The Causes of the Nez Percé War and the Prolonged Exile of the Captive Indians : An AnalysisPDXScholar PDXScholar
8-1-1969
The Causes of the Nez Percé War and the Prolonged The Causes of the Nez Percé War and the Prolonged
Exile of the Captive Indians : An Analysis Exile of the Captive Indians : An Analysis
Carole Jean Smolinski Portland State University
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Recommended Citation Recommended Citation Smolinski, Carole Jean, "The Causes of the Nez Percé War and the Prolonged Exile of the Captive Indians : An Analysis" (1969). Dissertations and Theses. Paper 799. https://doi.org/10.15760/etd.799
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Master of‘ Arts in History presented August 1 , 1969.
Title: The Causes of‘ the Nez Perce War and the Prolonged
Exile of‘ the Captive Indians: An Analysis
APPROVED BY MEMBERS OF THE THESIS COMMITTEE:
Charles M. White
This is a study of the obγious and intimated causes
of the Nez Perce War of 1877 in Idaho Territory and a col-
lection of reasons explaining why the terms of surrencrer
agreed upon by Chief Joseph and Colonel Nelson A. Miles
were not honored by the United States government. There is
a relationship between the events preceeding and f‘ollowing
the war as they determined the history of‘ the Nez Perce
nation throughout the second half of the nineteenth century.
National , state and territorial interests , cultural and re-
ligious dif‘ferences , racial prejudices and white greed for
2
ndian land 1 cont‘bud elth7' d rectly or nditly in
d~m1ning tho e ~vn" g nd p d p th Ind a.ns nrea.t1
‘r ff.r tr tIn p moled the Nez P1"0 nation 1to the model
dsird by the 't\ihit mll. jol'"1ty of‘ th Un!d St.ts.
aseroh f‘ or this stucy ncludd an X~↓m1ation of the
report of‘ th ?tary of‘ Wa.~'I th Sc:-19 .ry. of Interior.
and th Board of I1dia.n Commn t ‘rom th ya~S 1877 to
1893" The Q!1n~_ Rd and th S←11αellu
Docu f‘m at pe:r‘d w .1so xamned. An ecellnt
source f‘ or local .ttitudt: S 't"1 th Jr1 "C<n’1 11r f‘ rom the
yer 1875 to1892o Cop1S h napr are on f 1 in
the Letton\) da.hα city library~ Adctional information
wa bt.ind fI‘m the napr f of‘ h Lwgn rl1r‘nin
g ·ε l hC @ ofC p nd th S s-
n Rvi(I filed at Spoln lJ \~:: hlngn c y 1brary.
‘rh dic t'; or of‘ ttH N Pe:.'0 Natn- prk εlS kind enough
t an me h illrofilm coε αf th :!!‘ 1 t n­
papr of D:" Lodg , Monal'l~ f‘:-01 1 yar 1878 , n h1ch
appX‘ rt101 of ntrvw Wh h Nez Prc in 11
n CaCiE • ~h N Prc Natnal Fa:-k hsto'!ie..n ldly
1φa.nd m h licrof 1m copi of r and ?ports from
ε:nt of‘ t 1£pwai 9 hI a.n< 1:-t Hall rX‘va;ons .nd
re.t& ?·pX’10 $:-om h yar 1862 o 18800 h
latr 'lr ao on ra‘oft1 ~ th Unrrty of
IdEhoo T gin1 o~e (J I110raph and gene:'a.l wo?[8 Wr
0[l~hd n Multnh Ul1.y an h Orn istori
Socy llb;-ar& f PX‘d:ld 0 !‘gOL a
THE CAUSES OF TE NEZ PERCE WAR AND THE
PROLONGED EXILE OF THE CAPTIVE INDIANS.
AN ANALYSIS
f the requ1rements for the degree o~‘
MASTER OF ARTS 1n
fH~ Ji X&I uill
TO THE OFFICE OF GRADUATE STUDIES ‘ The members of the Committee approve the thesis of‘
Carole Jean Smolinski presented August 1 , 1969.
Go~n B. Dodds
PREFACE
Because the correct spelling of‘ the Nez Perce 1an­
guage during the 1800 ’ s is in question , allot‘ the Nez
Perce names used in this treatise haγe been taken f‘rom
Yellow Wolf‘: His Own_S tory (Caldwell , Idaho: The Caton
Printers. 19L• 8) by Lucu1lus V. McWhorter as they appear
in the text and in the Glossary of‘ Nez Perce Words.
Throughout this ~reatise the Indians will be in­
traduced wherever it is possible by both their Eng~ish
and Nez Perce names. They will thereafter be referred t
by their English names unless there is none available.
TABLE .OF CONTENTS
The Treaty of‘ 1855 •.
The Treaty of‘ 1863 .
Removal of the Indians ••.•••••• ’ .•••
Hostilities Begin ••.••••••...••••••• }2
The Settlers ’ Sentiment •.••.•••••.•• 65
The Settlers and the Dispos tion
of the Indians ••.• , ••.•..•• , .u.. 89
IV LAND AND ELIGION: TWO CRrrICAL ISSUES
Christianization and Acculturation.t 100
V GOVERNMENT RESOLUTIONS
Terms of‘ Surrender
BIBLIOGRAPHY ••••.' .•.•..•.•.•.. '. • • . • . • . . . . . . • . . • • • . • • . 162
FIGURE
the non-trea tybands ••••••••••• " ••••••••.• II • • 17
J. The Nez ferce War in Idaho , 1877 ••••••••••••• 2
4. The proposed Wallowa eservation of 1873 ••••• 69
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hl.t th ho t1 N Pr would go QC o h rrγ'at1on
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rrndr to p d wr d com to th o lei • In
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3
This treatise is not intendedto be a chronicle of‘ the
history of‘ the Nez Perce Indians of Idaho and eastern Oregon­
during ~he years immediately prior to and f‘ollovling the Nez
Perce War of 1877. It is not a presumptuous attempt to nar­
rate that portion of Nez Perce history from either the In­
dians' or local white residents' way of thinking. Rather it
is a collection of divergent yet interrelated explanations
as to why a segment of‘ that Northwest Indian nation was
prompted into initiating a warwhich the majority of those
people neither wanted nor intended to ignite; and why , at
the war's conclusion , the defeated and captured Indians were
f‘reed to endure seven dif‘flcult years in exile away f‘rom
their ancestral homelands.
The Nez Perce Indian tribes of Idaho and eastern Oregon
had been steadf‘ast friends and allies of the white'man f‘rom
the arrival in 1805 of Lewis and Clark to the eve of the Nez
Perce War in 1877~ In spite of continued white encroachment
on Indian lands , in spite of‘ constant failure on ·the part of
the Unlted States government to live up to treaty obligations , in spite of‘ the white man's refusal to accept the ancient In­
dian culture as it eXisted , the Nez Perce had used rational
appeal for just treatment over and γer again in preference
to resorting to γiolent resistance. wever rational action
cannot continue f‘rever when it is one-sided. and eventually
a few Nez Ferces reacted irrationally. Although the con-
sequential overt hostilities began on June 14 , 1877 , a sub­
tIe division within the Nez Perce nation which grew to in­
directly contribute to those hostilities was in embryo as
early as forty-one years prior to the war.
