two reserved seats in the NationalAssemblyforpersonswithdisabilities.TheBillhasnotyetbeenconsideredbytheparliament.

XVI. ELECTORALJUSTICE

A. ElectoralOffencesThere is an extensive catalogue of electoral offences set out in the law. Not a single prosecution wasundertakenofanelectoraloffenceduringtheseelections.Therewereafewarrestsoncriminalchargesofassault, which were election related, although not specified as electoral offences in the charges. Thisunderminestheaccountabilityofcandidatesandpoliticalpartiesfortheactionsoftheirsupporters.Therewere reports in themedia of distribution of goods to the electorate by some candidates, actionswhichappear to violate theprohibitionon treatingvotersduring theelection campaign.Noprosecutionswereinitiatedbytheauthorities.

AnAPRC supporterwas arrested and a prosecutionwas initiated on a charge of insulting the President,arisingoutofaverbalaltercationbetweenAPRCandUDPsupporters.There isnospecificoffence in theCriminalCodeofTheGambiaof insult to thePresident. Instead theactual chargewas thatofbehaviourlikely to provoke a breach of the peace,whichwould amount to a violation of the PublicOrder Act. Tosanctionanexpressionofapoliticalopinioninthismanneris,onthefaceofit,contrarytotheprotectionofthe freedomof speechand inviolationof international law23.On the secondoccasionatwhich thecasecamebeforeacourt,theStateenteredanolleprosequi, indicatingthatthecasewouldnotbeproceededwith.

B. ComplaintsandAppealsTheexistenceofanefficientandeffectivesystemofelectoraljusticeisfundamentaltosecuringacredibleelectionprocess.TheIEChasextensivejurisdictiontodealwithcomplaintswhichariseatallstagesofvoterregistration,candidatenomination,campaigning,andtheactualtechnicalconductoftheelections.Thereis,however,adearthoflegalrulesindicatingtheprocedureswhicharetobefollowedinthesubmissionoradjudicationofcomplaintsduringthecampaignperiod.Thereisanabsenceofrules,oftimeframes,andofformswithwhichtodealwiththesematters.Disputeswhicharoseduringthecampaignweredealtwiththrough informal systems of mediation and reconciliation, reflective of a general approach to disputeresolution in The Gambia. This renders it difficult for any aggrieved party to pursue legal action, asdocumentationdoesnotexist,andtherearenolegalavenuesprescribedforadjudication.

The Code of Election Campaign Ethics Order was issued in 1996, and both individual candidates andpoliticalpartiesmustcommitthemselvestoitupontheirnomination.TheCodedoesnotcontainasingleprovisionas tohowacomplaintofnon-compliance is tobemade,nor is thereanyprocedureas tohowcomplaintsaretobeadjudicatedupon.TheCodeconferssignificantpowersofsanctionupontheIEC,uptocancellation of the registration of a political party or cancellation of the nomination of a candidate.Internationalstandardsmandateaccesstoeffectiveremedies,andtherighttoafairhearing,whicharenotrespectedwithintheframeworkoftheCodeofElectionCampaignEthics24.Itisimportantthatprocedures,includingapossibilitytoappealagainstfar-reachingdecisions,existtoallowforcomplaintstobemadeandfairhearingstotakeplace.

Objectionstocandidatenominationswereeffectivelyimpossible.Anobjectionperiodwasprovidedforonthedayafterthecloseofnominations,whilethelawrequiresevenless,mandatingjustaperiodofafew 23 InternationalCovenantonCivilandPoliticalRightsArt.19;AfricanCharteronHumanandPeople’sRightsArt.

9(2)24 International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, Art.2.3; African Charter on Democracy, Elections and

GovernanceArt.17(4);AUDeclarationonthePrinciplesGoverningDemocraticElectionsinAfricaIV.6



hoursforobjections.TheIEC,however,wasobligedonlytopublishtheidentityofcandidatesatleastsevendaysbeforepollingday.Theidentityofnominatedcandidateswasthereforenotknowntotheelectoratebeforetheputativeobjectionperiodhadended,deprivingtheobjectionperiodofanymeaningfulness.NoobjectionswerereceivedbytheIEC.Thelawrestrictscourtchallengestoallegedlyunlawfulnominationstopost-electionpetitionsonly.

C. ElectionPetitionsThepoliticalandlegalrealitiesofthelasttwodecadeshavehadtheresultthatthereisnorecentcultureofcontesting election results, or indeed of any recourse to the law during the electoral process. The lastelectionpetitionswhichwent to trialwereheard in1992.Nonetheless, the legal jurisdiction forelectionpetitionsexists,withresponsibilityattributedexclusivelytotheSupremeCourt.Thiscourthadnotsatfortwoyears,and,beingcomprisedofasinglememberatthetime,wasnotfunctionalduringtheperiodoftheelectioncampaign.Therewasalargebacklogofcasesthenawaitingadjudication,amongwhichweretwo election petitions challenging the results of the 2016 presidential election. The law states that theSupremeCourthasaperiodof30daystoadjudicateuponelectionpetitions,butthatdelaywillnotcauseinvalidityofanydecisions.Thismeansthatthereiseffectivelynotimelimitforelectionpetitions,contraryto international standards which recognise the right to a timely and effective remedy25. Despite theabsence of a complete Supreme Court bench, it was technically possible to submit election petitionschallengingtheresultsoftheNationalAssemblyelections,toawaitadjudicationuntiltherestorationofthefunctionalityoftheCourt.Noelectionpetitionswerefiled.

Thereareseveralproceduralandtechnicalrequirementswhichmustbecompliedwithinthesubmissionofan election petition. Security for costsmust be lodgedwithin three days of the filing of a petition. Theamount of money to be lodged could be substantial, including both court and witness costs. Thisrequirement could, potentially, present an insurmountable obstacle to the submission of electionpetitions.Itcouldhavetheresultthatonlyaffluentaggrievedpartieswouldbeabletobringcases,barringthosewithoutmeanswhomight havemeritorious cases to bring. This could deny access to the courts,underminingprotectionoftherighttoaneffectiveremedy.

XVII. ELECTIONDAYANDANNOUNCEMENTOFTHERESULTS

A. OpeningandVotingOnelectionday,theEUEOMobservedvotingproceduresat222pollingstations,reflecting16percentofallpollingstationsacrossallsevenregionsofthecountry.Votingproceduresweresimple,withoutadvance,postal,mobileorout-of-countryvoting.Registeredvoterscouldvoteonlyinthepollingstationswheretheywereregistered.Pollingwasconductedfrom08:00to17:00hours,inall1,422pollingstations,whichwerepartlygroupedinpollingcentres.

TheIECconductedpollingandcountinginatransparentandorderlymanner.Noseriousdelaysinopeningofpollingstationswerereported.Allpollingstationsvisitedhadreceivedallrequiredmaterialsbutthestaffcounted theballot tokens receivedbefore opening in only 65 per cent of observedpolling stations. Theopeningprocedureswerelargelyfollowedandtheoverallconductoftheopeningwasassessedpositively.

Thelawprovidesbasicdirectionsforpolling,countingandcollation,buttheIECdidnotissueanydetailedwritten procedures, beyond the handbook for polling officials. Polling was conducted in a peacefulatmosphereandpollingproceduresweremostlyfollowed.In84percentofpollingstationsvisitedduringvotingthepresidingofficerwasmale,whileinallotherpollingstaffcategorieswomenwereamajority.Inthe polling stations observed, two or more agents of different candidates were present during voting.Procedures for the provision of assistance to voterswith special needswere not observed to bewidely 25 International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, Art. 2.3; African Charter on Democracy, Elections and

GovernanceArt.17(4);AUDeclarationonthePrinciplesGoverningDemocraticElectionsinAfricaIV.6



compliedwith,whilepolling stations visitedwereoften inaccessible to voterswith reducedmobility.NoBraillelabelsonballotdrumswereprovidedforpersonswithvisualimpairment.

TheEUobserversassessedtheconductofpollingpositively in98percentofpollingstations.Onlya fewirregularitieswereobserved.Theseincludedthepollingstationlayoutinsufficientlyprotectingthesecrecyof theballot insevenpercentof instances,andnochecking for tracesof ink insome10percentof thepollingstationsobserved.EUobserversreportedthatballottokenswerenotalwayscountedandmatchedtothenumberstatedonthetokenbag.Also,thequantityofsealsusedonthedrumsdifferedattimes.Aproblemoccurred inOldYundumconstituencywhere in some fourpolling stationspicturesof the threeindependent candidates were misplaced on wrongly coloured ballot drums. The Returning Officer,however, decided that, given the clear victory of the UDP candidate and the low faring of the threeindependentcandidates,thiserrorhadnofundamentaleffectontheresultoftheelectionandnorepeatelectioninthepollingstationsconcernedwasnecessary.

B. CountingandTabulationCountingtookplaceatthepollingstation,acommendableelectoralreformintroducedin2015,whichwasfirst successfully implemented during the 2016 presidential election. The IEC provided mostly verbalproceduraldirectionsforcountingandomittedtheCountingForm,aformspecifiedforthispurposeintheIEC Handbook for Polling Officials. Presiding officers used the Polling Station Result Form, a simplephotocopy.

