THE DEVELOPMENT OF PERSONALITY IN AERICAN CULTURE-

Summary of a paper by S. Biesheuyel

to._be presented at GCTA/GSA Symposium on

Basic Psychological Structures of African

and Madagascan Populations.

Tananarive. August.t 19 5Q.

Individual differences between people are the outcome of both constitutional and cultural influences*Within a culture, similarities between individuals are determined by the nature of the subsistence economy, child-rearing habits, institutions, value systems and cosmology of that culture.

In a homogeneous society where individuals fu fil traditionally determined roles and where inter­personal relations are accordingly rabher stereotyped, personality structures will display a close similarity and a number of modal personalities may develop, towards the production of which child- rearing practices may be consciously or sub-consciously directed. In such cultures, individual differences in personality result very largely from constitutional temperamental differences, except in so far as they are related to the different social roles individuals may be called upon to perform.

In societies where interpersonal relations are less structured by tradition, individual differences are only partly temperamental in origin and mainly the result o.f a differential exposure to the heterogeneous influences exercised by various sub-cultures.

The view that personalities are functional to the require­ments of a particular culture needs to be qualified in the case where cultural and racial differences coincide. A racial diffe­rence may occur in the form of a genetic temperamental difference which in turn may give a culture a particular character, especially with regard to the emotional, or activity habits of its members. On the whole, however, the differences between cultures are due far less to such racial factors than to the differing ecological circumstances to which they are a response, and which in turn, but indirectly, shape the personalities that are the bearers of the culture*

In view of the great diversity of cultures in Africa, the similarities between members of African cultures are far out­weighed by the differences. Whether underlying these cultures there is some common thread, relating to race, it is not possible to say. A number of closely allied races are involved, buo it is not known whether they have some temperamental disposition in common which would give all or most African cultures a characteris­tic feature, setting them apart from Western cultures.. Purely cultural

similarities/

similarities are probably limited to such aspects as subsistence economy* level of material culture, certain very broad aspects of social structure, ancestor worship and ma­gical beliefs! but it is doubtful whether any generalisation other than that African cultures tend to produce tradition- directed personalities, would be valid, And even this very broad generalisation would only apply to societies in which contact with Western civilisation had not destroyed the ori­ginal social structures. The concept of "an African persona­lity" would therefore involve such a high degree of abstraction as to render it without any practical significance.

3» It was therefore considered expedient to confine our studyto what is known concerning personality development within the closely related Bantu cultures of Southern Africa, with special emphasis on the structure of the self, the degree of differentiation of the ego-system, the manner in which the individual thinks either consciously or unconsciously of himself and the social processes whereby these characteristics are developed. Special attention was paid to the effects on the ego-system of accul­turation, particularly during the transitional stages. The de­velopment of a new personality structure in an emergent urban African middle class was also traced, and seme attempt was made to assess the nature of work motivation, the development of a value-system, and the conflict of needs in this group.

The three traditional cultures that were chosen for an analysis of child-rearing practices and personality development were the Northern Transvaal Pedi (G.M. Pitje), the North Eastern Transvaal Lovedu (J.D. and E.J. Krige) and the Zulu of Natal (E.J. Krige). The choice was made mainly on the basis of adequacy of available information.

It was found that personality development was influenced both by similarities and by differences in the culture of these three Bantu tribes. Their cultures were closely alike in the character of their religious beliefs and in the exclusive identification of the self with social relations, both factors accounting for the relatively elementary differentiation, extraversion, and projective tendency of their modal personalities. It is probable that this is a feature of personality development in most, if not all, African cultures, and that it is a reasonable generalisation to describe African personalities as "tradition-directed". Within this general structure, the attributes of the modal

selves/

selves were found to diverge considerably as a result of differences in social structure, value systen and cosmology between the three tribes.