The differences began with the arrival in 18)6 of Henry
Spalding , missionary to the Nez Perces. As a result ofhis
teaching , some of‘ the members of‘ the tribe chose to beco~e
Christians and to f‘ollow the white man ’ s way of‘ life , while
others chose to remain true to the ways of‘ their ancestors.
5
Frequently one group failed to tolerate the other's point of
view. That intolerance lead to a polarization of the tribe
which was magnified by the events of 18μ2.
In that year Dr. Elijah White , Indian agent for the
Northwest Indians , realized the necessity of‘ enacting a
means to control the Indians within the area of his juris­
diction. Increased white settlement in the land of the
Wi11amette Valley had caused more and more whites to pass
through the Indian lands east of‘ the Cascades especially in
the Cayuse's country , through which the main immigration
highway ran. Consequently the Cayuse became increasingly
more menacing to the sa!‘e traγ~1 of the settlers. The other
tribes threatened to do likewise. White anticipated that un­
less all of‘ the Indians could be compelled to act under a
uniform code of laws , they could not ef‘f‘ectively be con-
trolled by either government agents • or the missionaries
working among them. He theref‘re instituted a set of
written laws within each of the Indian nations. To enf‘rce
those laws , and to establish a spokesman for each of‘ the
tribes , he introduced the head chief system of‘ government
for the Indians. All of the various bands constituting each
f‘ the Indian nations invo1γed in White's program were to be­
come subservient to the one head chief representing their na­
tion~ Among the Nez Ferces , as with other tribes , that
system was recognized 0γ°er the years to !‘llow by only the
Christian Indians , {the head chief was quite obviously a
6
Those Indians who did not approve that system simply ignored
the head chief and his assumed power.
The Nez Perce nation was and had ~lways been a feder-
ated group of independent bands which , according to tradition , acted independently of‘ ne another. Their only tangiqle ties
were a similar language and culture , the occupation of‘ ad-
joining lands , the annual gatherings in the camas fields or
on the hunting grounds , and periodic intermarriage between
bands. Even within each individual band the chief had no
absolute authority; he could only express his opinion , the
weight of‘ that opinion lay in the strength of his personality.
It was the individual's prerogative to heed pis chief ’ s coun­
sell and it later became clear that it was the individual's
choice also to heed treaty stipulations. Dr. White failed t
appreciate the traditional Nez ·Perce system of‘ government by
thinking that his plan would automaticallytransf‘rm an in-
stitution of anageless period into"one of‘ his choosing.
Governor Stevens made that same mistake thirteen years later.
I. THE TREATY OF 1855
In June , 1855 • i Governor Isaac Stevens of‘ Washington
Territory held a council with some of the important Indian
ribes located east of the Cascade Mountains. Meeting with
Stevens at the council grounds at Walla Walla were the tribes
of the Nez Perces , the Cayuses , the Walla Wallas , the
7
akimas and the Umatillas. In the face of‘ the Indian rest-
lessness and isolated hostilities which had steadily ln­
creased since the Whitman massacre of‘ 18L• 7, it was deemed
essential by Steγens that each of those tribes be placed on
appointed reservations. Not only would Stevens ’ s hoped f‘r
immigration to Washington Territory continue to be hampered
by increased Indian hostilities without the agreement of‘ the
tribal chiefs , but also his plans to surγ'ey f‘r a suitable
railroad route to the Pacif‘ io would be thwarted if they re-
fused to sign. Steven needed a right of way free from In-
dian interference.
The governor ’ s plan was to place the tribes on three
different reservations. 1 The Cayuses and the Walla Wallas
were to settle on one , the Yakimas on another and the Nez
Perces on a third. When the proposed areas for the reser-
vations were divulged , it was clear that the Nez Perce In-
dians would not be denied any of‘ the lands they had pre-
viously occupied. The reserγation would embrace the Lap­
wai , the mnaha the Wallowa and the Grand Ronde country-­
a vast expanse of‘ land hereunto enjoyed exclusively by the
Nez Perces. Possibly that factor was the most signif‘ icant
reason contributing to the success of Stevens's plan; f‘I‘
when the Nez Peroe agreed to the terms of‘ the treaty , the
other tribes f‘llowed suit. The size and power of‘ the Nez
1The terms of‘ the Nez Perce Treaty of‘ 1855 appear in Appendix At pages 166-168.
8
*
m - ? 8 μ
The Nez Perce reservat10n of 1855.F1~ure 1.
9
Perce tribe tempered the others and propelled them into sign­
ing. Reluctantly the more apprehensive tribes agreed to d
as Governor Stevens demanded of them.
owever what appeared on the surface to be a concerted
action by the entire.Nez Perce nation was in reality not the
case. The signif‘ icant outcome of‘ the treaty of 1855 as it
concerned the Nez Perces was not that the Indians suffered
any loss of land , as was true with the other tribes attend­
ing the council; but was that the mistaken concept of a head
chief system of government was more deeply implanted in the
minds of‘ the whites by being irrevocably inserted into the
written policies of the United States goγernment • Deward E.
Walker in Conflict and Schism in Nez Perce Acculturation
perceived that , ·’ From the point of‘ view of the Nez'Perces
themselves , the most prominent effect of‘ the 1855 treaty was
the reinforcement of the head chief system."2 It should be
appended to his statement that in. the minds of‘ the Christian
f‘action was the head chief system reinf‘reed. Governor
Stevens needed to find a method of counteracting the impasse
created when Looking Glass threatened to reject the treaty.)
2Deward E. Walker , Jr. , Conflict and Schism in Nez Perce Acculturation: A Study of Reli~ion and Politics ’ Pullman , Wash.: Washington State University Press , 1968) , p. 4.
3Looking Glass had just returned f‘rom a huntin ex­ pedition to the buffalo country , consequently he arrived after the council had been in progress f‘r some time. Little s ignif‘ icant opposition was raised against Nez Perce acceptance of‘ the treaty until Looking Glass brought with his arrival a violent refusal to sell his land. Other chiefs appearedto be swayed by his influence.•
10
The head chief could legally overrule that rejection. Con­
sequently Stevens provided , f‘rom the Indians ’ point of view , a "chief freshly .nufactured f‘r the occassion."l• Head
chief Lawyer (Hallalhotsoot) of‘ the Lapwai area was a Chris­
tianized Indian who f‘ollowed the "civilized" pursuits of‘ the
white man , but to those Indians opposing such pursuits he
continued to be known as a "tobacco cutter (a sort of under
secretary) for the chiefs Looking Glass , [Appushwahit
Eagle From the Light , Joseph , lellamotki and ed Owl , [j{oolkool Snehe .,, 5
When asked by Stevens to express his ideas on the
treaty , Lawyer replied that"from the time of Lewis and
,, 6Clarke , we have lOwn you as brothers."u Lawyer wanted t
continue that brotherhood; he approved the treaty , urging
nly that the whites act towards them in good faith. Colonel
Kip , witness and chronicler of the eγents of the council , stated that f‘llowing Lawyer ’ s comments , Stevens concluded ,
/ "Now we have the hearts of‘ the Nez ~erces through their
chief ... 7 In Steγens's mind the endorsement of Lawyer was all
U'New Northwest (Deer Lodge , Montana) , June 7 , 1878. Duncan McDonald , halfblood Nez Perce , interτiewed Indian surγlvors of‘ the war in Canada. His interviews were pub­ lished in a series of‘ articles in the New Northwest.