Counting at the polling stations was conducted in a quick and accuratemanner and in the full view ofcandidateagentsandobservers.WhileEUobserversassessedtheoverallconductoftheprocesspositivelyin 96 per cent of polling stations visited, procedures were frequently not followed, including the priorsealing of the ballot drum holes, and those for reconciliation. At 87 per cent of the observed pollingstations, results forms were displayed for the public and almost all candidate agents received certifiedcopiesoftheresultsforms.However,inmanycasesreported,resultformsdidnotincludesignaturesofallagents.

Collationatthesevenregionalcollationcentreslackedclearprocedures,organisationandtransparency.Inthe separate constituency collation rooms, polling station results were only announced for candidateagentstocomparewiththeirnotesoftheresults.Noreportsofobjectionswerevoicedduringthecollationprocess.Thepollingstationresultswererecordedinhandwritingonbasiccollationresultforms,withthesignatures of candidate agents on a separate page, thus lacking any basic security features. In mostcollation centres observed, candidate agents received handwritten copies of collation result formsafterwards.However, the IEC did not use carbon copies for result forms, did not introduce any tamper-evidentenvelopes,orrecordedonblackboardsordisplayedbyprojectortheresultsatthecollationrooms.

C. AnnouncementofElectionResultsThelegalframeworklacksdetailsconcerningtheannouncementofresults,astheIECchairpersonappearedtotakeonapredominantrole inannouncingofficialresultswithoutothercommissionmemberspresent.TheotherfourIECcommissionerseachactedasReturningOfficer(RO)inoneoftheadministrativeregions,amodusoperandiwhichisnotlegallyrequiredandwhichcouldpreventtheIECCommissionfrommeetingin case of emergency or other electoral challenge and to a degree duplicating the role of the RegionalElectoralOfficers.

Theconstituency resultswere first verifiedby the sevenRegionalElectoralOfficers (REO)at theirofficesdifferentlylocatedfromtheconstituencycollationcentres.Nocandidateagentsorobserverswerepresentand the process lacked transparency and oversight. Once cleared by the REO and upon approval of theReturningOfficers(fourofthemIECCommissioners,threeofthemIECseniorstaffmembers),theresultsweretransmittedbyfaxtotheIECHQ.TheIECChairpersonstartedannouncingtheofficialfinalresultsoftheelectionsperconstituencyfrom23:00hoursvialivetelecastonnationalGRTStelevisionandonGRTS



FMradio.Only intwooutofsevenregionstheReturningOfficerandnotthe IECchairpersonannouncedtheofficialconstituencyresultsfirst.

AllelectedmembersoftheNationalAssemblywereannouncedby9:00amthemorningaftertheelections:UDPwon31seats,APRCwon5seats,NRPwon5seats,GDCwon5seats,PDOISwon4seats,PPPwon2seats,andanindependentcandidatewononeseat.TheresultsprovidedbytheIECatthisstagewereonlybrokendowntoconstituency levelwithnoindividualpollingstationresultsdisplayedontheIECwebsite.Datawasmissingaboutthenumberofvoterswhovotedandthenumberofinvalidvotescounted.

Atotalof379,320validvoteswerecastresultinginavoterturnoutof42.8percent.IncomparisonwiththeDecember2016election,whichhada voter turnoutof59.3per cent (525,867votes), a totalof146,547fewervoterswenttothepolls,whichisadropof27.9percent.

The first-past-the-post (FPTP)electoral systemused resulted ina strongadvantage for thebiggestparty:UDPwon37.5percentofthepopularvotebut58.5percentoftheseats(31).GDC,asthesecondbiggestpartyinthepopularvotewith17.4percent,wasparticularlydisadvantagedbytheFPTPsystemasitonlywon9.4percentofseats(5).APRCwon15.9percentandNRPwon6.3percentofthepopularvotebutbothwon9.4percentofseats(5).PDOISachieved8.9percentofpopularvoteand7.5percentofseats(4).PPP,withonly2.5percentofthepopularvote,won2seatsreflecting3.8percent.

ThewinnerwiththelowestpercentageofvoteswasinLowerFulladuWestconstituencywith23percentofthevotewhilethewinnerwiththehighestpercentageofthevotewasinFoniKansalaconstituencywith88percent.ThewinnerwiththelowestnumberofvoteswasinJanjanburehconstituencywith474voteswhile thewinnerwith thehighestnumberofvoteswas inKomboSouthconstituencywith10,022votes.These result figures accentuate the unequal level of representation of the electorate in the NationalAssembly.

Theclosestmarginof victorywas recorded inSanduconstituencywith14votesdifference (wonbyUDPversus GDC), in Lower Niumi constituency with 37 votes difference (won by UDP versus GDC), and inNiaminaEastconstituencywith43votesdifference(wonbyGDCversusUDP).

Urbanareas, inparticular, recordeda lowvoter turnoutwith, forexample,Kanifing regionwith36.2percent,Banjulmunicipalitywith39.8percentandBassetownwith36.8percent.Theconstituencieswiththelowest turnoutwereSerekundaconstituencywith31.5percent,OldYundumconstituencywith31.8percent,Kantoroconstituencywith32.5percentandSerekundaWestwith33.6percent.Thehighestvoterturnout was recorded in rural areas such as in Kerewan region with 58.4 per cent and in the fiveconstituenciesofFoniarea.TheconstituencieswiththehighestrecordedturnoutwereNiaminaDankunkuwith63.0percent,FoniBintangwith62.6percent,andJanjanburehwith60.1percent.

XVIII. POST-ELECTIONDAYDEVELOPMENTSFifty-threemembersoftheNationalAssemblywereelectedon6April2017.ThepoliticalpartiesaffiliatedwiththeCoalition2016securedmorethan80percentoftheseelectedseats.TheUDPobtained58.5percent of seatswith 31 electedNational AssemblyMembers. Among the othermembers of the coalition,threepartiesandoneindependentcandidatewereelected.TheseweretheNRPwithfiveseats,PDOISwithfourandPPPwithtwo.Thesingle independentcandidateelected inBasseconstituencyhadbeenoneofthefoundersoftheCoalition2016.Outsidethecoalition,theAPRCandtheGDCsecuredfiveseatseach.AnadditionalfivememberswerenominatedtotheNationalAssemblybythePresident.

AnanalysisoftheresultsfromaproportionalperspectiveshowsthatCoalition2016increasedtheirsupportfromthepresidentialelectionsbya24percentmargin.TheCoalition2016won67percentoftheNationalAssemblyvotes,comparedto43percentofthevoteswonbytheminthepresidentialelection.TheUDPobtained37.5percentof the totalnationwidevote.Thepartywas the largestopponentof the Jammeh



regimeand,sincehisdefeat,thepartyhasgrowninpopularityamongstallsegmentsofthepopulation.TheAPRClostsupportonanationalscale,exceptwithinitsstrongholdsinthefiveFoniconstituencies.Intotal,the party secured 16 per cent of the votes compared to the about 40 per cent secured in the 2016presidentialelection.

TheGDCobtained17percentof thevotes,winningthemajority in fiveconstituencies inbothelections.Theseresultsseemtoindicatemaintenanceofastatusquointermsofvotersupport.However,thisisnotthe case as the wins were not in the same five constituencies each time. The NRP is believed to haveattracted formerGDCvoters to their camp,winning three constituencies inwhich theGDChadwon themajoritylastDecember.TheGDC,however,wonin3otherconstituencies,inwhichtheAPRChadwonthemajorityinthepresidentialelection.IntheCentralRiverRegion,votesweremostlycastinsupportoftheGDCandNRP,bothdrawing votes away from theAPRC. TheNRPbenefited from the ‘first-past-the-postsystem’thatallowedthemtowininfiveconstituencieswitharelativelylownumberofthetotalvotes.Onaproportionalbasisonthenationallevel,theNRPwononlysixpercentcomparedto17percentforGDCThePDOISwonthemajorityin4constituencies,twoofwhicharethehomeofcharismaticpartyfigures.Inone constituency, Banjul North, the winning PDOIS candidate drew significant support through TeamTahawalBanjulcanvassing.ThetwoelectedmembersfromPPPwerealsosupportedbytheTTB.

Both the APRC and the GDC expressed concern at the results of the elections. The APRC voiced theirconcerns more quietly, while conversely the GDC leader publicly declared his intention to reject theelection results. He asserted that the outcome of the elections had been deeply influenced by thepresidential tour. He also claimed that in some constituencies the results were incorrectly tallied anddeductionsweremadefromtheGDCvotesduringthecollationofthevotes.HealsocriticisedtheEUEOMandotherinternationalobserversduringapressconferenceheldon10April.TheAPRCleadership,withadifferent grievance, argued that inmostpolling stations theirparty agentsdidnot receivea copyof thepollingstationresults form. In theirpressconference,however, theydidnotmakeamajor issueof theirelectionconcernsbutratherfocusedondistancingthemselvesfromformerPresidentJammeh.NoelectionpetitionswereintheendsubmittedtotheSupremeCourttochallengetheoutcomeoftheelectionsinanyconstituency.

