The Role of the Church in a Changing Society:

A Case for Human Rights Action

Dr. At Ipenburg,

Theological College “Izaak Samuel Kijne” of the Evangelical Christian Church in West Papua

February 2002

Contents:

1. Introduction

2. Papuan culture

3. Social change

4. Human Rights

5. The Role of the Church

6. The Church in Papua and the Freedom Movement (Aspirasi “M”)

7. Conclusion

8. Discussion

9. Bibliography

1. Introduction

This paper aims to discuss the role of the Church in West Papua1 with regard to human

rights. West Papua has experienced the past decades fast political and social change. Since

1998 a new freedom movement has emerged, the so-called “aspiration for freedom.”

(“Aspirasi ‘M’ =Aspirasi Merdeka). There has been an extensive mobilisation of Papuans of

all walks of life: students, farmers, intellectuals, church ministers, youth, and women. All over

West Papua security posts were established (Pos Komando or Poskos) and later given up,

after being told to do so by the police. Later satgas (Satuan Tugas = task force) were

formed to maintain order at the large demonstrations that continue to take place.. The

Papuans who in the past were hardly visible in public life, were not allowed their own identity,

have reasserted themselves. They now express pride to be different. Papuans also, for the

first time, began to speak openly about serious human rights violations they experienced the

past 40 years. This they call their “memoria passionis”.2 Ordinary church members, ministers

1 We will use the name West Papua in this paper to indicate the Indonesian province Papua, the former Irian Jaya. In the freedom movement most now call the area Papua Barat or West Papua. 2 Memoria passionis, the memory of suffering, is seen by Johan Baptist Metz as a hidden force, which stores latent energy, to be used to change the status quo (J. Budi Hernawan and Theo van den Broek, 1999.Dialog Nasional. Sebuah Kisah “Memoria Passionis” (Kisah Ingatan Penderitaan Sebangsa), in: Tifa Irian, quoted in: Benny Giay, 2000. Menuju Papua Baru. Beberapa Pokok Pikiran Emansipasi Orang Papua, Jayapura/Port Numbay : Deiyai/Elsham Papua : 9.

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and church leaders, have played an important role in the freedom and emancipation

movement. In the Suharto era (1965-1998), it was virtually impossible to bring out into the

open anything, which could be construed as a criticism on the Government. The Church was

then really not in a position to join in any action to defend human rights. This has now

changed. This provides a new opportunity for the Church, a redefinition of its role in society

and in politics.

I argue that the struggle for human rights is central to the Gospel, and that it forms a major

task of the Church. The freedom struggle of the Papuan people poses a dilemma for the

Church. Should it support the demand for freedom and follow the aspiration of the majority of

the Papuans. Freedom could be seen as a basic right, following out of the principle of the

sovereignty of the people and the right to self-determination of every nation. Or should the

Church accept a neutral position on the issue of the freedom struggle, stressing the

separation of Church and State. This last option would probably satisfy those church

members, most of who are living in the towns, for a large part immigrants, who do not want

independence for West Papua, but at most a special autonomy.

2. Papuan culture

Papuan culture is part of Melanesian culture, a culture area that stretches from the Raja

Ampat Islands to Fiji. Melanesia includes Fiji, New Caledonia and Dependencies, Papua

New Guinea, the Province Papua of Indonesia, the Solomon Islands, and Vanuatu. There

seems to be no other area in the world has a larger diversity of languages, cultures, and

societies. Beyond this diversity we can also observe a unity in the form of political

organisation. The traditional political structure is participatory and democratic. There is

considerable participation of everybody involved in decision-making. The leader is usually

elected. Sometimes there are several leaders who function at the same time, but have

different roles. The clan heads have an important role in the council with the leader. Such a

loose, non-hierarchical and participatory structure can also be seen in modern organisations

dominated by Papuans, like the Gereja Kristen Injili (Evangelical Christian Church) in Papua

or the STT-GKI (Theological College of the GKI).

There is also a unity in Papuan religion and cosmology. There are two basic concepts at a

deep level: ‘dualism’ and ‘balance.’ There is a basic dualism in the cosmos and even an

antagonism, such as between male and female, light and dark, day and night, sun and

moon, land and swamps or land and sea, the coconut palm and the sago tree, etc.. In

religious ceremonies, such as the large pig feasts among i.a. the Dani, Yali and Me of the

Baliem valley or the Dema celebrations of the Marind-anim in the South, this basic dualism is

temporarily overcome. ‘Balance’ is also expressed in the concept ‘reciprocity’. This is the

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basis of traditional law. It is, in effect, an effort to make a balance between two opposites, to

have harmony between people among themselves, , between people and nature and

between human beings and the spirits of the ancestors and the gods.

For the Papuan theologian Kemung (: 15-16) from PNG the principle of “receiving-giving” is

the key concept of Melanesian culture. It means reciprocity, mutuality, generosity,

community, koinonia, relationships and exchange. All this is expressed in the Kate language

of the author in one concept ‘nareng-gareng’ Other Melanesian languages have also one

concept to express the same meaning. This ‘nareng-gareng’ is the basis of a Melanesian

contextual theology. It should also be the basis for the Missio Dei of the Church into the

world.