5. Both Joseph and Looking Glass referred to here are the fathers of the f‘amous war-chiefs.
6Lawrence Kip , "The Council at Walla Walla ," Sources f‘ the History of Ore~on, F.C. Young , ed. , Vol. I , Part 2 (Eugene , Oregon ‘ Star-Sob Office , 1897) , p. 19.
7Ibid.
11
he nd to aft‘ irI N Fe:-0 acep;~eo
hour:h th othr :h w an~?d by h !annr
in whl0 ‘a'VY:.f1:‘ 9 uthorty is un<UEona.bly rconifd.
thf:'y f.Ll t’nlly nd hr I f‘r L?wyT ’ • 8 ffciVI
Looking Gla. we. pr.ad o a.gr to 19n 1 unlown.
Kip could Iot find a.n anr bu"c u)0d sava.g nature in
the 111rns 1 th lS α r111ad turE . in England
in Wa.l)ole' day , and 0 rery n ls hi price ’ · ” 9 X# ig
more probble trut Looking Gla 00nlzd s1nce th Nz
Pr wou 10 no 1l.n.d \ia 'utl o obj t th
ray ony on h a$ of‘ p?X$1 • Th ld an wer we1
.war @ h wh1 an' xuhle ob ion sGr 1-
tn ltnd :f‘or ny a.1 Ed rchad thr ar f‘rOJ rib
both nar nc are Tl’iy alo re fIt that by s gn1ng
the trety they .ad t:t 1 t a. 1gal rl'l o oppo ng th
raI whl X?knt nφ thE 00ntry they all could
as.11y or •
hu of 155 VI& ’u‘y nudde
Ho'levr h ifii g~P 16 t ·;JO 1'fci*i ‘ th
t>~(:;(r'; ;L↓~; -c o3III COAnd 0 1'1~' ↓~LOL μ;μ:\!~En y
hi ‘E~.1:ll~l? ~~;r Ewno g 69ir f’S~ ‘C) \i VI( ’\i↓n.h
~n( g ?i“'~.~:~s~ “4;‘ --::'/'‘4 ↓Xy'hin ;0 d~;) ‘i‘j’; -chE .($ L }ξ~Cll e h ;;i ~:.'i ‘ l"e .1'1 co $ II 0 1'·1’ ‘S~ ζii;3:1'" 1‘ i (~ou:n. 11."
(Br.(Y 'J ) ) .Jph e $‘E11': did *::n t~--l ~~;‘(:{.- $ ~g
r
~rit}j: (~~ clo'VX ‘ 1'(1 Law(0‘ μ
~1 ri::'~κII U ; 5ιi X t
1111y ~&;li::; (↓?:::r.;:‘ .)(S h h.d 1Xi·;i( 11 r;i: ~OUI
•
Nez Perce nation was rapidly approaching the day when it
could never again be bridged. That day came with the slgn­
ing of the treaty of‘ 1863.
II. THE TREATY OF 1863
From 1855 until 1860 the Nez Perces continued to be
little affected by the coming of‘ the white man , despite the
newly instituted reserγation system for Indian control. Nez
Perce land was still sign!f‘ icantly enough isolated f‘rom the
well-wornimmigration routes that white attention remained
f‘r a time diverted to other lands further west. The dis-
eases and depredations of‘ the whiteman which contaminated
the more western tribes bordering the immigration routes had
not pervaded the Nez Perce country as yet. The Indians main­
talned peaceful relations with the whites , ref‘using to join
their brothers of the other nations who were desperately
trying to seek revenge.
That external peace , however , did not mend the inter-
nal wound tainting the Nez Perce nation. The tribes in op­
position to the 1855 agreement(were given ominous proof‘ that
the words ot‘ the "Bostons" were not straight. Gγernor
Stevens had promised that as soon as the treaty was ratified
by Congress the Indians would receiγe annuities and pro­
visions. The Indians soon learned that Congress can be
painfully slow to act in the passing of‘ a bill. The treaty
was not ratified until f‘ur years after its aoceptance"by
13
the Indians , but still those "civilized" members of‘ the tribe
who depended so strongly on the agreed to provisions and pay­
ment received nothing.· It was not until 1861 that annuities
were delivered.
The tribal members who hoped to increase their material
gains through treaty annuities became deeply f‘rustrated by
the delay. Even more frustrating to them was that they found
themselves ever more bound to defend the confusing policies
of the United States government in the face of‘ increasingly
hostile jeers and criticism by the "non-civilized'’ Indians
who had not placed themselves in dependence of‘ the white
man's goods. The admonishing attitude the latter assumed
curtailed any signif‘ icant communication and understanding
among the people regarding-tribal policies. Be that as it
may , those early differences were not serious enough to lead
to a final dramatic split within the Nez Perce nation, they
were only added to the growing list of‘ disagreements among
the peoplell Only the white man could successfully create
two nations of one , and he did.
In the comp1ll.siγe search f‘r gold which obsessed the
prospector and f‘rtune hunter of‘ the western territories
during that decade , his eyes turned to the f‘rbidden lands
of the Nez Perce reserγation. When gold was f‘und in abun-
dance the eventual disintegration of‘ the Nez Perces as an in-
dependent peoples was actuated.
1 August , 1860 , Wilbur F. Basset of- the Captain E.D.
14
Pierce prospecting party found "colors" in his pan. He hit
pay dirt in the waters of‘ Canal Gulch , near the present site
of Pierce , Idaho. Gold was f‘und not in the mountains bor-
dering the reservation , but on the reservation itself.
Hencef‘rth no Indian resistance would effectively halt the
prospectors , who impelled by the magic of the word gold
rushed into Nez Perce country when they f‘irst heard of‘ the
discovery.
The "Period of Trespass" had begun. 10 Surprisingly , however , the Nez Perces of‘ the Lapwai and lower Clearwater
River area where the discγery had been made actually en­
couraged the arrival of more prospectors. The miners needed
the Indians ’ services--proγislons horses and ferry boats--
and the Indians in return would get the money and supplies
denied them by the government. I~d these white miners come
with their families , plows and axes , they would have been
resisted; f‘r as the Nez Perces well lew those whites
would be permanent faces in Indian land. The miners , on the
ther hand , merely searched the hills for gold , stayed tem­
porarily and moved on to richer fields. The land of the In-
dians did not appear to be threatened by their presence.
Sadly , the people encouraging prospecting in their
lands could not foe the permanent settlers which followed
on the heels of the prospectors when a strike was made.