On11AprilmembersoftheNationalAssemblyweresworninaftertheSpeakerandDeputySpeakerwereelected.AssetoutintheConstitution,boththespeakerandthedeputyspeakerwereelectedfromamongthe National Assemblymembers nominated by the president. This was followed by the election of theMajorityandMinority leaders.Theminority leaderelectedrepresentstheNRP.Hewasalsotheminorityleaderinthepastlegislature.HiselectionwassupportedbytheothermembersoftheCoalition2016.Heobtained47votescomparedto5fortheAPRCand5fortheGDCcandidates.ThismeansboththeMajorityLeaderandMinorityLeaderarefrompartieswithinthegovernment.

WhileElectionDaywasnotableforpeaceandcalm,afewincidentsofdisorderoccurredsubsequently.On7 April, clashes between UDP and GDC supporters took place in Sandu constituency following theproclamationof thevictoryof theUDPcandidatewith just14votesmore than theGDCcandidate. Thesituationwasmitigatedbythe interventionof thepolice.Thesameday,violenceoccurredbetweenUDPandAPRCduringthecelebrationoftheirrespectivevictories(atthenational levelfortheUDPandattheconstituency level forAPRC) in FoniBintang constituency. Thepolicewere initially unable to control thesituationandtheclashescontinueduntilthearrivalofadditionalforces.Afewdayslater,on10April,theMinister of Interior and the Minister of Lands and Regional Government held a “peace and stability”meetingtoreconciletheAPRCandUDPsupporters.

On20April,an incidentoccurred in thevillageof formerpresident Jammeh inFoniKansalaconstituencybetweenmembersoftheGambianArmyandtheECOMIGforcesoveraccesstoJammeh’svilla.GambianmilitarydeniedaccesstothepropertytotheECOMIGtroops.AclashoccurredandthreeGambiansoldierswere injured. Both theMinister of the Interior and the Army claimed that the shooting was part of amisunderstanding between both parties and was not symptomatic of tensions between national and



ECOMIG troops. According to the EU EOM's key interlocutors, APRC supporters in Foni perceive thepresenceofECOMIGtroopsasathreatanda“punishment”fortheirsupporttoJammeh.ThesituationintheFoniarearemainsfragile.

The media’s post-election agenda covered the GDC objections to the election results in severalconstituencies,aswellaspoliticallymotivatedfracasinsomepartsofthecountry.StatementsoftheGDCleaderwerelivestreamedontheparty’sFacebookaccountandreverberatedacrossmainstreammedia.TheGDCleader’spressconferencetriggeredpublicpronouncementsbytheAPRCandthePPP,thusexpandingthepublicdebateamongelectoralstakeholdersontheconductandresultsoftheelections.Overall,mediacontentamplifiedthegeneralacceptanceoftheoutcomeoftheelections.

Duringthepost-electoralperiodmedia,includingonline,greatlycontributedtotheoverallawarenessandunderstandingof theroleofNationalAssembly.Thestate-ownedGRTSbroadcast live the firstsessionofthe National Assembly, as a measure to enhance transparency. Furthermore,media featured the newlyelected members of the National Assembly and reminded the public of their duties and pre-electionpromises.

PriortodeparturetheEUEOMinvitedkeyelectoralstakeholderstoaroundtablediscussiononselectedrecommendations forpossible improvementsofseveralaspectsof theelectoral legal frameworkandtheelectoral process, particularly with respect to compliancewith regional and international commitments,standards and best practice. The election round table was attended by the IEC chairperson and vice-chairperson, leaders and representatives of political parties, including the GDC and PDOIS leaders,members oftheNationalAssembly,aswellasrepresentativesofthemediaandcivilsociety.

The IECchairpersonpubliclystatedtheaspirationofTheGambiatochangefrommarbleballottokenstoballot papers. UDP, with 31 seats in the National Assembly and NRP with 5 seats publicly stated theirsupportforthecurrentsystemwhileGPDPandPDOISexpressedtheirpreferencetoswitchtoballotpaper.CitizenobserversfromWANEPalsoconsideredthatthecurrentsystemhasthetrustofthevotersas it issafe,transparentandquick.

Two weeks following election day, the IEC chairperson refused to release detailed election results inresponse to a request in writing from the APRC to receive results broken down by polling station. Thisrefusal is contrary to international commitments which stipulate that “there should be independentscrutinyofthevotingandcountingprocess”26.

26 SeeICCPRGC25Paragraph20aswellasECOWASProtocolonDemocracyandGoodGovernanceArticle6.



XIX. RECOMMENDATIONS Enhancement of several aspects of the electoral process is required for the full realisation of thefundamental rightsof individualsandgroups,asprovided for in theapplicable internationalandregionalcommitments to democratic elections of The Gambia. In this regard, the following priorityrecommendations areoffered, for considerationandaction, to theGovernmentof TheGambia, the IEC,political parties, civil society and the international community. Discussion on implementation of allrecommendationsshouldbeundertakenasexpeditiouslyaspossibleinordertoaddresstheshortcomingsidentified in the2017electoralprocess ina timelymanner.Adetailed tableof recommendationscanbefoundinAnnexItothisreport,whiletherecommendationsarelistedbelow:

LegalFramework

1. Revisethelegalrequirementsforregistrationasapoliticalparty.

2. ConsolidatetheConstitutionandelectorallawtoincludeallamendments.Disseminatewidely.

3. Revise the law which disqualifies all prisoners from voting, regardless of the reason forimprisonment, ensuring that the suspension of voting rights is proportionate to the offencecommitted.

4. Review the system of presidential appointments to the National Assembly, with a view tohavingaparliamentthatisdirectlyelectedby,andaccountableto,thepeople.

5. Amoratorium could be considered on the president andmembers of government openingpublicworksorannouncingsameduringthecampaignperiod.Considerationcouldbegiven,inthe interest of maintaining a level playing-field, to ensuring that the timing of presidentialtoursdoesnotoverlapwiththecampaignperiod.

ElectionAdministration

6. StrengthentheinstitutionalindependenceoftheIECby:establishinganinclusivemechanismforthe selection and appointment of the IEC Chairperson and Commissioners; by ensuring thesecurityoftheIECCommissioners’tenure;andbyprovidingtheIECwithfullsovereigntyoveritsbudget; as well as a legal requirement for the IEC Commission to make joint decisions,particularlyonresults.

7. Establish clear and coherent procedures for polling, counting, result transfer, and collation, inconjunctionwiththeintroductionofimprovedsecuritymeasuresofresultandcollationforms;aswell as provide timely, participatory training of election staff and candidate agents on theseprocedures.

8. Increase the transparency of the IEC by conducting regularmeetingswith stakeholders (politicalparties,observers) at thenational and regional levels, togetherwithopeningup IECCommissionsessions and publishing itsminutes and decisions, aswell as other informationmaterials via IECwebsiteandsocialmediachannels.

9. Establish clear deadlines for announcing official election results and introduce a robust result

management system in conjunction with the timely national display of scanned polling stationresultformsontheIECwebsite.



10. Improve office, storage and communication infrastructure of the IEC, especially at the regional

level,forthesustainable,safeandqualityimplementationofitsconstitutionaltasks.

11. Establish the Boundaries Commission and enact legislation outlining the criteria for thedemarcationofconstituencyboundaries, impartiallyandtransparently,ensuringtheequalityofthevote,withlegallybindingpermitteddeviationsfromthenationalaveragenumberofvotersperconstituency.

VoterRegistration

12. Establishanaccuratevoterregisterandprovidecitizenswithtimelyopportunitiestoregisterasvoters, toupdatevoter registrationentries in caseoferroror changeofplaceof residence, toremove deceased and other unqualified persons’ entries, with adequate time for display andchallenge.

13. Introduce the provision of duty certificates to allow those on electoral duty to vote at a pollingstationotherthanwheretheyareregistered;togetherwithestablishingtimelydeploymentplansofstaffonelectoraldutytominimisethenumberofvotersaffected.

14. Deliver extensive and continuous civic education which would ensure that all citizens areinformedof their rights as citizens and voters. Theywould also bemade aware of the role ofelectedinstitutionsandofthemainaspectsofgovernance.Specialprogrammesaimedatyouth,womenandpersonswithdisabilitiescouldalsobedevelopedandimplemented.CSOscouldplayanactiveroleinthepromotionandimplementationoftheseactivities.

15. Implementacomprehensiveandtimelyvotereducationandvoter informationcampaignthroughfield activities (incl. street theatre), socialmedia (incl. podcasts) andmedia campaign, sensitisingaboutsuffragerightsandelectoralprocedures,withaspecialemphasisonwomen,youth,PWDs,andmarginalised groups. The state TV and Radio has to play an essential role in the educativecampaign.

Campaign,PoliticalPartiesandCampaignFinance

16. TheElectionsActcouldberevisedto includestricterrulesand limits fordonationsandcampaignspending. Consideration should be given to introduce ceilings on expenditure for parties andcandidates. Responsibilities could be assigned to a new institution, such as an anti-corruptioncommission,tomonitorcomplianceandenforcetherules.