In traditional culture there is not such a thing as individual human rights. Only the members

of one’s own language group were considered real human beings. The term used to indicate

one’s own tribe or language group often just means ‘human beings’, ‘humankind’. The basic

values of Melanesian society, however, express respect for others. This is implicit in the

concept like nareng-gareng, or gotong-royong (shared communal activities), which imply

balance, community, sharing, which is also basic to the concept of human rights. It was not

till the advent of Christianity in West Papua, before the concept of “human being” was

extended beyond that of the tribal or linguistic group.

3. Social change

With the coming of Christianity in West Papua in 1855 the traditional value system changed

considerably. New concepts like salvation by faith, surrender to God, self sacrificing love,

giving and not expecting something back, the community of the faithful, coming from every

tribe, nation, language group. Also “Western” values like individualism, honesty, and a strong

work ethic were introduced. The choice for conversion from “paganism” to Christianity was

offered as an individual choice. Individuals had to follow the catechesis lessons and pass

them before they could get baptized. This was in agreement with Pietism and Reveil, which

stress the emotional and personal aspects of religion. Pietism and Reveil were at the roots of

the missionary movement, which initiated mission work in West Papua.

Christianity was also the door to a much wider world. Community and fellowship now

transcended the small tribal and clan units. In the process of conversion at first instance clan

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interests may have played a role.3 In the course of church building different clans and tribes

met in mission schools, at presbytery and synod meetings.

Christianity came to be linked with the Papuan identity. When the German missionaries C.

W. Ottow and J. G. Geisler set foot on land in Mansinam on 5 February 1855 they fell on

their knees on the beach and claimed the whole land for Christ. Now, because of this prayer,

West Papua has to be Christian, and should belong to the (Christian) Papuans. The Church

also became one of the first modern institutions where Papuans could take decisions by

themselves, in a democratic way through formal elections, based on a written constitution

and set rules about decision making.

Before 1950 it were the Christian missions which were active in West Papua in the area of

education, church building, and the local economy, often helped with grants-in-aid by the

Government. The interest of the Netherlands-Indies Government was “to show the flag,” to

prevent other colonial powers to come too close to its colony it prized so much. There was

little interest to develop West-Papua. These were the fringes of the Empire, the very end of

“the Great East.” The real interest of the Dutch was in Java and Sumatra with the large

coffee, tea, rubber and sugar plantations, and the tin mines and oil wells. From the mid

1950s the Netherlands Government began to invest in education, health services, road

making, with the aim to lead the Papuans to independence, aimed to take place in the early

1970s. This was cut short by the integration with Indonesia in 1963. From 1970 onwards

Indonesia got heavily involved in the development of West Papua in mining, agriculture,

communication, education etc. Transmigration, the subsidized move of farmers from Java to

large transmigration areas in West Papua, was to be an important factor to realize the

planned increase in productivity.

The 5 Five Year Plans from 1969 to 1994 aimed to have more than 2 million immigrants

settled in West-Papua, which by 1969 had about 750,000 inhabitants. This target was not

reached, but in 2000 West-Papua had a population of over 2 million, with probably between

25 and 30 % people (500,000-600,000) who had migrated there since 1970. In 1980 the net

migration was 79,000 and in 1985 131,000. (Manning, Chris 1989: 20). In the period 1980-

1985 the population of West-Papua increased by 4.4 %, while the growth in Indonesia as a

whole was 2.3 % a year. The urban population increased even more between 1980 and

1985: 5.6 % a year. (Manning: 15). A sizeable part of the migrants, 44 %, consists of the so-

called “transmigrants”, send to West-Papua with the support of the Ministry of

3 See for this viewpoint the interesting analysis of conversion of the Me of Paniai, as a result of the rivalry between the Pakage clan and the Mote clan by Benny Giay (1999).

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Transmigration. Besides the official migration there is the free migration. These migrants are

from areas, which have already for long contacts with West-Papua like Seram and Ambon,

Ternate, Minahassa, Makassar and Toraja land (Middle Sulawesi). But also Chinese, Batak

people and Javanese arrive here as free migrants, either as government officials, army

personnel, or as entrepreneurs. These ethnic groups often have a specific role in the

economy. The Buginese from Makassar are very dominant at the markets (“pasar”), where

they have virtually a monopoly. Ambonnese are found in education and in government.

Menadonese from Minahassa, North Sulawesi, are traders or professionals like doctors,

Batak people work for the police or the army, Chinese are usually owners of supermarkets

and hardware shops, Toraja work as carpenters, Madurese as haircutters, Javanese have

roadside food stalls (“warungs”). Many Javanese, probably the largest group among the

immigrants, are settlers at the large transmigration areas of Merauke, Sorong and Jayapura.

The Papuans experience fierce economic competition from the recent arrivals, who often

create a monopoly in their branch through nepotism. As most of the migrants are Muslim the

religious factor also emerges as part of the relationship between Papuans and migrants.