10Lewiston Mornln~ Tr ibune (Lewiston , Idaho) , October 19. 1958, Section- 2 , p. 1.
15
Supply camps became towns as the tentsgave way to permanent
buildings , which would not move when the prospectors took.up
their stakes. Towns such as Lewiston , Idaho , rapidly sprang
up and grew , inspiring farmers to·settle the areas which
were once frequented by the trappers and later the miners.
The Indians of the "civilized" bands had opened their
lands to the whites , and the white encr‘achment into their’
area was inevitable.. That encroachment , however , would not
be conf‘ ined to the land of‘ the Indians who had mistakenly
encouraged the arrival of‘ their adversaries. Rapidly the
settlers turned their eyes and attentions to all of‘ the land
f the Nez Perce reservation. It had become imperative that
the government take steps to prevent open hostilities in-
herent between the two races. The Indian agent to the Nez
Perces , impotent without a stronger legal leg to stand on ,
could not protect the Indians ’ rights as long as the white
settlers increased their demands f‘r the enactment of‘ a re-
duced reservation. The treaty of‘ 1863 was essential.
Once again the Nez Ferces were called in council. The
reservation had to be changed , and with the proposed alter-
ation came a drastic cut in its size. The new reservation
would completely exclude the Wallowa country and γast regions
besides. As a consequence of‘ that treaty and the manner in
which it was adopted , the final and permanent barrier be-
tween the tribal factions was erected.· The new reservation
clearly favored the "civilized" Nez Perces; upon their lands
16
were located the agency and missionary buildings as well as
the military f‘rt at Lapwai. If a reduction in the reser­
vation were essential , as it was deemed to be , that area
would logically remain within the ·new boundaries. Under-
standably , however , the chiefs of the bands whose lands
were excluded could under no circumstances be persuaded t
accept such a preposterous proposition. Their objections
fell on deaf ears; they retaliated by completely ref‘using
to haveanything more to do with the councilor the treaty.
Presuming that their refusal -to sign the treaty would mean
a refusal to agree to its terms , theyassumed no objection
if some of‘ the tribe decided to sign , as long as their sig­
nature did not automatically include the entire Nez Perce
nation.
It was in that attitude that the tribal differences in
dealing with the whites again appeared. It must be remem-
bered that in the eyes of‘ the United States gγernment and
in the eyes of‘ the Indian agent and his Nez Perce dependents , the head chief spoke f‘r the entire nation. Should he sign
the treaty , that signature would automatically overrule the
bjectlons of‘ the lesser chiefs.
Head chief Lawyer signed. In Joseph ’ s words , Lawyer
"took the lead in the council and sold nearly all of‘ the
Nez Ferces' country... In this treaty Lawyer acted with-
out authority f‘rom our band."ll Clearl·y , Lawyer ’ s signature
11Brady , p. 53. See Appendix B for the treaty terms.
54\mon B‘"Ia:r rn~5.
·YY"C"n5
C'i.n4re-.s<:rt ‘So
We.;ζ *ζ@ l1 tl S
Fi~ure 2. The Nez Perce reservation of 1863 and the location of‘ the non-treaty bands.
17
18
invalidated any Nez Perce claim to the land lying outside of
the proposed reservation borders. That invalidation was the
final and most important cause for the schism within the Nez
Perce nation. Had the boundar~es of the 1863 treaty instead
excluded the lands of‘ its signatories , Lawyer undoubtedly
would not have signed , nor would any of‘ the other chiefs who
f‘ollowed his precedent. That , of‘ course , was not the case.
Nevertheless , the Nez Perce head men who ref‘used to recognize
the treaty were powerful and influential men , and the policy
they supported ef‘f‘ectively blocked white attempts to enact
the treaty for a t~me.
Chief Joseph , chief of‘ the bands on the upper Snake
Riγer particularly the lnantoinnut at the mouth of‘ theGrand
Ronde , became to the white men the most f‘amous cri tic of‘ the
treaty of 1863; after his death his son , Joseph , acquired
,... 4' .... _,.. 12his father's fame.~~ There are a γariety of reasons why
those chiefs were singled out. The great loss of‘ land they
suffered was signif‘ icant as was their strong desire to con-
tinue to live in the custom of the past. Most signif‘ icant , however , was the fact that the elder Joseph , in spite of‘ his
12Edward S. Curtis , The North American Indian (Norwood , Mass.: 1911) , γIII 13. That Nez Perce band passed the late fall , winter and early spring in the river valleys of‘ the Snake and Grand Ronde , where the climate was mild and the canyon walls provided natural fences to keep their 1iγestock
within easy access. They moved to the Wallowa country(in the spring and early summer where it was cooler and where the stock could feed on the abundant grasslands. Consequently they are most frequently referred to as the Wall‘wa band of the Nez Perce Indians.
19
preference to maintain native cus.toms , had remained true t
the principles of‘ the Christian religion which he learned
f‘rom Henry Spalding; and he taught his son to do likewise. 13
A paradox existed in the minds of’ the whites , f‘r'in their
insistence to equate Christianity with civilization they re-
fused to recognize ·that an Indian could "be Christian without
I ‘enouncing his native customs. Consequently , belieγing
that the Wallowa chiefs had repudiated their Christian faith
by reverting to "savage" ways , the whites reacted by attack-
lng them mostexpllcitly. Those two chiefs , however , were
undeserving of the criticism, f‘r many of the other non-
treaty chiefs were as intent and perhaps more vocal in
letting their feelings be known ‘
White Bird (Peopeo Hihhih) , the chief of the Lamtama
band along the Salmon Riγer in an area which today bears
his name , and the "most influential man amon the Salmon
1River bands;"'!' "'t" together with Looking Glass and his son , Looking Glass (Ippakness Wayhaykin) on the Middle Fork of
the Clearwater River near Kooskia , were famed f‘r their η
13Joseph's father-in-law informed General 0.0. Howard that ·Old Joseph and his band were in Lapwai at the time of‘ Spalding and that he sent his children to school. Howard calculated that Young Joseph would have been seven years ld when his father returned with his band to Imnaha. (Oliver Otis Howard , Nez Perce'" Joseph: An Account of‘ his Ancestors. his Lands. his Confederates. his Enemies , his Murders , his Work. his Pursuit and Capture \ ston: Lee and. Shepard, 1881J, p. -9. )
1L•Curtis t p. 13.