Pedi culture favoured aggressive personality qualities, crude dominance-subordination relations, and little respect for outstanding personal qualities of achievement because of the importance attaching to status and to seniority, and because of the belief in predestination. Warlike qualities are also favoured by the Zulu social system; but greater emphasis is placed on individual prowess and ability. The lovedu> on the other hand, are non-aggressive, non-competitive, concerned with the dignity of the personality, and able to maintain social order by means of a system of reciprocities, rather than by coercion. Ego-security was found to be much higher among the Lovedu than among the Pedi, where fear of witchcraft has begun to pervade all aspects of social life, especially since changes have occurred as a result of contact with Western civilisation which have rendered the tradition- directed personality less adapted to the needs of the culture.

5. Why should certain cultures produce a tradition-directed personality? Some light is thrown on this question by a paper on the relation of child training to subsistence economy, published by Barry, Irvin, Child, and Bacon. The hypothesis was put forward that societies which practised a pastoral or mixed pastoral and agricultural subsistence economy in which food accumulation was high would favour the development of a compliant modal personality, whereas hunting and fishing cultures, in which food accumulation was low, would prosper best with the aid of assertive personalities. In the former cultures, danger to future food supplies can best be avoided by adhering faithfully to routine, whereas in the latter, individual skill and initiative are at a premium, and innovation is not feared, because its effects never have irreparable results. A thorough statistical study involving 104 societies showed that a bx-polar variable which could be called "pressure towards compliance vs. assertion" corralated .94- with high-low food accumulation, and .93 with a group of societies with intermediate gradings for food accumulation. The study further indicated that food accumulation was the operative factor in the relationship found between the direction of child training and the subsistence economy, rather than other aspects of culture which could have been expected to have had the more direct effect. The cultures chosen for analysis included the Swazi, Tswana, Sotho, Lovedu, Venda, Zulu, Pondo and Thonga, all ranked in the high accumulation group in the order given. The modal personalities in these societies would therefore be conformist, responsible and obedient rather than assertive, self-reliant and motivated towards achievement.

6. Because social anthropological studiesgenerally concentrate on social roles and institutionalised behaviour, little information is available in such texts about individual personality differences in traditional societies. A questionnaire was issued to social anthropologists and psychologists known to have worked extensively in traditional communities in Southern Africa to obtain their views on the nature and prevalence of such individual differences. The evidence from this study can be summarised as follows: Individual differences of the more profoundly personal type, especially those determined by temperament, occur in African cultures, as they do elsewhere, but Africans may be afforded fewer opportunities to reveal these differences than members of Western societies, partly because of social pressures, partly because of the limited diversity of functions represented by AfrL can societies. In each culture, child-rearing is directed towards a modal personality, the characteristics of which are determined by the value system, kinship, political or other structural features of that culture; but considerable differences nevertheless occur within the personality patterns so produced, for which familial child-rearing practices are partly responsible.Personality differences also depend on the individual's status and role in society, but behaviour is far less stereotyped and conformist than the normative descriptions , of tribal roles iurvoled one to believe. The effect of

‘ acculturation has been to cause the gradual disappearance of any one modal personality, and to increase individualism, more by removing the traditional behaviour patterns honoured by all and by freeing individual impulses and interests, than by enhancing and diversifying personal character qualities.

7. In view of the importance that has been attached to the traumatic weaning which follows on a long and unrestrained period of breast feeding in many - though by no means all - African cultures, one of the few rigorous experimental investigations of this aspect of child rearing was reviewed (Albino and Thompson).It was shown in this study that far from being merely a disorganising and frustrating experience, such weaning serves as a powerful stimulus to ego development, at least when it occurs at the age level of about eighteen months. The major value of this work lies in the evidence it provides against the view that one single aspect of African child-rearing could dominate the entire course of African personality development. To provide a stimulus to ego development is a very different matter from determining the structure of the ego itself.