Most of the official transmigrants are Javanese Muslims. The number of Muslims in West-

Papua increased from 255,747 (17 % )) in 1988 to 414,550 (20 % of the population) in

1996. (Irian Jaya in Figures, 1996: 199), Two third of these (272,090) live in Sorong,

Merauke and Jayapura Regencies and in Jayapura City. (Irian Jaya in Figures 1996: 199,

Table 4.4.1). Islam, being the majority religion of Indonesia, has because of that a special

status and gets precedence, when it comes to access to grants-in-aid for church work..

Christians fear to become a religious and maybe even a persecuted minority in the land

where they and their ancestors, from time immemorial, were born. Every violation of the

religious freedom in the archipelago, send fear to the Christians in West Papua. The church

burnings in Sitobondo led to an official protest by the chairman of the Synod to the Governor

of Papua.

The fast extending infrastructure, a prime target for “development” of the Suharto period, of

roads, airway connections, telecommunication, clinics, schools, colleges seems to have

benefited especially the migrants, the “people from outside”. Each newly built road, like the

road from Nabire to Enarotali, or from Jayapura to Lereh, results in a new influx of migrants.

The Papuans themselves increasingly also become migrants. They get involved with the

money economy. In some areas there is already a scarcity of land like in Paniai. But the

Papuans from the interior, the Baliem valley, the Star mountains, the Wissel lake area

(Paniai) are lagging behind compared with the migrants from outside, with regard to level of

education, language skills, economic skills, work discipline, work ethic and work experience.

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So when they come to town in search for work they have only limited opportunities. Many

stay unemployed, with little income. This threatens to lead to a division in society between

lowly educated and paid Papuans and more skilled and better-paid immigrants. The

Papuans threaten to move into a vicious circle of unemployment, raising their children

without a perspective, drunkenness, involvement in crime. This leads to prejudice and finally

to discrimination against the Papuans. In this way the Papuans could become second-class

citizens in the land of their birth.

This process is, it seems, cut short by the freedom movement. Now many young

unemployed Papuans, some with schooling up to higher secondary school, move into the

Satgas Papua organisation, where they can have positions of responsibility and leadership.

As Satgas Papua, with the black T-shirt and the small Morning star flag, they are respected

and often feared by the immigrants. The freedom movement leads to a positive attitude

towards being a Papua, now seen as “the lord of the land”.

The freedom movement is a movement of emancipation of a population group which for a

long time felt set back. It is a struggle for equal rights.

4. Human Rights

We could, like the authors of the American Declaration of Independence of 1776, see human

and civil rights as “self evident.” As theologians we could also look for a theological basis of

human rights. The Bible does not know a concept like “human rights,” but there are many

clear references that human rights, as being part of the justice God wants for His people,

belong to the nucleus of the biblical message. We could suggest six approaches. The first

bases itself on the Creation of the world by God. The second bases itself on the salvation of

humankind by Jesus Messiah. The third approach points to the fellowship in the Church,

Christ’s body. The fourth approach points to love as the highest command. The fifth points to

the demand that the Church and believers have to be “salt” and “a lamp” for the world. The

final approach bases itself on God given human freedom, to choose between good and evil.

The Church also needs freedom of religion to be able to exercise its tasks in the world.

(a) Human beings are created by God. This means that they are dependent on God, their

Creator. That means also that no human being can ever usurp the authority of God over

one’s fellow human beings. He/she cannot play God over other fellow human beings and

decide about their life or death. Neither does he/she have the right to inflict cruel and

degrading punishment, or apply torture. Human beings belong to God. The Gospel teaches

us an immense respect for every human being, whatever his or her status in society. The

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Gospel shows a preference for people who, from human perspective, are marginal. Still they

have a major place in the salvific plan of God with humankind. Prophets were called from

behind their ploughs to speak the Word of God to rulers. Simple Galilean fishermen were

selected by Jesus to follow Him and become Apostles, leaders of His Church. The poor

Lazarus, who spent his whole life begging for some food, was elevated above the rich man.

(b) Jesus Christ died on the Cross to save sinners. This fact alone should already lead us to

have an immense respect for every individual, whatever his or her background, status,

race, language, level of education as Jesus found him or her worth to shed His life for him

or her. In Christ there is no room for any discrimination, for any consideration that particular

groups are inferior as “ there is neither Jew nor Greek, slave nor free, male nor female, for

you are all one in Christ Jesus.” (Galatians 3:28 NIV). There is a similarity which is not

coincidentally similar to Art 2 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which states:

“Everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration, without

distinction of any kind, such as race, color, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion,

national or social origin, property, birth, or other status.”

(c) The Church (ekklesia) is a gathering of all those people who are called to salvation by

faith in Jesus as their Saviour. The Church is a place “were there is no Greek or Jew,

circumcised or uncircumcised, barbarian, Scythian, slave or free, but Christ is all, and is in

all.”(Col. 3, 11 NIV). This is in nucleus already an appeal for equal rights. The principle of

equality, of non-discrimination is at the heart of the Gospel.

(d) The Lord asks His followers to be “salt” and “a lamp” (Matthew 5, 13 and 15) for the

world.4 This means that Christians have a clear task in the world. They are not only there for

themselves, but there presence should make a difference. Jesus identifies himself with those

who suffer. At the Last Judgment "the King will reply, `I tell you the truth, whatever you did for

one of the least of these brothers of mine, you did for me.'” (Matthew 25:40 NIV) "He will

reply, `I tell you the truth, whatever you did not do for one of the least of these, you did not

do for me.'” (Matthew 25:45 NIV). In those who suffer and those who are forgotten by the

world we meet Jesus.