20
() tl< o the tI‘sty ‘ (O(hlhc01ot;E 'I chif‘ o’ tl
Plk\nru (n th nfg F~ no: h m11. 01‘ h
Iti1I:1.h'iI wa o‘ ng iY i! O);>o ton to ary policy f h
eh‘E ~ h w a & 3l'l φ G
th p? .. w t 0‘ iil t-;or.i }. th PI vr ara
$ nd -v;? i h o H hu t
Wll0 ,l .ah u’‘r1n 1ttl wh Xr(aoIen II opd
$ of t #y. Jop* . OlJ.okut , an
lnflunti1 p’onaty n hi '\\7! l'lorth og h N Peroes , we. in arXl1t wit h. ‘athEr and broth? • a h bnd re-
prertd;by t bv XrJ. qoou e a r iS @ th lr
natv la.n nd b f‘ord 0 v onto h rrv~ ‘
hy nd th tr&ty"
Tho J;: a:τ J:gnd i?tj ‘iir; y nru ?;udiat
h 63 .&l"~ !Ji‘3XJ by sn a \i'~1 j; ~~::.~:. fhe~r ay
<t:‘ud i(~:; ε1![;.;jr- C t· p:tyrn (j'" ~ro$ :;~O''j ~~$ch
wy~~ Qt!;·1.·~ i;ki’ t;l~-~‘;)(-<"s ’ld r~(} 1: 'to t~; rt lc11 la.nd
h ):LQ ~j f’ i "'- ., ....J ι ;J s.li kJ531 i ~ i t t. .ny
gov"j~l~; “ ι ξ↓~> i~.) ‘” LijS·nat! s ‘ i: h()u... 3;f. '"'.↓
.rlyt·‘ '::i ‘:ζ; :·~t~ ‘ l'G d St; tes ~vrnin ; 3‘;‘".1 n
& '-'ι ‘;~(...μ~ "~;1‘ -μ‘“-. Eι 1‘ 1 :i ‘·t; c~f~ ~2:’1" . i'~:μ $. ’·
dor μ ;’:....~'~....'..;~ i i: ;.;i4;yω r no ξ4~nc lould ti ↓r t
}r.. :.:·"~.‘'"‘’: ;L 1';}'"i;s r:;11 t~h ~1μ.'\.. { hd ltd. T d 1r
o hoJ.:~↓ ·C;;;::U~ ‘u1y r r hf1. j~OrY i lll~;‘ asd in
i dJ ;~:"lg \ji:;?;i; ;‘.ii h~ dr Ch‘l~~:t 30p.
21
My son , my body is returning to my mother ’ S
earth , and my spirit is going γe1‘y soon to see the Great Spirit Chief. When I am gone , think of your country. You are the chief of‘ these people. They look to you to guide them. Always remember that your father never sold his country. You must stop your ears whenever you are asked t
sign a treaty selling your home. A few years more , and white men will be all around you. They have their eyes on this land. My son , neγer for­ get my dying words. This country holds your fa ther' s body.- Neγer ell the bones of‘ your father and mother. 15
In spite of the treaty the off‘ -resel:‘vatlon bands con­
tinued living on their native lands t‘r a few years , but
eventually the words of Joseph's father were proven to be
true. The land opened to white settlement by the treaty of‘
1855 was rapidly filled by the homesteaders , becoming to
overcro'ded tothe settlers ’ way of‘ thinking , to permit the
continuance of‘ productive farming. As Joseph predicted , the
whites had their eyes on Indian land; not just the land of‘
the Wallowas but all of the land destined to be opened soon
with the ratification of the second Nez Perce treaty. That
ratif‘ ication was carried out in 1867 , and the appetites of
the whites would not be satisfied until all 'of the newly
pened land was homesteaded. ecognizing that to prevent
white occupation by f‘rce would bring their.eventual des-
truction , the non-treaty chiefs attempted to utilize other
methods to contain white ncroa.ohme • Joseph reported the
method adopted by his father. "In order to have all people
15Brady , p. 4-5.
understand how much land we owned , my father planted poles
.. 16around it; .. ..L. U but poles and boundary lines prove in the end
result to be meaningless to a white man when used to protect
Indian property. "We continued to 1iγe on this land in
peace until eight years ago , 8’7 when whites began t
come inside the bounds my father had set." l ?
Finally it became clear that the non-treaty Nez Perces
ou1d no longer enjoy their freedom. White pressure was to
great. it pushed the government into enacting a policy f‘r
the removal of‘ those Indians in any manner that would be eχ-
pedientand f‘easib1e.
Indian agent John Monteith , stationed at the Lapwai
agency , had long desired to subdue the resistance of the
non-treaties. F‘r one reason. as a government representative
he particularly had been the recipient of‘ the intensiγe
pressure exerted by the white citizens of‘ that area. F‘r a
second and more signif‘ icant reason , the presence of those
Indians seriously encumbered his attempts to "civilize" the
treaty bands which were under his control on the reservation.
That was especially true in the Kamiah country. Located
about sixty miles f‘ rom the agency , hence away f‘rom Monteith's
persistent supervision , and in the neighborhood.of‘ White
•
/0
7
44
4--
23
B?‘ g }:gnd g ny 0‘ th Indian: Q t ara w 1t‘ t r1­
v ‘fr‘ o fllU&\t‘ a ‘1 b‘N'in th JX~l1.
fn e lVInth d d not b11v ta a W 1Td ’ In-
di~n hφulc njoy frdom of cho1α • folIo rlat
h felt a ?8.1 rny in 11-' nl h non-tr onto
h l'tervat~ln a:cd h l" :Ln11· @’g}'l ug • Joph
attd t tIle pr$tnc~ • 'ONearly :'y y8.l'" h an
C V L& dis f aptX 0 hun­
dd mil and orred g t1on. ltla.yS
repl!dtha were a.t1d t 1ve in W~llowa... 18
Mont1th 1.‘ ln~11y rC lved ovrnIn ~e1nf‘reamnt
with th r?val Gnral 0.0. Howa.rd , oandr of 1
Dartra.nt of‘ th Colbl at o? v~nc(uvr ‘ RO"Vl8.·‘ill 0­
tirat by r(1o e..1 not h~lt ($‘ IV10ntth wa
.1adrj3.l31 ·CO brin ho 11re:(lt ‘ u;hn II onto
th~ ?::"~~a!* o fcr a af1 t'~~:at how-
’r~ f:" ~;11 bB.i ‘1λd o cy w til Gi‘ $ le we.
)r€aiCt ’i ‘ez' tnt nC~ary I ξ~rce 'Co & C "C t k'.il‘Sir rm ’“ '..- .! ι :ll“ ’ .t..
me‘J1 (;
~~1:)?11mti‘:y n1↓ ~ th grLr.1 ~11d
:to': a () ; ·ch r"‘t irhG OU.tl
hIe. lVL’ ;1" 9 1.?’ 70 a E“ox‘ apwa g X th H7ti % ;iri. ι’‘ ν h
yk(lgC ‘i ‘ ‘G c;;ph~ Hhe :-d@ th ron*:' Lc''v]!~!liS; ; ?
Hu~~1 i~:~ ‘'il‘ and ~g0100:h<@{;~o bng th rill<a in
~ .‘κ
Toohoolhoolzote , f‘orcing General Howard to become increas-
ingly irritated by his insolent and abusive behavior. It
was apparent that although the other chiefs outwardly ap-
peared to be resigned to their fate , they were most decid­
edly in sympathy and complete agreement with their tiwat's
sentiments. General Howard , as he later admitted , was con-
cerned that a reoccurence of‘ the ·Modoc massacre ot‘ General
Canby would happen during his council as long as Toohool-
hoolzote were allowed to talk. 20 To preγent such disastrous ‘
consequences , he had the old chief imprisoned.