17. ConferthepowertoconducteffectivecampaignfinanceoversightontheIECoronayet-to-be-established anti-corruption body. The respective body should be granted sufficient powers tomonitorandenforcerulesoncampaignfinance.Toenhancetransparency,financialreportsofallpartiesandcandidatescouldbepublishedbeforeandafterthecampaignperiod.

18. The relations among political parties and the resolution of either political and election relateddisputeswouldbenefitfromtheinstitutionalisationoftheinter-partycommittee.

19. Political parties, as well as Members of the National Assembly, would benefit from theestablishmentofcapacitybuildingprograms.



Media

20. Amend the legal framework for traditionalandonlinemedia regardingcontent limitationsandregistrationprocedures;decriminalisedefamationandliftonlinemedia’sliabilityforthird-partycontent, consequently bringing the overall legal framework into line with The Gambia’sinternationalcommitmentsregardingfreedomofexpression.

21. Establish legal safeguards for the public service broadcaster’s editorial independence andfinancialautonomy.

22. Establishanindependentregulatorybodyforthemedia,clearlydefininginstitution’smandateanddecision-making process. Envisage that during the campaign, the regulatory body oversees themedia’s conduct. Following good practice, conduct an inclusive consultation prior to theestablishmentofanewregulatoryinstitution.

23. State authorities should put in place measures aimed to foster media’s role throughout thecampaign. Introducing political debates as an indispensable component of the campaign at thenational and the constituency level, would enable voters to compare candidates and to makeinformed decisions. State subsidies could be allocated to debates, including on commercial andcommunityradiostations.

24. Enhance the capacity of community radio stations, by allocating adequate funding, technicalequipmentandbyorganisingprofessionaltrainings.

25. IntroduceFreedomof InformationActthatwouldfacilitatethepublic’srighttopromptaccesstotheinformationinperson,offlineandonline,alsoregardingtheelections.

ParticipationofWomen

26. Introducelegalrequirements,suchasmandatoryquotas,forpoliticalpartiestoapplyaffirmativeactiongenderpolicieswithin theirparties, in termsof integratingwomen intoparty structuresandselectingwomenaspartycandidates.Suchpoliciescanbeparticularlyeffectivewhenusingthebottom-upapproach. Enforcementmeasurescouldbelinkedtotheongoingregistrationofthe political party. In any revision of the electoral system, introduction of quotas for femalecandidatescouldbeconsidered.

ParticipationofPersonswithDisabilities

27. Revisedisqualificationsfromvotingonthegroundsof“unsoundmind”and“lunacy”.Ensurepollingstationlocationsareselectedonthebasisofphysicalaccessibility.TheuseofBraillelabelsonballotdrums could be introduced to protect secrecy. A voter education programme, prepared inconsultationwiththePwDcommunity,couldsupporttheirparticipationintheelectoralprocess.

ElectoralJustice

28. Detailed complaints procedures should be provided for, to allow for the implementation of theCode on Election Campaign Ethics. Fair procedures are essential in the treatment of suchcomplaints, requiringdetails ofhowdecisionswill bemade, sanctions imposed, andallowing forthepossibilityofanappeal.



29. The introduction of a detailed complaints procedure, with reasonable time limits for

adjudication,shouldbeconsidered.Theprocedurecouldregulatematterssuchaswhen,inwhatformat and to which institution, complaints would be submitted and how they would beadjudicatedupon.

30. Revisionof therules tochallengethenominationofcandidates forelectioncouldbeconsidered.Thetimeperiodcouldbeextendeduntilsomedaysafterthelistofnomineeshasbeenpublished.AnappealtothecourtsagainstthedecisionoftheIEC,couldalsobeconsidered.

31. Election petitions should be accorded priority over other cases scheduled before the SupremeCourt.Therequirementoflodgementofsecuritydepositforcostscouldbereviewedandremoved,toenhanceaccesstothecourtforallparties.



ANNEXI TableofRecommendations

NoContext

(ReferencetothesectionintheFinalReport)

RECOMMENDATION Suggestedchange(s)inlegalframework

Primary responsibility for implementation

InternationalPrinciple/

Int.andReg.ObligationsandCommitments

LEGALFRAMEWORK

11

PoliticalPartyRegistrationExcessiverequirementsforpotentialpartiestobecomeactiveincludeanunreasonablyhighregistrationfeeandaveryhighminimumofmembers.Page17

Revisethelegalrequirementsforregistrationasapoliticalparty.

RevisionofSection105oftheElectionsAct.

NationalAssembly

TheRighttoPoliticalRepresentationthroughPoliticalPartyACHPRArt.10(1);ICCPRArt.22.1

2

LegalFrameworkAccesstothelawcanbedifficult,asthereislimitedavailabilityinprint,andalmostnoavailabilityelectronically.Amendmentstothelegalframeworkhavenotbeenconsolidated.Page11

Consolidate the Constitution and electoral law toincludeallamendments.Disseminatewidely.

Nochangetothelegalframework;changethepracticeoftheGovernmentoftheGambiainthedisseminationofofficialdocuments.

MinistryofInformationandCommunicationInfrastructure

RuleofLawUDHR;Declarationofthehigh-levelmeetingoftheGeneralAssemblyontheruleoflawatnationalandinternationallevels;ACDEG(signed,notratified)



NoContext



Primaryresponsibilityforimplementation



33

LegalFrameworkPersonsservingasentenceofimprisonmentaredisqualifiedfromvoting.Page16

Revisethelawwhichdisqualifiesallprisonersfromvoting, regardlessof the reason for imprisonment,ensuring that the suspension of voting rights isproportionatetotheoffencecommitted.

ReviseSection13.(b)oftheElectionsAct.

NationalAssembly

TheRighttoVoteICCPRGC25Paragraph14

44

ElectoralSystemFivemembersoftheNationalAssemblyarenominatedbythePresident.Thewillofthepeopleshouldbethebasisofgovernmentalauthority,meaningthatallrepresentativesshouldbefreelychosenbyvoters.Page13

Reviewthesystemofpresidentialappointmentstothe National Assembly, with a view to having aparliament that is directly elected by, andaccountableto,thepeople.

ReviseArticle88.1(b)oftheConstitutionoftheRepublicofTheGambia.

NationalAssembly

DirectElectionsUDHRArt.21.1,21.3.ACHPRArt.13.1



NoContext






5

CampaignEnvironmentTheuseofpublicpropertyduringacampaignisprohibited.Therearenorestrictionsontheannouncementofortheopeningofnewprojects,whichcouldinfluencethepublic.Thereisnotimelimitoftheconductofpresidentialtours,whichcouldalsoaffectthecampaign.Page19

A moratorium could be considered on thepresident and members of government openingpublic works or announcing same during thecampaignperiod. Consideration couldbe given, inthe interestofmaintaininga levelplaying-field, toensuringthatthetimingofpresidential toursdoesnotoverlapwiththecampaignperiod.

RevisionofArt222(15)oftheConstitutioninsertingtemporalrestrictiononpresidentialtours;revisionofSection91(b)oftheElectionsActtoextendrestrictionsonuseofpublicpropertyduringcampaignperiod.

NationalAssembly

FairnessofCampaignAUDeclarationonthePrinciplesGoverningDemocraticElectionsinAfricaIV.9;ICCPRGC25Paragraph19



NoContext






ELECTIONADMINISTRATION

6

ElectionAdministrationAll5IECmembers,includingtheChairpersonaredirectlyappointedbythePresident.TheMinisterofFinanceapprovesanddisbursesfundingtotheIEC.LackoflegislationaboutIECdecisionsandresultannouncement.Page14,30

Strengthen the institutional independence of theIEC by: establishing an inclusive mechanism forthe selection and appointment of the IECChairperson and Commissioners; by ensuring thesecurityoftheIECCommissioners’tenure;andbyproviding the IEC with full sovereignty over itsbudget;aswellasalegalrequirementfortheIECCommission to make joint decisions, particularlyonresults.

ConstitutionalamendmentSection42(3)&(6),Section44.AmendmentoftheElectionsAct.

IECMinistryofJusticeNationalAssembly

IndependentElectoralAuthorityICCPRArticle25ICCPRGC25Paragraph20,AfricanCharteronDemocracy,ElectionsandGovernanceArticle17.1(signednotratified)

7

ElectionAdministrationLackingwrittenIECproceduresforpolling,counting,collationandresulttransfer.Page29

Establish clear and coherent procedures forpolling,counting,result transfer,andcollation, inconjunction with the introduction of improvedsecuritymeasuresofresultandcollationforms;aswell as provide timely, participatory training ofelection staff and candidate agents on theseprocedures.

IntroducingregulationsforcoherentproceduresbytheIEC.

IEC

IndependentElectoralAuthority;TransparencyICCPRArticle25ICCPRGC25,Paragraph20ICCPRGC34,Paragraph19



NoContext






8

ElectionAdministrationTheIECdoesnotconductregularmeetingswithpoliticalparties.TheIECmeetingsandminutesarenotpublic.Page15

IncreasethetransparencyoftheIECbyconductingregular meetings with stakeholders (politicalparties, observers) at the national and regionallevels, together with opening up IEC Commissionsessions and publishing itsminutes and decisions,as well as other information materials via IECwebsiteandsocialmediachannels.