4 Article 2 (a) of the Church Order of 1956 of the G.K.I. (Evangelisch Christelijke Kerk in Nieuw Guinea) explicitly mentions that the task of the GKI is to be “the salt of he earth” and “the light of the world.” (zie Kamma, 1977: 779)

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(e) The highest command is love. In the victims of human rights violations we see people

who are among the most neglected, people who are most in need. Love demands that we

should witness with regard to the cause of their suffering.

(f) God gave humans freedom, when He created them with a free will. They have the

possibility to do good or evil, to choose for or against the Lord. This freedom is one essential

difference between humans and animals. This freedom can never be given up, as without

this freedom humans cannot express their essential humanness. Human rights are also

directly relevant to the Church, as the Church itself needs freedom of speech and opinion to

be able to do its work well. It needs the freedom of opinion, the freedom of religion, the

freedom of speech, the freedom to worship in order to do its work well in the area of

catechesis, preaching, the diaconal work, celebrating a church service and the sacraments,

mission work, evangelization etc. If the Church itself can not function without these freedoms

and rights it is clear that it should also be willing to fight for these rights if they are violated

anywhere in the world, whoever is the victim and whoever is the perpetrator.

If we look to the causes of human rights violations one could look at national ideologies,

which take on the form of a pseudo-religion. These ideologies may use physical force or

coercion to get enforced. The nation, national unity, God Almighty, a particular ethnic group,

may all get deified. The Church should exercise its prophetic function to denounce these

aspects as a false religion. Human rights violations emerge in a climate of impunity. The

perpetrators set, because of this, a bad example to follow for others in his or her group. The

Nazis (1933-1945) had a very explicit ideology with its idea of a “Herren Volk” (people of the

Lords, i. e. the Germans) and its rejection of Jews and Gypsies as an inferior race, ready to

be liquidated. The same is the case with the regime of Pol Pot in Cambodia (1975-1979), the

apartheid (separate development) regime in South Africa (1948-1991), Brazil (1964-1985),

Chile under Pinochet (1973-1989) or Argentine under the colonels (1976-1983). In these

three Latin-American countries the military took over the Government, human rights

violations took place, including detention without trial, torture, and “disappearances” (illegal

killings by security forces). Anti-communism was the ideology used to legitimize the severe

human rights violations taking place in these countries. The Church with its message of

salvation for humankind should be able to find arguments to detect such false religions,

which open the door for human rights violations and a degradation of part of humankind.

Human rights had already a fairly long history before they, like at present, were considered

“universal’, that is considered valid for every human being, independent of race, level of

development, nationality, sex etc. Human and civil rights became part of the American

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Declaration of Independence of 1776, which stated “All men are created equal, that they

are endowed by their creature with certain unalienable rights, that among these are the

right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.” In 1789 the French accepted a

“Declaration of the Rights of Man” as binding for the new Republic. Gradually more

countries began to include such rights in their Constitutions. The Universal Declaration of

Human Rights, accepted by the General Assembly of the United Nations on 10 December

1948, aimed to make these rights truly universal, binding for every member nation of the

United Nations Organization. The Declaration emerged out of the struggle of the Allied

Nations against Germany and Japan, with their ideologies of racial superiority, aiming at

world domination. After the War tribunals in Nuremberg and Tokyo were set up and

German and Japanese perpetrators were brought to court on the accusation of “Crimes

Against Humanity”. These include “murder, extermination, enslavement, deportation, and

other inhumane acts committed against any civilian population before or during the war, or

persecutions on political, racial, or religious grounds...”5 The Tribunals established

universal jurisdiction. This means that national sovereignty cannot be used as an

exculpation for crimes of these nature. Also the legal principle of non-retroactivity6 was

lifted to persecute crimes of this nature. Perpetrators can be brought to court in any

country, as General Pinochet discovered in October 1998 when he went to Britain for a

medical treatment.7 It is also valid for those responsible for the mass murders of the Tutsi

in Rwanda, the atrocities committed by Serbians in Bosnia and the genocide in Cambodia

during the regime of Pol Pot, between 1975 and 1979. Also when national laws give

immunity to these perpetrators, like in the case of General Pinochet, they can still be

arrested when they go abroad.

In a world where information is spread with the speed of light through new electronic media it

is of essential importance that ordinary citizens, including NGOs and churches get involved

in creating an awareness to prevent human rights violations. Every individual should feel

5 This definition is taken from the August 1945 Charter of the International Military Tribunal for the trial of major war criminals. The tribunal established by the United States, the Soviet Union, the United Kingdom, and France, conducted war crimes trials at Nuremberg in Germany between October 1945 and October 1946. The International Military Tribunal for the Far East carried out similar functions in Tokyo between May 1946 and November 1948. ("Crimes Against Humanity," Microsoft® Encarta® Encyclopedia 2000. © 1993-1999 Microsoft Corporation).