The other Indian headmen were deeply angered by
Howard's behavior , f‘r the general had displayed acute dis-
respect both to a man who had freely ’· shown his heart" , as
Howard had in~ited them all to do , as well as to a man wh
deserved the respect which should be politely granted an
19General Howard and Three Eagles disagree as to who was in attendance at the council. ‘ Howard stated that Joseph, Ollokut and "about fifty of‘ Joseph's band of Indians" were present._ (ward p. 15.) Three Eagles s ta ted , ..Alokut [Olloku] was not at this council; he was at Umatilla ..... (Curtis , p. 21.) Howard was frequently confused over the identity of Ollokut , as were many whites. They coni‘used him with Joseph or other men in the tribe. That coni‘usion be- came especially signif‘ ican,t to eγents during and after the war.
20Howard , p. 66. General Edward R.S. Canby headed a peace commission April , 1873 , attempting to negotiate with the hostile Modoc Indians who refused to be moved onto a reserv~tion. During the council Canby and his attendants were massacred by those Indians.
25
older person. They did nothing to avenge that injustice ,
however , f‘r they realized the futility of any such action.
Instead they agreed to go with ward to choose land within
the reservation upon which they and their people could re­
settle.
those Indian chiefs "really meant to conf‘rm to thewishes
of the government and come to the reservation."21
General Howard was correct in his estimation of‘ the In-
dians ’ intentions , but their decision was not due ·to any
statements or actions made by the general. Had they not
planned in advance to comply with the government's demands , chances are that they would have immediately avenged the
wrong incurred upon their tiwat during the council , for their
numbers far exceeded those of‘ the military present at the
time. As it was , communications had been passed back and
f‘rth among the Nez Perce lands , as well as among other im-
portant tribes of‘ the Pacif‘ ic Northwest , long bef‘re Howard's
council in May. Grizzly Bear.Ferocious , of the Nez Perce
tribe~ described the purpose of‘ the communicationso
White Bird had been going to the country of‘ Joseph and Alokut ••• discussing with them the possibility f‘ successful war with the white people. Others had gone ~o Waiilatpu ‘[the Cayuse , Umatillas , and Walla Walla] and others eγen to the Shoshoni , our old enemies. 22
21., p. 71.
22Curt1s , p. 14.
before it would become a reality. Their decision was made
during a tribal gathering in council and feast , at which
time Looking Glass presented the plan to be accepted"or re­
jeoted by the people and their chiefs.
Brothers , you have been called to hear our plans. The question is if the Waiilatpu , the people of Moses (Sinkiuse) ~~d ourselves shall fight with the white people. 23
Griz~ly Bear reported that he and Pahutush , repre­
sentatlves of the younger warriors , voted no. Looking
Glass stated that he did not want to fight the white men;
and a.n older chief , Kulkulshnlni , voted no "also. "Nobody
else spoke" 2 Significant to the vote is the fact that n
voice is recorded to have been raised in f‘avor of‘ war; that , aboγe all , the Indians did not want.
It is eVident , thus , the choice f‘r peace was not at-
tributable to the events of‘ the council of‘ 1877 or to the
presence of Howard's troops scattered throughout Indian coun­
try.25 The Indians attended that council with a dual
-
25Joseph had learned through his messengers that sol­
diers were approaching his camping ground on the Snake River. Because he was not aware of their purpose f‘r being there , he assumed the worst. He wanted to conclude the business of‘ the council as soon as possible , fearing that an impulsive act by either a brave or a soldier would end his hopes t
keep peace.
seoond , if unsuαcessf‘ul to learn Howard's plan for their
removal and reettlement. The plan Howard ins1 ted upon
proved itelf to be wholly unfavorable to the Indl~nS t for
w1thin 1ts terms was a th1rty dy ult1matum. Inside of one
monh th ldlan were to be oompletely within the bounds of
the Nez Peroe reservation. Howard thoughtlessly set a t1me
limit without regard to the season dur1ng waich they would
move or to the distances they would hve to travel. The
Wallowas had the greatest-dltanoe to cover and would en-
dura the most hardsh1p by suoh an ultimatum; 1t ws proper
that their chlef would objct the most strnuously. ’ Joseph
quest1αleds
Why ar you in such a hr-py? oannot gt ready to mφva in thirty dεl.y • Our tock 1 cattered.
and the Srke R1ver 1s vry hlgh~ Lt us wait until f‘all , then the river·w111 be low ••• 26
Howard oould not sa why on time W~s any betterthan
the other. H1s reply wa delibr~tely abrupt and oonolu-
sive.
f you Ie th tim r1 O'r on dt:y h sold1rs
will be there to drl'γ you on the reserγatn lnd
all of your oattle and horse uts1d f‘ the re- ervat10n will fall in the handso: th wh1te men. 27
Joseph, although deeply angrd by Howard- response.
obediently aocepted the white man’ ommand. The other
26Brady. p. 9.
~\.
28
chief‘s did likewise as they sa, d'ly departed f‘rom the coun-
eil to return f‘r the last time to the country they had oc-
cupied in peace f‘r so many generations. Joseph was deter-
mined that he and his people would successfully gather up
as much of their livestock as they could and transfer the
animals safelY across the wollen waters of the Snake River.
In spite of‘ their yeoman like work , time would not permit
their retrieγing all of‘ the stock; many animals were left
grazing in the γast canyon f‘ loors to be rapidly incorpo-
rated into the herds of‘ the whtte settlers. What losses
were not suffered upon their departure were suffered when
the band f‘rdedthe turbulent waters of the Snake. Colts
and oalves , newly born , and weaker matured animals·were
swept to their death by the raging river. With each lost
animal , the Indians became more and more embittered.
Safely across the Snake , the people:
Moved up Rocky Caon to Tepahlewam , Split Rock , the ancient rendezvous site of‘ the camas meadows beside Tolo Lake.... There on June 2 , the people of Joseph and Toohoolhoolzote f‘und the other non treaty bands and with twelve days remaining bef‘re they had to be within the borders of the reservation , now only a few days f‘rom where they were , th~y went into camp for a last gathering in-freedom. 28
28Curtis , p. 511. Toohoolhoolzote was released by Howard after the council , largely due to the pleas of White Bird and Looking Glass , His people crossed the mountains and joined Joseph ’ s band at the mouth of Joseph Creek , traγellng with them to Tolo. Many other bands hadcome with White Bird as they left their homes along the Salmon. The bands of‘ Looking Glass and ed Owl did not have to move , but joined to participate in the rendezvous. Some Palouses also joined the congregation. An estimated six hundred were present at the camp , with two-thirds of‘ them being women and children.
29
Therein lay the one mistake the non-treaties made in
their desire to maintain peaceful relations with the "Bos-
tons" • Every member of‘ each of‘ the bands in camp was under­
standably harboring deep animosity toward the whites. The
reasons for that animosity , of course , varied , perhaps
riginating one or two generations back , perhaps newly ac­
qUired during this forced removal; but in all cases that
ill will was the result ot‘ legal injustice and deprivation
f personal dignity they all suffered at the hands of‘ the
whites.