AmendmentoftheElectionsActtoinstitutionaliseregularcontactwithstakeholdersandforprovidingincreasedtransparency.


TransparencyofElectionAdministrationICCPRGC25Paragraph20ICCPRGC34,Paragraph19ECOWASProtocolonDemocracyandGoodGovernanceArticle6

9

ElectionAdministrationNolegaldeadlinesforannouncingofficialresults;lackingresultmanagementsystem,andnopollingstationresultsdisplayednationally.Page15,30

Establish clear deadlines for announcing officialelection results and introduce a robust resultmanagementsysteminconjunctionwiththetimelynational display of scanned polling station resultformsontheIECwebsite.

AmendmentoftheElectionsAct;IntroducingregulationsforcoherentproceduresbytheIEC.


TransparencyandIndependentScrutinyofVotingandCountingECOWASProtocolonDemocracyandGoodGovernanceArticle6ICCPRGC25Paragraph20UNCACArticles7.4and10ICCPRGC34Paragraph19



NoContext






10

ElectionAdministrationTheIEChasinsufficientinfrastructureandequipmenttomeetitsconstitutionalobligations.Page14

Improve office, storage and communicationinfrastructureof the IEC,especiallyat theregionallevel, for the sustainable, safe and qualityimplementationofitsconstitutionaltasks.

None,BudgetAct2018


EffectiveManagementofElectionAdministrationICCPRGC25Paragraph20

DELIMITATIONOFCONSTITUENCIES

11

ConstituencyDelimitationThecurrentrepresentationoftheelectorateforthe53NAconstituenciesvariesfrom1,980to46,502votersperconstituency.TheConstitutionprovidesforaBoundariesCommissionandspecificActwithcriteria;todatebothhavenotbeenintroduced.Page15

Establish the Boundaries Commission and enactlegislation outlining the criteria for thedemarcation of constituency boundaries,impartially and transparently, ensuring theequality of the vote, with legally bindingpermitted deviations from the national averagenumberofvotersperconstituency.

IntroducinganActoutliningspecificcriteriaforthedemarcationofconstituencyboundariesasprovidedforintheConstitutionSection50(2),AligningElectionsAct.

IECMinistryofJusticeMinistryofLocalGovernmentNationalAssembly

EqualSuffrageICCPRArticle25ICCPRGC25,Paragraph21



NoContext






VOTERREGISTRATION

12

VoterRegistrationEntriesinthe2011/2016voterregistercannotbechangedandnocontinuousvoterregistrationistakingplacealsobecausetheIECdoesnotownthevoterregistersourcecode.Page16

Establish an accurate voter register and providecitizens with timely opportunities to register asvoters,toupdatevoterregistrationentriesincaseof error or change of place of residence, toremove deceased and other unqualified persons’entries, with adequate time for display andchallenge.

AmendmentoftheElectionsActtoprovidefortheIECtocorrectandupdatethevoterregistercontinuouslyanddeleteentriesfollowingclearlysetoutprocedures.


UniversalSuffrageICCPRArticle25ICCPRGC25,Paragraph11

13

VoterregistrationThemeasurethatvoterscanonlyvoteatthepollingstationwheretheyareregistereddisenfranchisespollingstaff,police,agentsandobserversonelectoraldutyoftheirrighttovote.Forpresidentialelection,theIECissueddutycertificates.Page17

Introducetheprovisionofdutycertificatestoallowthoseonelectoraldutytovoteatapollingstationother than where they are registered; togetherwith establishing timely deployment plans of staffonelectoraldutytominimisethenumberofvotersaffected.

AmendmentoftheElectionsActtoprovidefortheIECtoissuedutycertificatesforthoseonelectoraldutyfollowingclearlysetoutprocedures


UniversalSuffrageICCPRArticle25ICCPRGC25,Paragraph11



NoContext






CIVICANDVOTEREDUCATION

114

CivicandVoterEducationTheGambiahasemergedfrom22yearsofauthoritarianrulewherethecivilandpoliticalrightsweresuppressed,discouragingpoliticalparticipation.Page18

Deliver extensive and continuous civic educationwhichwouldensurethatallcitizensareinformedof their rights as citizens and voters. Theywouldalso be made aware of the role of electedinstitutions and of the main aspects ofgovernance.Specialprogrammesaimedatyouth,womenandpersonswithdisabilitiescouldalsobedeveloped and implemented. CSOs couldplay anactive role in thepromotionand implementationoftheseactivities.

ImplementationoftheConstitutionSection1999

NICCE,IEC,CSOs,politicalparties,NationalAssembly(budget)

EffectiveExerciseofPoliticalRights;RighttoInformationICCPRArt.25(a)ICCPRGC25,Paragraph11ACDGArt.2(10)

15

Civic-andvotereducationLow level of civic understanding of political rights and the democratic and electoral processes. Page 18

Implement a comprehensive and timely votereducationandvoterinformationcampaignthroughfield activities (incl. street theatre), social media(incl. pod casts) and media campaign, sensitisingabout suffrage rights and electoral procedures,with a special emphasis onwomen, youth, PWDs,and marginalised groups. The state TV and Radiohas to play an essential role in the educativecampaign.

ImplementationoftheConstitutionSection199andElectionsAct134A

NCCEIECCSOsNA(budget)

mMedia

RighttoInformation;EffectiveExerciseofPoliticalRightsICCPRArticle25ICCPRGC25,Paragraph11&12



NoContext






CAMPAIGN,POLITICALPARTIESANDCAMPAIGNFINANCE

116

CampaignFinanceCampaignfinanceislightlyregulated.Therearenoceilingsondonationsorexpenditureandnomonitoringandenforcementmechanismsinplace.Page21

The Elections Act could be revised to includestricterrulesandlimitsfordonationsandcampaignspending. Consideration should be given tointroduce ceilings on expenditure for parties andcandidates.Responsibilitiescouldbeassignedtoanew institution, such as an anti-corruptioncommission, to monitor compliance and enforcetherules.

ImplementationofArticle104oftheElectionsAct

NationalAssembly

FairnessofCampaignICCPRArt.25(b)

ICCPRGC25,Paragraph19

UNCACArt.7(3)

AUCPCCArt.10(a)

817

CampaignFinanceCurrently,therearenoreportingrequirementsofcampaignexpenditureforpoliticalpartiesnoristhereaneffectivecampaignfinancemonitoring.Page21

Confer the power to conduct effective campaignfinance oversight on the IEC or on a yet-to-be-established anti-corruption body. The respectivebody should be granted sufficient powers tomonitor and enforce rules on campaign finance.To enhance transparency, financial reports of allpartiesandcandidatescouldbepublishedbeforeandafterthecampaignperiod.

ImplementationofArticle104oftheElectionsAct

NationalAssembly

TransparencyintheFundingofCandidatesforElectedPublicOffice

ICCPRArt.25(b)ICCPRGC25,Paragraph19UNCACArt.7(3)AUCPCCArt.10(b)



NoContext






51

18

CampaignEnvironmentTheinter-partycommitteewasinactiveduringthecampaignperiod,despitetheagreementofaMemorandumofUnderstandingcoveringthecampaignperiod.Page19

The relations among political parties and theresolution of either political and election relateddisputeswouldbenefitfromtheinstitutionalisationoftheinter-partycommittee.

IIEC,

PoliticalParties,NationalAssembly

RighttoanEffectiveRemedyACDEGArt.17Paragraphs2and4

19

PoliticalBackgroundThe2016presidentialelectionpavedthewayforademocratictransitionand2017NationalAssemblyelectionsprovidedforagenuinepoliticalcompetition.Page9

Politicalparties,aswellasMembersoftheNationalAssembly,wouldbenefitfromtheestablishmentofcapacitybuildingprograms.

Politicalparties,NationalAssembly

UDHRArt.21(a)ICCPRArt.25(a)ICCPRGC25,Paragraph6and7



NoContext






MEDIA

20

LegalFrameworkforMediaThelegalframeworkcontainsstringentcontentlimitations;disproportionalsanctionsfordefamation;burdensomemediaregistrationprocedures.Page22

Amend the legal framework for traditional andonline media regarding content limitations andregistrationprocedures;decriminalisedefamationand lift online media’s liability for third-partycontent, consequently bringing the overall legalframework into line with The Gambia’sinternational commitments regarding freedomofexpression.

AmendCriminalCode;InformationandTelecommunicationAct;NewspapersregistrationAct;PublicUtilitiesRegulatoryAuthorityAct.

MinistryofInformation;MinistryofJustice;NationalAssembly.

FreedomofExpressionICCPRArt.19;ACHPRArt.9ICCPRGC34,Paragraphs13,15,39,40,47;ICCPRGC25Paragraph25.

21

MediaEnvironmentTheGRTS’syearlybudgetdependsonthegovernment;theDirectorGeneralisappointedbythePresident;theActontheGRTSimposeswidecontentobligations.Page22

Establish legal safeguards for the public servicebroadcaster’s editorial independence andfinancialautonomy.

DraftanewActgoverningGRTS.RevokethepreviousActofParliamentfrom1995.

GRTS;MinistryofInformation;MinistryofJustice;NationalAssembly.