6 Retroactive - influencing or applying to a period prior to enactment; having retrospective affect.

7 In October 1998 Pinochet was arrested while in the United Kingdom for medical treatment, over an extradition warrant to answer charges in Spain relating to human rights abuses during his rule. After a protracted court case and demonstrations for and against him in Chile, London, and elsewhere, the House of Lords upheld the extradition request in March 1999, and in April the UK Home Secretary, Jack Straw, decided to allow his extradition.

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responsible, as a human being, to try to prevent human rights violations anywhere in the

world. A neutral, objective and reliable international organization like Amnesty International

could provide the framework for such an action. A careful analysis of the ethics of the Nazis

teaches us that, generally speaking, it is fairly easy for ordinary people to become

perpetrators of human rights violations. (Haas, Peter J 1988). Early action when human

rights violations are detected can prevent a situation to grow from bad to worse. The

conclusion of Haas (1988: 223) with regard to the Holocaust is that “(n) ormal people ended

up doing wicked things because their society and culture failed to define their acts as evil.

The problem of evil is one of human culture, one that occurs when people are left to

construct their own societies in the absence of God.”

It is striking to note that even in such a climate as that of Nazi Germany during the Second

World War there were still people brave enough to stick out their necks and to stand for their

principles. In some cases they gained respect through this and could even prevent human

rights violations to take place.

5. The Church and Human Rights

The Church has an important contribution to make in the area of human rights as it is

witnessing its message of the Good News to the poor and rejected. The Church has a

mission to the world. It has to be “salt and a lamp” (Matthew 5:13, 14). We can learn from

history that the Church can make an impact. Just two examples.

In 1933 the Confessing Church in Germany, led by Karl Barth, made the “Barner Thesen”,

rejecting the grounds of the Nazi ideology and branding it as non-Christian and anti

Christian. This protest did not lead immediately to a result. Barth himself was expelled in

1935. However, looking backwards it has been very important that at least part of the Church

stood form and realized the dangers inherent in the ideology of German national-socialism

and spoke out. One minister, Dietrich Bonhoefer of the Lutheran Church, joined in 1939,

after the outbreak of war, the political resistance against Adolf Hitler.

In 1982 the Dutch Reformed Mission Church, led by Boesak, came with a new confession,

the Belhar confession, to provide a theological basis of the struggle against apartheid. It

strongly condemned, based on the Gospel, any separation or discrimination of humans. It

concluded that “the Church must … stand by people in any form of suffering and need,

which means, among other things, that the Church shall witness against and strive against

any form of injustice, so that ‘justice may roll down like waters, and righteousness like an

ever-flowing stream’, that the Church as God’s possession must stand where he stands,

namely against injustice and with the wronged; that in following Christ the Church must

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witness against all the powerful and privileged who selfishly seek their own interest and thus

control and harm others. Therefore we reject any ideology, which would legitimate forms of

injustice, and any doctrine, which is unwilling to resist such an ideology in the name of the

Gospel. We believe that, in obedience to Jesus Christ, its only Head, the Church is called to

confess and to do all this, even though authorities and laws forbid them, and even though

punishment and suffering be the consequence. Jesus is Lord.”8

The Dutch Reformed Church, the leading church of the Europeans in South Africa, declared

racism a sin in 1986. This led to the change of mind of President De Klerk, abolishing

apartheid and opening the way to a majority government in South Africa. In February 1990

Nelson Mandela, imprisoned for almost 30 years for his fight against apartheid, was released

from prison. Church leaders like Allan Boesak en Desmond Tutu played a leading role in the

struggle against the injustice of the apartheid regime.

Desmond Tutu became after the dismantling of apartheid the chairman of the Truth

and Reconciliation Committee, an essential step in the building of the new South Africa.

The Commission was established in 1995 with the aim of reconciling all South Africans to

their experience of apartheid by establishing the truth about its history. The Commission

criticized the role of all the country's main political parties during the apartheid era, but by

far the strongest criticism was directed at the National Party and its implementation and

enforcement of the apartheid system, which was described in the report as a crime

against humanity.9

Especially in the field of ideology critique, social values and ethics the Church has an

important contribution to offer. It is the duty of the Church is to preach and to live the Gospel.

The honoring and implementation of human rights is a major criterion to judge governments

and states, from a Christian perspective. This does not necessarily mean that the Church

gets involved in politics. But it can and should plead on behalf of the weak, the voiceless, the

victims, whatever their faith, ethnicity or nationality.

1. The Church in West Papua and the Freedom Movement (Aspirasi “M”)

There is a relationship between the preaching in the Church and the struggle for freedom of

the Papuan people. The Gospel message is a message of liberation from sin and

8 Draft Confession of the Dutch Reformed Mission Church, 1982, in: Documents on Mission, 1985, Pretoria: Unisa

9 South Africa's Truth and Reconciliation Commission," Microsoft® Encarta® Encyclopedia 2000. © 1993-1999 Microsoft Corporation

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oppression. According to the Bible all human beings are created by God and are equal

before God, whatever their ethnicity, skin colour, level of education etc. In the freedom

struggle of the Papuans of West Papua very often images from the Bible are used, like the

Exodus. When the Team of 100 went to President Habibie in February 1999 to ask for

freedom it was for the people like Moses and Aaron going to the Egyptian Pharaoh to ask to

let the people of Israel go to Canaan, their promised land. The Papuans identify themselves

with the people of Israel. We see the development of a spontaneous, grassroots local

theology, stressing the themes of freedom and liberation.