Most bitter of‘ the Indians were those of‘ the White
Bird band , f‘r white settlement in their country along the
Salmon River was greater than in the lands of‘ any of‘ the
ther non-treaty bands. Given twelve days of idle time , White Bird's people could effectively , although perhaps
unintentionally , aggrevate latent hostilities and incite
vert reaction. Had the Indians , instead of holding this
final camp , moved directly onto the I ‘eservation or utilized
their time more wisely during the mγes what was to follow
may never haγe blighted the heretofore peaceable history of‘
those people. As it was , the manii‘estation of‘ such idle
time was , as Joseph explained , "a great deal of‘ war talk and
a great deal of excitement."30 It was inevitable that even­
tually someone would stop talking and start acting.
30Brady , p. 61.
shared by the white settlers on Camas Prarie. The whites'
anxiety over f‘rthco~ing forc1bl ,e:: Indian removal was in-
tens1f‘ ied by the large Indian encampment. The settlers be­
came increasingly disquieted , to the point where many of‘
them left theirhomes to gather f‘r mutual protection at
Mount Idaho.! L.P. Brown was one' of‘ the settlers at Mount
Idaho when the others began arriving. He felt the people
in the Lewiston area should be noti!‘ ied of‘ Indian activities
and sent a letter to them on June: 1L•, advising them of‘ the
impending events.
Mr. Overman , who resides at or near the head of‘ Rocky Canyon , eight miles f‘rom here , came in today and brought his friends. Theyare very much alarmed at the actions of‘ the Indians , who are gathered there. He says there are about sixty lodges , composed of‘ the Salmon iver Indians , Joseph and his band , with other ~on treaties , and that they are insolent , and have but little to say to the whites , and that all of‘ their actions
lMount Idaho'developed as a substation for supplies transported f‘rom Lewiston to the Salmon River miners. It was over one hundred miles from Lewiston and f‘r years the φnly major settlementihwhat is now Idaho County. Today it approximates a ghost town , located about fiγe miles south­ east of Grangeville , Idaho.
31
inc 10εft. te ~Gr‘ouble ‘ or erIt 8 ‘ " Som‘3 of‘ 'C other
ht if1S ".J.OVd αvX‘ thl way~ r 1'1r hX‘ a‘
mOl" E’eople •
Apparntly t~h whit μ abl Sl onta.ct with
ill of the l'ld1ans from h εunp .nd th 'clX‘ ’ alarm
was ba.d on mαre than hray. It i inrS n note
in th rollowln po:ton of‘ Bro‘n' s lettex‘ hI.: t desp1 "1:; , or
poss1bly bec8.us of‘ • Indian contac the ttlel‘ did not far
n attack di:r‘d lt h nd ll thr onrn WI!: that
n a.ttac auld b ad n h ar‘y vhn th oldj.r arrivd
t rc th~ ldans on th~ 1'"ervatlone L1 e1thξ~r event f
th settler it th‘e ax’&t Wre occu)y ng an tL."1f‘ gξ~.. 10-
cat1<n and it . cX? ou fa t t Br’own d1< not Uller11n
τh po bl~ ti~llj’;T hy 1.Cd.
y t;?”↓↓‘ "ChE~;Y’ hid a ~r:.nd ft;:-ad & ζiut; εL
i; ‘t;L; fj' 'V~';· in~.tt and If! :i:i ‘1 ~::::1 "lj{C1:.i
....‘..1 ‘4GS· h rn:?nu: ;i z)1" ~~ f ‘{rj ‘‘“...aιι"‘?ii’ i: Lj
?‘:)?c‘ a;:0‘xi f1'JC’ i)0ζ{7 ’ Th·.::; ‘ ;~.·~J~t (:~‘‘L:/ '.'
3α<:' t k':↓ 3F ;‘ g’‘Jln . to fig!i; j;t ~;“"... -, ;/0 ‘‘1:1
1::~μ I ξil t 1:a ·h;:Ul on the ::c oιj"ι↓’:.~ c ‘’ 4· ...‘:~ I ~;'~.d ‘ !μ- ‘~ ani {.~~ ~c t4y xp "'c i rl iii o .(...~ =r··~; ~l~
n ..'" ‘.' ‘ r I f..‘Li‘1 2~';" f' 1 fny IE-.r 1 ~ bu th ;:)~':[1
VI~ ~ nt:;:'1'1 '01λ ha W~ goin on ~;↓r:n.g
the: ‘ j
~~1~[~(;Tlτ j ;r ‘ ::'1:6(.:‘l~ tatm rid ‘C Jt]go‘ r~‘
- ‘-";" •• • ‘ ‘ j ‘’ “-‘ ‘il l......... ~ι. ..J. ζ<:~ :0: r.~i; Li4 tk’‘a to t~h; s ttl~j::;'8 ‘ '<: rhε¥ s e
~::/J lET.. ‘;‘ t·" ‘ i‘ ιl"' ~r would a. -t dlor 4 o
ψ;;μ1rlj£~':'η;'''-..1.’ ‘;L - LL fi’ trepidat Ok ... HOb'; nr l' h WG↓ uilty
( ;1 j 5J :~~ (L\~ αn ah “ ~Tlli~l ‘ ? ν ;7 . : o 2 --~.‘:‘ii.;:p'. 't'1 " Mα X1;: j J1iL!-;;ij; ;Li;L i 877.

f‘ the same mistaken appraisal of the Indians' hostile at­
titudes that the other settlers were--that the Indians'
nly real enemies were the soldiers , not the oivilians.
I. HOSTILITIES BEGIN
Unlown to Brown and the people of‘ Mount Idaho at the
time the letter was sent to Lewiston , the war cry had been
raised' and would soon echo throughout Camas Prarie and the
Salmon River country. While Brown was assuring the people
in Lewiston that there was no cause f‘r alarm , three young
warriors f‘rom White Bird's band at Tepahlewam had left the
camp and begun raiding the ranches of‘ some of‘ the unsuspect­
ing settlers on the Salmon Riγere Eighteen miles south of
Mount Idaho the war had begun.
Red Moccasin Tops (Sarpsis Ilppilp) and Swan Neck­
lace (Wetyetmas Wahuakt) were persuaded by Wahlitits t
leaγe the simulated war maneuvers of‘ the camp and pursuean
authentic act of war. Larry Ott was ~he intended γictim.
That Salmon River settler had killed Wahlitits's father a
few years earlier. He had acted without provocation in com­
mitting the murder and had escaped legalpunishment without
justif‘ ication. Although the boy ’ s dying father beseeched
his son not to avenge his death , the young man could not
erase the injustice of‘ the act f‘rom his mind. Its memory and
a recent 0currnee at Tepahlewam ~ormented him into re-
nouncing the promise he made to his father , thus committing
33
th ct which wold precpt~ th Nξz Fe lIlal::‘ •
Mo of h cla.d tl't vIa& ’ old
'ViOnd 'N't:: reopnd by h he.#mnt h rrd f‘rom an
d~l~y' Ian in th tr b • While rid n t ;h~ waI‘ u-
vr , We1'111it I hφrse a.cc1dntly stppd on om kOlλsa
roos pla.cd out dry by the wif‘e of‘ Yellow Grizzly Bear.