IndependentPublicBroadcastingICCPRArt.19;ACHPRArt.9ICCPRGC34,Paragraph16;DPFEA:IVPublicBroadcasting.



NoContext






22

LegalFrameworkforMediaandLegalFrameworkforElectionCoverageThereisnoindependentoversightorregulatorybodyformedia;theIEChastooverseemedia’sconductduringthecampaignperiod.Page23,24

Establish an independent regulatory body for themedia, clearly defining institution’s mandate anddecision-making process. Envisage that during thecampaign, the regulatory body oversees themedia’sconduct.Followinggoodpractice,conductaninclusiveconsultationpriortotheestablishmentofanewregulatoryinstitution.

DraftanewActestablishinganddefiningregulatorybodyformedia.RevoketheActonNationalMediaCommission.RevokeprovisionsintheElectoralActobligingtheIECtooverseemediaduringcampaign.

GRTS;TheGambiaPressUnion;Commercialandcommunitymedia;MinistryofInformation;NationalAssembly.

FreedomofthePressICCPRArt.19;ACHPRArt.9ICCPRGC34,Paragraph39;DPFEA:VIIRegulatoryBodiesforBroadcastandTelecommunication.

23

MediaMonitoringResultsSomedebateswereconductedontheradiostation’sowninitiative,includingonsomecommunityradiostations.Mediadidnotreceiveanyadditionalfundingpriortotheelection.Page22

State authorities should put in place measuresaimed to foster media’s role throughout thecampaign. Introducing political debates as anindispensable component of the campaign at thenational and the constituency level,would enablevoters to compare candidates and to makeinformed decisions. State subsidies could beallocatedtodebates, includingoncommercialandcommunityradiostations.

Priortotheelectionsallocatestatesubsidiesforthedebates.Theregulatorybodyshouldhaveadecisiveroleinorganisingthetender.

MinistryofInformation;MinistryofFinance;NationalAssembly.Media’sregulatorybody(onceestablished)

FreedomofExpression;EqualityofOpportunityICCPRArt.19ICCPRArt.25ACHPRArt.9ICCPRGC25Paragraph25;ICCPRGC34Paragraph11,12,13



NoContext






24

MediaEnvironmentThecommunityradiostationslackabasictechnicalequipmentandbudgetarysecurity.Qualityjournalismdeemstobeachievedbymediapractitioners.Page22

Enhancethecapacityofcommunityradiostations,by allocating adequate funding, technicalequipment and by organising professionaltrainings.

Establishadesignatedbudgetline(sectorialallocation)inastate’syearlybudget–atemporarymeasure.

MinistryofInformation;MinistryofFinance;NationalAssembly

AccesstoInformationICCPRArt.19ACHPRArt.9ICCPRGC34Paragraph14DPFEA:XIVEconomicMeasures.

25

MediaEnvironmentandLegalFrameworkforMediaThereisnoFreedomofInformationAct.Stateinstitutionsarenotlegallyobligedtofostertransparencyandaccountabilityofflineandonline.Page22

Introduce Freedom of Information Act thatwouldfacilitatethepublic’srighttopromptaccesstotheinformation in person, offline and online, alsoregardingtheelections.

DraftanewFreedomofInformationAct.

MinistryofJustice;NationalAssembly.

RighttoInformationICCPRArt.19ACHPRArt.9ICCPRGC34,Paragraph11,18,19;UNCACIIPreventiveMeasures,Article5,7.



NoContext






PARTICIPATIONOFWOMEN

26

ParticipationofWomenWomenareunder-representedintheNationalAssembly,with3amongthe53electedmembersbeingfemale.Therearethreewomenamongthepresidentialnominees.Page26

Introducelegalrequirements,suchasmandatoryquotas,forpoliticalpartiestoapplyaffirmativeactiongenderpolicieswithintheirparties,intermsofintegratingwomenintopartystructuresandselectingwomenaspartycandidates.Suchpoliciescanbeparticularlyeffectivewhenusingthebottom-upapproach.Enforcementmeasurescouldbelinkedtotheongoingregistrationofthepoliticalparty.Inanyrevisionoftheelectoralsystem,introductionofquotasforfemalecandidatescouldbeconsidered.

RevisionoftheElectionsAct

NationalAssembly

EqualParticipationofWomeninPoliticalLifeProtocoltotheAfricanCharteronHumanandPeoples’RightsontheRightsofWomeninAfrica,Art.9;CEDAWArt.4.1

PARTICIPATIONOFPERSONSWITHDISABILITIES

27

PersonswithDisabilitiesTherearemanyobstacles,inlawandinpractice,totheexerciseoftherighttovotebyPwD.Electorallawdisqualifiesvotersonthegroundsof“unsoundmind”and“lunacy”.Manypollingstationswereinaccessible;secrecyrightswerenotprotected.Page27

Revisedisqualificationsfromvotingonthegroundsof “unsound mind” and “lunacy”. Ensure pollingstation locations are selected on the basis ofphysical accessibility. The use of Braille labels onballot drums could be introduced to protectsecrecy.Avotereducationprogramme,preparedinconsultation with the PwD community, couldsupporttheirparticipationintheelectoralprocess.

ReviseSection13(c)oftheElectionsActtoremovedisqualificationsfromvotingonthegroundsofdisability.Additionally,changesinpractice.

NationalAssemblyIECNCCE

TheRighttoVote,withoutDiscriminationCRPDArt.29



NoContext






ELECTORALJUSTICE

28

ComplaintsandAppealsIECmayimposeseverepenaltiesforviolationsoftheCodeonElectionCampaignEthics.TherearenoproceduresintheCodeestablishinghowacomplaintistobemadeorhowasanctionistobeimposed.Page28

Detailedcomplaintsproceduresshouldbeprovidedfor,toallowfortheimplementationoftheCodeonElection Campaign Ethics. Fair procedures areessential in the treatment of such complaints,requiring details of how decisions will be made,sanctions imposed,andallowing for thepossibilityofanappeal.

Review the provisionsof theCodeonElectionCampaign Ethics Order,made under Section92(1) of the ElectionsAct.

IEC

RighttoEffectiveRemedyACDEGArt.17;AUDeclarationonthePrinciplesGoverningDemocraticElectionsinAfricaIV.7

29

ComplaintsandAppealsStepstofileelectoralcomplaintsarenotprovidedforinthelaw.Additionally,thereareforms,deadlinesoradjudicationprocedureslaiddown.Page28

The introduction of a detailed complaintsprocedure, with reasonable time limits foradjudication, should be considered. Theprocedurecouldregulatematterssuchaswhen,inwhat formatandtowhich institution,complaintswould be submitted and how they would beadjudicatedupon.

ReviewtheElectionsAct;enactsubsidiarylegislation.

NationalAssemblyIEC

RighttoEffectiveRemedyICCPRArt.2.3UDHRArt.8



NoContext






30

ComplaintsandAppealsObjectionstocandidatenominationsarepermittedbriefly,immediatelyuponconclusionofnominations.Afterthat,objectionisonlypossibletotheSupremeCourt,andonlyaftertheelection.Page28

Revisionoftherulestochallengethenominationofcandidates for election could be considered. Thetime period could be extended until some daysafter the list of nominees has been published. AnappealtothecourtsagainstthedecisionoftheIEC,couldalsobeconsidered.

ReviseSection49oftheElectionsAct

NationalAssembly

RighttoEffectiveRemedyICCPRArt.2.3UDHRArt.8

31

ElectionPetitionsTheSupremeCourthas30daystoadjudicateonelectionpetitions.Delaydoesnotcauseinvalidity.Thereiseffectivelynotimelimitfordecisions.Securityforcoststobedepositedwithinthreedaysoffilingacasemayserveasadeterrent.Page29

Electionpetitionsshouldbeaccordedpriorityoverother cases scheduled before the Supreme Court.The requirementof lodgementof security depositfor costs could be reviewed and removed, toenhanceaccesstothecourtforallparties.

ReviewtheprovisionsoftheConstitutionontheadjudicationofelectionpetitions,ensuringtheirpriorityoverallothercases.ReviewtheprovisionsoftheElectionsActonlodgementofcosts.

NationalAssembly

RighttoEffectiveRemedyICCPRArt.2.3;UDHRArt.8



ANNEXII ElectionResults Table1:ElectionResults

Party #totalvotes(nationwide)

%oftotalvotes(nationwide)

#seatswon

%seatswon

UDP 142,146 37.5% 31 58.5%GDC 65,938 17.4% 5 9.4%APRC 60,331 15.9% 5 9.4%

Independent(combined)* 36,251 9.6% 1 1.9%PDOIS 33,894 8.9% 4 7.5%NRP 23,755 6.3% 5 9.4%PPP 9,503 2.5% 2 3.8%GMC 4,458 1.2% NCP 1,773 0.5% GPDP 1,271 0.3% total 379,320 100.0% 53 100.0% Table2:Registeredvotersperconstituency,constituencysizevariation,andvoterturnoutColumnA - includes thenameof the respectiveadministrativearea (city,municipality, region)aswellastherespectiveconstituency(intotal53).Column B - indicates the number of registered voters as provided by the IEC for the December 2016electionandasusedagainfortheApril2017elections.ColumnC - includes the variationof the respective constituency from the averagenumberof registeredvotersperconstituency(16,728;calculatedbydividingthetotalnumberofregisteredvoters(886,578)withthenumberofconstituencies(53)).ColumnD - includes thepercentagepoints of the size of the voter population in respect of the average(median)voterpopulationsize.ColumnE-includesthevariationintermsofhowoverorunderrepresentedaconstituencyisinrelationtothe average (median) voter population size per constituency. Example Banjul South is 2.67 times overrepresentedwhileJeshwangconstituencyis1.9timesunderrepresented.ColumnF - includesthenumberofnominatedcandidatesperconstituencycompeting intheelectionsaspublishedbytheIEC.ColumnG - includes thenumberof polling stations (PS) as publishedby the IEC for theDecember2016election.