During the “New Order” (Orde Baru) (1965-1998) the Church and any other institution had to

follow the policies of the Government. Dissent and criticism was discouraged or punished

severely. In various ways the Government and the Army tried to get control over the Church,

by rewards and punishments. There were not many ways the Church could express

discontent or criticism of government policies. Compared to other institutions the Church was

still left with some autonomy. It has its own, democratic, system of government and

members could meet and discuss things in the congregations, the presbyteries and the

synod general meetings. The Government tried to get a foothold in the Church. The

Governor, Head of the Police and the Head of the Army in West Papua were usually

Christian. Government and army officials were always visibly very much present at important

church gatherings and were offered the opportunity to address the gathering, in order to

provide the Government’s and the Army’s exegesis of the “signs of the time.” Governor

Freddy Numberi called, for instance, in October 1998 on the Christian segment of Irian

Jaya's population to accept God's divine will that their land became an integral part of the

archipelago through the Act of Free Choice which was, according to him, the final solution to

the dispute over the province between Indonesia and the Netherlands. "Let us not reject

God's will," he said.10 In this way the governor put on the gown of a church minister,

disregarding a separation between church and state.

When the new provincial police commander-in-charge, Brigadier General Silivianus Yulian

Wenas, took office he told the press that he would try a new approach to solve the West

Papuan problem, the pendekatan kasih, the (Christian) love approach. He even went to the

churches to speak about it. Some church leaders resented this, and complained that the

police commander had the best of both worlds: the bible and the gun. If one approach would

not work the second could be tried. Wenas made that also clear himself. He said that if

10 http://www.antara.co.id/rx/art/eng/curr/national/1998/10/10/ANT3000.html . Saturday, October 10, 1998 Irian Jaya: President Habibie Agrees To Attend Dialogue

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Papuans would demand more (i. e. independence) they would wake up the sleeping giant

(referring to military might).

The army commander, being an active member of the prestigious Paulus congregation of the

GKI, used informal pressure to influence the church leadership.

Also through the Pancasila ideology the Government tried to control the churches. It was

compulsory for every citizen and every institution, including the churches, to agree with it

and include it in their constitution.11 Criticism of this ideology was punishable by law. Since

the “reformasi” this has changed. Adherence to Pancasila remains a requirement, but

organizations are now only being asked not to be inconsistent with it rather than to base their

group ideology on it.12

The margins, within which the Church could operate and claim its independence, were

except in purely dogmatic issues, quite limited. In fact the GKI played a role in appeasing

protest against the Indonesian Government, encouraging the members to be cooperative

with the Indonesian Government. The Chairman of the Synod of the GKI, Rev. Rumainum,

wrote in 1969 a pastoral letter asking the church members to obey the Government and let it

carry out its Act of Free Choice in peace (Benny Giay, 1996: 2).

However, in 1992 the GKI submitted a lengthy report on human rights violations to the PGI,

the Indonesian Council of Churches. It had the names of 140 political prisoners from Irian

Jaya. 13

On 7 July 1998 the three largest churches of West Papua, the GKI, the Roman Catholic

Church and the GKII, issued, in a hurry, a pastoral letter with an appeal to calm on the eve of

a large demonstration. The provincial commander in chief of the army had then just

announced that he would give the order to shoot and kill if the demonstration would go on.

The army was called upon to exercise restraint and not shoot. The people were also asked

to remain peaceful and not to use any violence.14

11 Tata Gereja dan Pedoman Pelayanan Gereja Kristen Injili di Irian Jaya, 1998, Badan Pekerja Am Sinode GKI, Jayapura. Penetapan Sidang Sinode XI, Date: 13 July 1988: the Acceptance and Inclusion of Pancasila in the Church Rules of the GKI in Irian Jaya of the year 1984.

12 Indonesia and East Timor. Indonesia an Audit of Human Rights Reform. Amnesty International - Report - ASA 21/12/99,March 1999.

13 Irian Jaya Mernjelang 50 Tahun Kembalui ke Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia. Untuk Keadilan dan Perdamaian (Suatu Pertanggung Jawaban Sejarah). Laporan Disampaikan Kepada MPH-PGI dari GKI di Irian Jaya, April 1992. Pdt. W. Rumsarwir, Chairman; Rev. K. Ph. Erari, Secretary.

14 Pernyataan Sikap dan Seruan. Pastoral Letter by the GKI, the Roman Catholic Church and the GKII, signed by Rev. Herman Awom, Vice Chairman of the GKI, Leo Laba Ladjar, Bishop of Jayapura, and Rev. Benny Giay, Chairman of the GKII., Jayapura, 7 July 1998

13

The power of the Church is in the network it has, a system of communication, opportunities

to celebrate together, to meet together and decisions together as on Synod and Presbytery

meetings.