8. To pursue further the effects on personality development and adjustment of culture changes noted in

the/

the traditional societies, studies were made of two urban Zulu communities (H. Kuper, Y. Glass). These showed once again the attachment of greater importance to social form than to inner value, leading to personalities with externalised self-regard. But although this general characteristic of the tradition- directed personality still persisted, it was nevertheless in a state of distintegration as a result of the gradual disappearance of the culture that produced it. Its place is being taken by "id-controlled" personalities as a transition product. A trend in this direction was also observed, in the effects of acculturation on individual differences and "individualism" in traditional societies. The emergence of "inner" or "other-directed" personalities is being hampered by a limited range of social and occupational roles, by the relative absence of well-organised groups, by the nature of interpersonal relations and by the stage of evolution of institutions and of civilised life in the townships.

9» An indication of personality development in agroup of urban Africans in clerical and professional employment is provided by the work of R. Sherwood at the N.I.P.R. This group is representative of an African urban middle class which, though it shares in the life of the African townships, is nevertheless much closer to the ways of thought and value system of the West than is the average township dweller. For this group, social change has been so profound that tradition direction has ceased to be relevant. In their socialisation, the peer-group (both black and white, despite the barriers between the two races) has been a more important agent than their parental generation, whose value system was either out of tune with that of an industrial economy, or who were undergoing vast shifts in character themselves. In this group, therefore, both socialisation conditions and the expectations of the white employer favour the development of the "other-directed personality" rather than of the "inner-directed" character, where the child learns to accept the standards of his parents and internalises their precepts.

10. As Africans become educated and are drawn intothe Western social and occupational sphere, conformity to the demands of Western civilisation requires the development of internalised controls. It is not possible to say at this stage, in view of the rapid political and social changes that are occurring in Africa, what kind of value system will ultimately provide direction to their moral behaviour. In a study of educated adult Africans' attitudes towards Western

customs/

' customs, moral values and legal concepts (S. Biesheuvel), it was shown that these concepts were fully understood, that Western ethical and religious values were generally accepted as a guide to behaviour, except where they conflicted with certain deeply established traditional ideas concerning the satisfaction of natural needs and the potency of witchcraft. Where racial discrimination imposed inequalities, a tendency was observed for non- compliant, aggressive motivation to displace ethico- legal considerations; but this tendency did not extend to the relations between individuals, nor did it extend to the rejection of the validity of Western values as such. Indeed, there were clear indications that an essential feature of moral conduct, namely the general validity of an ethical principle and the need to apply it consistently in action, had been grasped.It would appear that acculturation, more particularly the combined influence of education and Christianity (or other world religion for that matter) can provide one of the essential ingredients of an inner-directed personality. It is a matter for further research, to determine under what circumstances the development of the self in African cultures will reach the stage where an intellectually apprehended value system can actually become generally effective.

11. Riesman, from whose work the concepts oftradition-directed, inner-directed and group-directed personalities have been derived,thafe observed that the latter are characterised by diffuse anxiety. It has been noted that weakening of the social structure in transitional societies has led to an increase in anxiety level which is apparent in all African groups. I.A.T. studies confirm this observation. In one such study (S. Lee), it was shown that among African professional men, there occurred in particular a conflict between submissive and dominative attitudes, with the former slightly the stronger. The inferior social status of Africans stimulated a reactive counter-dominance, but in the absence of suitable outlets, considerable anxiety was engendered. Among women, dependent needs were found to be uppermost, and their anxiety reactions were the result of environmental stress rather than of internal conflict. But as this environmental stress became more severe with increasing responsibilities, anxiety would become a problem in their case as well, a point borne out by H. Kuper who pointed out that whereas there is a .confident relationship between the conservative African mother and her child in all matters pertaining to child training, this relationship is changing in the face of the child-rearing practices favoured by Western culture. Greater uncertainty was one of the outstanding observable results in many African mothers.

Collection Number: AD1715

SOUTH AFRICAN INSTITUTE OF RACE RELATIONS (SAIRR), 1892-1974

PUBLISHER: Collection Funder:- Atlantic Philanthropies Foundation

Publisher:- Historical Papers Research Archive

Location:- Johannesburg

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