ColumnH- includesthenumberofmetaldrumsrequiredforeachconstituency(numberofPSmultipliedwiththenumberofcandidates).Column I - Includes the number of valid votes cast per constituency (figures for total votes cast andnumber of invalid voteswere not released by the IEC). Column J includes the number of voter turnoutcalculatedagainsttheprovidedfigureofvalidvotescast.

A B C D E F G H I J

REGION/CONSTITUENCY #voters variation variation% variation #cand. PSs #drums #votes %

registered Ø16728 100%=16728 x-fold nomin. requiredcounted turnout

BANJULCITY

BANJULSOUTH 6258 -10470 267.31% 2.67 5 10 50 2411 38.53%BANJULCENTRAL 9371 -7357 178.51% 1.79 5 14 70 3697 39.45%BANJULNORTH 7102 -9626 235.54% 2.36 6 11 66 2936 41.34%BANJULTOTAL 22731 -27453 220.77% 2.21 16 35 186 9044 39.79%KANIFINGMUNICIPALITY BAKAU 17148 420 97.55% -1.03 3 26 78 6754 39.39%JESHWANG 31857 15129 52.51% -1.90 6 46 276 12285 38.56%SEREKUNDAWEST 46502 29774 35.97% -2.78 7 69 483 14664 31.53%SEREKUNDA 14701 -2027 113.79% 1.14 3 23 69 4939 33.60%BUNDUNGKAKUNDA 31065 14337 53.85% -1.86 7 43 301 11388 36.66%LATRIKUNDASABIJIE 33970 17242 49.24% -2.03 7 47 329 12861 37.86%TALINDINGKUNJANG 24714 7986 67.69% -1.48 4 33 132 9485 38.38%KANIFINGTOTAL 199957 82861 58.56% -1.71 37 287 1668 72376 36.20%BRIKAMA(WESTCOASTREGION) FONIJARROL 3926 -12802 426.08% 4.26 3 8 24 2371 60.39%FONIBREFET 8455 -8273 197.85% 1.98 4 14 56 4946 58.50%FONIBINTANG 9073 -7655 184.37% 1.84 3 17 51 5680 62.60%FONIBONDALI 4104 -12624 407.60% 4.08 3 8 24 2444 59.55%FONIKANSALA 8245 -8483 202.89% 2.03 2 14 28 4703 57.04%KOMBOEAST 21626 4898 77.35% -1.29 4 34 136 11098 51.32%KOMBOSOUTH 45152 28424 37.05% -2.70 6 66 396 19608 43.43%BRIKAMANORTH 29369 12641 56.96% -1.76 5 45 225 12361 42.09%BRIKAMASOUTH 30814 14086 54.29% -1.84 5 49 245 13688 44.42%SANNEHMENTERENG 39618 22890 42.22% -2.37 7 54 378 14073 35.52%OLDYUNDUM 44131 27403 37.91% -2.64 8 62 496 14038 31.81%BUSUMBALA 36602 19874 45.70% -2.19 4 56 224 15330 41.88%BRIKAMATOTAL 281115 80379 71.41% -1.40 54 427 2283 120340 42.81%KEREWAN(NORTHBANKREGION) LOWERNUIMI 23935 7207 69.89% -1.43 5 41 205 9117 38.09%UPPERNUIMI 14536 -2192 115.08% 1.15 5 27 135 7382 50.78%JOKADU 10725 -6003 155.97% 1.56 5 21 105 5438 50.70%LOWERBADDIBU 9782 -6946 171.01% 1.71 3 16 48 5095 52.09%CENTRALBADDIBU 9672 -7056 172.95% 1.73 2 15 30 4814 49.77%ILLIASSA 20826 4098 80.32% -1.24 4 39 156 8687 41.71%SABACHSANJAL 12241 -4487 136.66% 1.37 5 24 120 7151 58.42%KEREWANTOTAL 101717 -15379 115.12% 0.16 29 183 799 47684 46.88%



A B C D E F G H I J

REGION/CONSTITUENCY #voters variation variation% variation #cand. PSs #drums #votes %

registered Ø16728 100%=16728 x-fold nomin. requiredcounted turnout

JARRAWEST 14941 -1787 111.96% 1.12 3 24 72 6276 42.01%JARRAEAST 8609 -8119 194.31% 1.94 3 17 51 3755 43.62%JARRACENTRAL 4820 -11908 347.05% 3.47 3 9 27 2632 54.61%KIANGWEST 10343 -6385 161.73% 1.62 2 20 40 4477 43.29%KIANGEAST 4483 -12245 373.14% 3.73 2 10 20 2298 51.26%KIANGCENTRAL 6002 -10726 278.71% 2.79 2 10 20 2785 46.40%MANSAKONKOTOTAL 49198 -51170 204.01% 0.34 15 90 230 22223 45.17%

JANJANBUREH 1980 -14748 844.85% 8.45 5 3 15 961 48.54%NIANI 13593 -3135 123.06% 1.23 5 24 120 7029 51.71%NIANIJA 4974 -11754 336.31% 3.36 6 8 48 3039 61.10%NIAMINAWEST 4375 -12353 382.35% 3.82 2 9 18 2631 60.14%NIAMINAEAST 11151 -5577 150.01% 1.50 6 21 126 6202 55.62%NIAMINADANKUNKU 3574 -13154 468.05% 4.68 3 8 24 2253 63.04%LOWERFULLADUWEST 20414 3686 81.94% 0.82 9 35 315 8307 40.69%UPPERFULLADUWEST 24678 7950 67.79% 0.68 8 41 328 9162 37.13%LOWERSALOUM 9253 -7475 180.78% 1.81 5 16 80 4956 53.56%UPPERSALOUM 11042 -5686 151.49% 1.51 4 19 76 6171 55.89%SAMI 11641 -5087 143.70% 1.44 5 23 115 6341 54.47%JANJANBUREHTOTAL 116675 -67333 157.71% 0.14 58 207 1265 57052 48.90%

BASSE 20655 3927 80.99% 0.81 6 32 192 7601 36.80%JIMARA 21434 4706 78.04% 0.78 4 35 140 8443 39.39%TUMANA 16966 238 98.60% 0.99 3 28 84 7990 47.09%KANTORA 19146 2418 87.37% 0.87 4 31 124 6213 32.45%SANDU 13167 -3561 127.04% 1.27 5 24 120 7216 54.80%WULLIWEST 11632 -5096 143.81% 1.44 3 22 66 6178 53.11%WULLIEAST 12185 -4543 137.28% 1.37 4 21 84 6960 57.12%BASSETOTAL 115185 -1911 101.66% 0.15 29 193 810 50601 43.93%

NATIONALTOTAL: 886578 16728 100.00% 1.00 238 1422 7241 379320 42.78%

MANSAKONKO(LOWERRIVERREGION)

JANJANBUREH(CENTRALRIVERREGION)

BASSE(UPPERRIVERREGION)



ANNEXIII MediaMonitoringResults1.RadioAs radio is themost popularmedium in TheGambia, the EUEOM included three radio stations in its sample.Thesampleincludes:

• State-ownedTheGambiaRadioandTelevisionServicesradiostation(GRTSRadio)• Two privately owned radio stations –Paradise FM and Star FM. Both radio stations broadcasted political

debates.Inaddition,ParadiseistheonlycommercialFMstationwithregionaloffices.Monitoringperiods:

• ParadiseFMandGRTSradio–from16Marchto4April2017duringtheeveningprime-timeprogramming;• Star FM – from18March to 4 April 2017 (delaywas caused by technical challenges to stabilize the radio

signalontherecordingdevice)Totaltimecoded–287hoursTotaltimeallocatedtopoliticalcommunication–30hoursand22minutes,or11percentofthemonitoredtime.Totaltimeallocatedtopoliticalcommunicationinradio’sprimetimeprogramming Percentageof

totaltimecodedTimeallocatedto

politicalcommunicationGRTSRadio 14percent 14hours53minParadiseFM 12percent 11hours48minStarFM 5percent 3hours41minBreakdownoftypesofpoliticalcommunicationintheradiostations’primetimeprogramming