The longing for freedom, the “Aspirasi M”, has a long history. In traditional society people felt

free as the social structure was based on consultation. Decisions are not taken alone but in

consultation with all parties involved. In case one did not want to support the decision one

was free to follow one’s own course. The unity of society was in shared myths, shared rituals

like the large pig feasts, having a sacramental character, the wars, with changing allies, the

peace making ceremonies, the exchange of brides, trade etc. In the Northern parts of West-

Papua the myth of Koreri has been always very active. This myth expresses the hope of a

new time, when there will be an abundance of goods and when there will be peace and

harmony. One time the mythical Saviour figure of Manseren Mangumbi will return from the

West where in ancient time he went. The Me people of Paniai have a similar myth where

Koyeidaba is the Saviour, who once will return. When there is stress and difficulties this myth

pops up and a prophet (konoor) announces the immediate coming of the Saviour and the

good times. In the Baliem the experience with a central government, mainly by people from

outside the Baliem, is quite recent. The original communities were very small, based on

kinship. The groups were ruled by egalitarian leaders, chosen by the community, the so-

called “Big Men.” In Orde Baru Indonesia, however, every form of dissent and protest was

immediately repressed with an excess of violence. A principle of Melanesian culture is that

there always should be a balance. This means that every injury and every death has to be

compensated by another injury or another death. As an alternative damages could also be

compensated by payments. Within the context of the existing impunity of the security forces,

who were the perpetrators, the people could not get any redress. Complaints could even

lead to further intimidations and threats. This meant that the victims and their relatives

remained with the feeling of hatred, of anger, of frustration and of trauma at the injustices

done to them. These feelings could explode. They definitely form an important causal factor

in the present discontent with Indonesian rule the past 37 years.

In the freedom movement the Church plays an important role. People interpret the political

and social reality with concepts of the Christian faith. A contextual Papua theology, created

by the ordinary church members, has emerged. Political aspirations are translated into

religious terms, with an eschatological character. Jesus is, at times, seen as the King of the

Papuans. As a result of prayer, and mainly prayer, the Papuans have achieved their

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successes in the struggle up to now, such as the access to President Habibi by the Team of

100, the Papua Consultation (Mubes) in February and the Second Papua Congress in May

2000. People believe that because of the continuous prayers the struggle has been relatively

peaceful, at least compared with the violence in the Moluccas, Aceh and East Timor.

The Papua flag, with the Morning Star is a messianic symbol. Jesus is called the rising

morning star in Revelations 22, 16b. Now it is still dark, but the day will definitely come.

Theys Eluay, a traditional leader or “ondofolo” in Sentani, called upon all Papuans in

December 1999 to pray without ending, till freedom should be achieved. In many villages

every evening at a set time all the people come together at a central place and have a public

prayer for freedom. In August 1999 Theys called upon the people to pray and fast for three

days on 3, 4 and 5 September and to decorate their houses with a cross. The people were

asked, "to pray that the mighty hand of the Lord will accomplish the complete work as

demanded by the struggling Papuan people, that is to achieve the recognition of their right to

sovereignty in relation to freedom and independence.” The letter ended with the identification

of the suffering of the Papuan people with the suffering and the death of Jesus Christ on the

Cross. There was also an appeal to forgive “for they do not know what they are doing. (Luke

23, 34). (Circular Letter, Sentani, 28-8-1999)

The movement for a national dialogue about the most important grievances was in first

instance organized by the three largest churches of West Papua, the Evangelical Christian

Church (GKI, Gereja Kristen Injili di Irian Jaya), the Roman Catholic Church and the

Evangelical Tabernacle Church (Kingmi or GKII, Gereja Kemah Injili di Indonesia). In July

1998 the churches set up up an organisation called Foreri, Forum for the Reconciliation of

the People of Irian Jaya. It was set up just at the eve of large demonstrations, which the

police had threatened to crush with violence. It wanted to establish a dialogue between the

government, including the army and police and the various groups in society, who were

themselves divided what to choose: freedom (merdeka or M), autonomy (otonomi or O) or

rather federalism (federasi or F). Foreri asked the Government guarantees that the people

could speak out freely. It then organized at district and regency level dialogues on these

issues. In all places almost unanimously the dialogue resulted in a demand for

independence (“M”). The results were written down and handed over to the head of the

district or the head of the regency, with the request to forward it to the provincial authorities.

At provincial level 100 delegates from the regencies unanimously choose the option “M”. In

February 1999 this wish of the people was brought forward to President Habibi in Jakarta, in

the form of a petition by the, so-called, Team of 100.

15

Also at the Papua Consultation (Mubes or Musyawarah Besar Papua) in February 2000 and

the Second Papua Congress in May 2000 ministers and pastors had a prominent place in

the leadership and the organisation. The Church definitely listens to the voice of the people

and tries to convey this message to the government. Ministers and church leaders are

intensively engaged in the freedom movement. The churches provide a network for

communication, uncontrolled by the government. Ministers are for their livelihood not

dependent on the government, which means they can more freely speak out.

There is still work to do. Amnesty International states in a recent report about Indonesia: “…

a climate of impunity persisted. Prosecutions of members of the security forces for human

rights violations continued to be the exception rather than the rule. Those who were brought

to trial were generally from the lower ranks and were given light sentences. Many cases of

past human rights violations remained unresolved.”15 Amnesty International also criticized

the decision by the People’s Consultative Assembly (MPR) on 18 August 2000 to make a

constitutional amendment that prevents people being charged under any laws, which did not

exist when the crime took place, even if a law specifically states it can be applied

retroactively. “Any attempt to shield perpetrators of past human rights violations would

effectively render all the recent efforts to end impunity in Indonesia meaningless,” according

to Amnesty International.16

6. Conclusion

It seems important for the churches of West-Papua to work together in the area of human

rights education, human rights action. The churches, in view of their extensive local networks

and their international contacts, are the most suitable to engage in these activities. Amnesty

International, as an objective and neutral organisation could be of importance in this context,

for instance by promoting the establishment of local support groups and a section in West-

Papua. In countries where there is no effective mechanism to enforce rights public opinion is

the only way to prevent human rights violations by appealing to the conscience of the

offenders. This is done by arguing, by appealing to one’s conscience and to appeal

continuously to honour international binding agreements on human rights. Often the

perpetrators themselves can be reached through networks of professional groups. This is

done by writing letters, sending emails, spreading information to the offending governments,

15 http://www.amnestyinternational.org AI Home page, Publications 2000, POL 10/001/00.

16 Quoted in Statement by Church leaders and NGOs in West Papua, 19 Augustus 2000.through TAPOL u

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and to governments, organisations and individuals that could influence the governments and

the perpetrators themselves to stop human rights violations.

7. Discussion

(a) Should the churches in West Papua do an effort to use the democratic space now

available to initiate, a grass roots investigations of human rights violations, in an

effort to record the “memoria passionis.” It could extend and update the GKI report,

the so-called “Blue Book”. of April 1992. This could help to bring about reconciliation.

It could also help to create human rights awareness with common people, in order to

prevent human rights violations in future.

(b) Should the churches initiate a special human rights education project, to train its

members to become aware of human rights violations and how to report these to

national and international human rights organizations? Amnesty International could

give assistance with such a project. In particular in the training of ministers human

rights education should have a prominent place.

(c) Should the Church in West Papua encourage members to join international human

rights organizations, like Amnesty International, and so raising awareness about

human rights as a worldwide issue and to express in this way solidarity with victims

all over the world?

(d) Is, in the case of West Papua also at stake the cultural right to exist for the Papuans?

In the past they have experienced Indonesianisation, as even the word “Papua” was

considered taboo and expressing disagreement with the Government. How to create

room for a specific Papuan approach in politics, the economy, in music and art, in

law? How to realize such a Papuanisation?17

(e) Is there a need in West Papua for special workshops where members of the security

forces (army and police) get training in human rights and how to maintain human

rights in the exercise of their duties? Should the Church, e.g. through its army and

police chaplains, take an initiative here, with the help of international human rights

organisations?

8. Bibliography

Documents on Mission, 1985, Pretoria: Unisa

17 See Chapter 6 Papuanisasi dari Masa ke Masa in: Benny Giay, 2000: Menuju Papua Baru : 81-91.

17

Eluay, Theys 1999. Perenungan Serempak dan Doa Bangsa, Circular Letter from the Papua

Leader, 28 Augustus 1999

Forum Rekonsiliasi Rakyat Irian Jaya. Press Release 28 July 1998

Giay Benny, 1996. Church and Society: The Church Leaders of Irian Jaya in the Midst of

Change and Conflict. A Discussion Paper prepared fro Ekumindo meeting held in De

Tiltenburg, Vogelensang, 18-19 April 1996 (unpublished)

Giay, Benny 1999. The Conversion of Weakebo. A Big Man of the Me Community in the

1930s, in: The Journal of Pacific History, 34, 2

Giay, Benny, 2000 (Second Ed) Menuju Papua Baru. Beberapa Pokok Pikiran Sekitar

Emansipasi Orang Papua

Haas, Peter J 1988. Morality after Auschwitz. The Radical Challenge of Nazi Ethic,

Philadelphia: Fortress Press

http://www.antara.co.id/rx/art/eng/curr/national/1998/10/10/ANT3000.html

Irian Jaya in Figures 1996, Jayapura, 1997: Statistical Office of Irian Jaya Province

Kamma, F. C. 1977 „Dit Wonderlijke Werk.” Band 2, Oegstgeest: Raad voor de Zending der

Ned. Hervormde Kerk

Kemung, Numuc 1998. Nareng-gareng. A Principle for Mission in the Evangelical Lutheran

Church of Papua New Guinea, Erlangen: Erlanger Verlag fuer Mission und Oekumene, 228

pp., (World Mission Script: 5)

Manning, Chris, Alaric Maude en Dianne Rudd 1989. Outer Eastern Indonesia: An

Exploratory Survey of Population Dynamics and Regional Development. (Discussion Paper

No. 22). The Flinders University of South Australia: Centre for Development Studies.

Microsoft® Encarta® Encyclopedia 2000. © 1993-1999 Microsoft Corporation

Addresses of human rights organisations:

Amnesty International, International Secretariat,

1 Easton Street, WC1X 0DW, London, United Kingdom

Email: info@amnesty.org URL: http://www.amnesty.org

Amnesty International, Malaysian Section

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