3% 6% 3%

4%

90%

85% 97%

12%

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

90%

100%

RADIOGAMBIA PARADISE FM STARFM

Percen

tageofthe

totaltimemeasured

Breakdownoftypesofpoliticalcommunication

VoterInformation

FreeAirtime

Debate

EditorialProgramming

News



Total time allocated to political actors during radio stations’ election-related prime programming (not includingpoliticaladvertisementsandfreeairtime)

GRTSRadio ParadiseFM StarFMTotaltimedevotedtopartiesandcandidates

30min 8h56min 3h14min

Totaltimeallocatedtopoliticalactorsinthenewssegmentsonelectoralmatters

GRTSRadio ParadiseFM StarFMTotaltimedevotedtopartiesandcandidates

30min 32min 15min

81%

3%

15%

12%

22%

14%

9%

4%

12%

18%

33%

5%

3%

27%

38%

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

90%

100%


Percentageoftheto

taltimemeasuredinseconds

Totaltimedevotedtothepoliticalactorswithintheprogrammingofeditorialchoice

Independent

PPP

PDOIS

NRP

GPDP

GDC

UDP

TheGovernment

ThePresident

81%

59%

47%

15%

53%

18%

18%

3% 6%

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

90%

100%


Percentageoftheto


Timedevotedtothepoliticalactorswiththenews

Independent

PPP

PDOIS

TheGovernment

ThePresident



Directquotesfrompoliticalactorswithinnewssegmentsonelectoralmatters

100%

41%

59%

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

90%

100%

RADIOGAMBIA STARFM

Percentageoftheto


Politicalactors'direct speechwithin thenewssegments

TheGovernment

ThePresident



2.TelevisionTheEUEOMmonitoredthecountry’sonlytelevisionstation-state-ownedGRTSTelevision.Monitoringperiods–from20Marchto4Aprilfrom18:00to24:00daily.Totaltimecoded–104hours.Totaltimeallocatedtopoliticalcommunication–19hours47minutesor19percent.Totaltimeallocatedtopoliticalcommunicationinthetelevisionchannels’primetimeprogramming Percentageoftotaltime

codedTimeallocatedtopolitical

communicationGRTSTV 19percent 19hours47minBreakdownoftypesofpoliticalcommunicationintheGRTS’sprime-timeprogramming

14%

84%

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

90%

100%

GRTSTV

Percen

tageoftotaltim

emeasured


VoterInformation

FreeAirtime

EditorialProgramming

News



Total timeallocatedtopoliticalactorsduringelectionrelatedprime-timeprogramming (notincludingfreeairtimeprogrammes)

GRTSTVTotaltimedevotedtopresidentialcandidates 3h13min

Totaltimeallocatedtopoliticalactorsinthenewssegmentsonelectoralmatters

36%

59%

4%

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

90%

100%

GRTSTV

Percentageoftheto


Totaltimeallocatedtopoliticalactorswithinthe programmingofeditorial choice

Independent

APRC

TheGovernment

ThePresident

33%

61%

4%

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

90%

100%

GRTSTV

Percentageoftheto


Totaltimeallocatedtopoliticalactorswithinthenews

Independent

APRC

TheGovernment

ThePresident



Directquotesfrompoliticalactorswithinnewssegmentsonelectoralmatters

32%

55%

13%

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

90%

100%

GRTSTV

Percentageoftheto


Politicalactorsdirect speechwithin thenewssegments

Independent

TheGovernment

ThePresident



3.NewspapersTheEUEOMmonitoredallfournewspaperswithanation-widedistribution.Thesampleincludes:

• PrivatelyownedEnglishlanguagenewspapersForoyaa,ThePoint,TheStandardandTheDailyObserver.

Monitoringperiod–from15Marchto4Aprilonweekdays(newspapersarenotpublishedonSaturdaysandSundays).Totalspacecoded–102squaremetersTotalspaceallocatedtopoliticalcommunication–4.31squaremeters,or4percentonaverageTotalspaceallocatedtopoliticalcommunicationinnewspapers Percentageoftotalspace

codedSpaceallocatedtopolitical

communicationForoyaa 8percent 1m2260cm2ThePoint 4percent 1m260cm2TheStandard 7percent 1m2400cm2TheDailyObserver 2percent 600cm2Breakdownoftypesofpoliticalcommunicationinnewspapers

76% 69%

50% 53%

19%

22% 29% 27%

44%

4%

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

90%

100%

Foroyaa ThePoint TheStandard TheDailyObserver

Percen

tageofthe

totalspacemeasured


News EditorialMaterial Photo PaidAdvertisement



Totalspaceallocatedtopoliticalactorswithinthenewspapers’election-relatedcoverageandthephotosillustratingthosearticles

Foroyaa ThePoint TheStandard TheDailyObserverTotalspacedevotedtopresidentialcandidates 1m2260cm2 1m260cm2 1m2400cm2 600cm2

18% 10%

17%

3% 12%

10%

16%

10% 17%

13%

3%

13%

18% 6%

13%

12%

4%

14%

21%

4% 6%

4%

5%

19% 6%

14%

4%

4%

8%

27%

16% 26%

11% 13%

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

90%

100%


Percentageoftheetotalspacem

easuredinsquarecentimeters

Totalspacedevoted tothepoliticalactorswithinarticlesofeditorial choice

ThePresident TheGovernment UDP GDC APRC GMC GPDP NRP PDOIS PPP Independent



Totalspaceallocatedtopoliticalactorsinthenewsarticles

Totalspaceallocatedtopoliticalactorsinthephotosconcerningelectoralmatters

20% 9% 13%

4%

12% 15%

14%

8% 19% 9%

4%

11%

24%

7%

10%

12%

4%

17%

18%

6% 5%

9%

19% 5% 15%

3% 4%

9%

29%

15% 19% 10% 14%

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

90%

100%


Percentageoftheto

talspacem


Totalspacedevoted tothepoliticalactorswithinthenews

ThePresident TheGovernment UDP GDC APRC GMC GPDP NRP PDOIS PPP Independent

9% 12% 13%

12% 8%

20%

14%

14% 17%

21%

4% 7%

17%

14% 4%

16% 25%

5%

3%

4%

16%

7%

9%

5%

3%

11% 27%

17%

40%

16% 9%

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

90%

100%


Percentageoftheto

talspacem


Politicalactors'exposurein images

ThePresident TheGovernment UDP GDC APRC NRP PDOIS PPP Independent



4.ToneofcoverageacrossthemedialandscapeasmonitoredbytheEUEOMRadio

• 1=thetoneispositivetowardsthesubject;0=thetoneisneutraltowardsthesubject;-1=thetoneisnegativetowardsthesubject.

Television

• 1=thetoneispositivetowardsthesubject;0=thetoneisneutraltowardsthesubject;-1=thetoneis

negativetowardsthesubject.

0

200

400

600

800

1000

1200

ThePresident TheGovernment

Independent ThePresident PDOIS PPP Independent TheGovernment

ThePresident


Second

s

ToneofthecoverageofpoliticalactorsRADIOSTATIONS'NEWSSEGMENTS

-1 0 1

0

1000

2000

3000

4000

5000

6000

ThePresident TheGovernment APRC Independent

GRTSTV

Second

s

ToneofthecoverageofpoliticalactorsGRTSTVNEWSSEGMENTS

-1 0 1



Newspapers

• 1=thetoneispositivetowardsthesubject;0=thetoneisneutraltowardsthesubject;-1=thetoneisnegativetowardsthesubject.

0

200

400

600

800

1000

1200

1400

1600

1800

2000

ThePresiden

t

TheGo

vernmen

t

UDP

APRC GDC

GMC

GPDP NRP

PDOIS

PPP

Inde

pend

ent

ThePresiden

t

TheGo

vernmen

t

UDP

APRC GDC

GMC

NRP

PDOIS

PPP

Inde

pend

ent

ThePresiden

t

TheGo

vernmen

t

UDP

APRC GDC

NRP

PDOIS

PPP

Inde

pend

ent

PR Gov

APRC GDC

NRP

PPP

UDP

Inde

pend

ent


Squarece

ntimeters

ToneofcoverageofpoliticalactorsNEWSPAPERS'NEWSCOLUMNS

-1 0 1



5.Genderbalanceacrossthemedialandscape,asmonitoredbytheEUEOMRadio Timeallottedtopoliticalactorsonthebasisofgender(withoutfreeairtimeprogrammes;ThePresidentasapoliticalactorisexcludedfromthetotal)

Television Timeallottedtopoliticalactorsonthebasisofgender(withoutfreeairtimeprogrammes;ThePresidentasapoliticalactorisexcludedfromthetotal)

NewspapersTimeallottedtopoliticalactorsonthebasisofgender(withoutfreeairtimeprogrammes;ThePresidentasapoliticalactorisexcludedfromthetotal)

43%

85% 88%

57%

15% 12%


GenderbalanceacrossthemedialandscapeRadioStations' Prime-Time Programming

Female

Male

58%

42%

GRTSTV

GenderbalanceacrossmedialandscapeGRTSTVPrime-TimeProgramming

Female

Male

88% 95% 77% 85%

12% 5% 23% 15%


GenderbalanceacrossmedialandscapeNewspapers

Female

Male

the gambia - europa › cmsdata › upload › 065b878b...2017/04/06 · to genuine and transparent...

Documents