He wa greatly angered over the yαlIDg 1n ’ rresponslble
bahTior. ..s what you do t Playing brave‘ you x‘ ide ov‘ar
my oman' ha~d-worked f‘ad! f you .re braγ· , why
denet you kill ←th hit n t killd y01r far? 4
Atothtr V?on 0‘ th sto-:y t'1D..S tφld to Duncan
I'1cDon.le uring hi it·‘T1 ViT i th h g ?r in
Ca.nada.5 Offie f -eni X‘mbrεd ~Jaliti youn n
\'Iho II &1thou. eh rri I' f'‘n ied hiI1 ‘1 t’ D Jn.
A rl to ~hom he wa P~ylng P~rtiular t-"cion a~ 11m
in a. n‘1y d>;-ent 1ht f/ II~ rla·· to ob‘
&in r.‘ youth b~v1or d an Eiii ;?;ill. il a
n m*;i? & t of Yllow Grly Btl!‘ • ‘1"1~' told
hi -’* h W~r ?Lily a I i ould pro' ~c by
kil in 3; i‘ah‘ ψ murrer in ·d. 0‘ trapill tc h‘W ’
hi !\2~'b~.L lr~: by 01g f1 ↓n.g 9
LL g'';.-'".1e o‘ whh t?r i tru0~ t 1 certin
tl~t ’Ii‘t ~'J‘let av bJ:'i i?’$↓';d by a.ny ·':' on
4 j‘ ~~n 9 J φ t 2~i~~~~I“fi~n εL LL;.‘ESjμμ4f?Yrκ ti~J' tj\‘)γi’ PI. ↓ψ ) ~ P I) 53
No JtU'l l w 1 "78 .
3μ
his courage. That feeling , coupled with the frenzy of‘ the
war dances and the universally impetuous nature of‘ youth , adequately oontributed the ingredients necessary to commit
the murders which were to follow.
ed Moccasin Tops , the grandson of‘ one of‘ the Cayuse
murderers during the Whitman massacre , had similar senti-
ments. His grandfather and f‘ur.others were brought to trial
and hanged for the murders. Hanging was an abhorrent f‘rm
of punishment to the Indians and Red Moccasin Tops felt jus­
tified in avenging his grandfather ’ s death. Swan Necklace , the seventeen year old nephew of‘ Wahlitits , was not told of
the intended raid; he was taken along by the other tw
merely to hold their horses. When finally told of‘ their in­
tentions , he elected to oontinue riding with them.
The three were unable to locate Larry Ott on the 14th
of‘ June , but the fires f‘r revenge had been stoked and could
not easily be extinguished. They could not give up and re­
turn to camp. Instead theyturned their attentions to other
settlers of‘ the area who over the years had established re­
putations , among the Indians f‘r unjustly treating the Nez
Perce people. The three young braves attacked many of‘ them
and burned their homes.
The f‘llowing day Swan Necklace rode back to the camp
to tell the others of‘ their punitive behavior. Reaction t
the news varied in the camp , but seventeen warriors were ap­
parently in agreement with the youths , 1‘r they willingly
35
rode out of camp with Swan Necklace to join the others.
Thus was initiated the second day of raids upon the
Salmon River settlers. There was nothing the chiefs could
do to stop their warriors , altho~gh many of‘ the leaders were
deeply saddened by this recent worsening of events. They
fully realized that few whites would stay their bullets if
the Indians appeared of‘f‘ering to~ council f‘r peace. The
whites were ready for war , calling f‘r arms and ammunitions
as soon as they learned of the raids , and eγery non-treaty
Indian would hencef‘rth be associated with the actions of
those few warriors as far as the whites were concerned.
None of them would be freed from white vindictiveness.
White Bird soon chose to join the hostiles , f‘r al­
though only a few members of his band were responsible for
the raids , he lew that he and his people would most cer­
ta. inly be the first to be identified with the savage acts.
Toohoolhoolzote and other chiefs f‘llowed White °Bird's
lead. In the eyes of the whites , however , those chiefs , in­
eluding White Bird , were secondary to the man they all be-
lieγed had ins tigated , organized and l ,ead the introdue tory
attacks.
White settlers and military of‘f‘ ieers alike were eer­
tain that Chief Joseph was merely finalizing his carefully
woven plan to f‘irst deceive and later destroy all the whites
ccupying Nez Perce country.. The notoriety he held before
the war caused the whites to place him in the position of
)6
leadership at the very onset of‘ the cont‘lict and that mis-
take lasted.
Their accusations of course were erroneous. Joseph
did not instigate the Salmon River raids nor did he lead the
long campaign against General Howard which resulted f‘rom
those raids. On the 14th of‘ June , Joseph and Ollokut were
nowhere near the vicinity of those attacks. They had
crossed the Salmon River with a party of‘ f‘ur men and tw
women and were approximately f‘rty miles downriγer from where
the hostilities were being committed. Completely ignorant
of the strike , the men were busy but~hering their cattle t
secure prγisions to last them until they established them-
selves on the reservation. At the same time Joseph's wife
was in the camp bearing his child. Had he in any way in­
tended making war on the whites it is certain he would have
made advanced arrangements to have his wife on the reser-
vation in the care of‘ her relatiγes at the time of‘ delivery.
He would not have willfully exposed her and the baby to war.
Joseph and Ollokut learned of‘ the raids only after
they had recrossed the Salmon the f‘llowing day. At Tepah­
lewam they f‘und the others making preparations to move t
6the safety of‘ Sapachesap.v Both of the Wallowa leaders
6The Sapache"sap are caverns located on the Cotton­ woodCreek about one mile above its junction with the South Fork of‘ the Clearwater. The γillage of Looking Glass was close by.
37
begged the chiefs to heed their advise--to attempt to enter
into talks with General Howard and hopefully prevent the war.
It was an idealistic notion , howeγer and the other leaders
lew it. They held no confidence in white man's council
and refused to listen to either of the brothers. Ollokut
saw the wisdom of their decision to fight and joined White
Bird's band.7 Joseph refused to do likewise , choosing to
remain behind with some of’ his people while the others
moved on. Given that evening to carefully examine his in­
tentions , Joseph soon realized the impropriety.of for-
saking his friends as well as exposing his own people to pos­
sible white vengence. The f‘llowlng day he joined the rest
f‘ the non-treaties· at Sapachesap to fight the white men.
However , Joseph neγer abandoned his desire to find a
peaceful settlement of‘ the war. In fact , the other chiefs
became concerned enough over his intentions that they placed
him in a command of‘ secondary importance. _ They feared that
if Joseph were in a position to negotiate with the whites
he could possibly become a second Lawyer and' sell the rights
f his people f‘r a few ins ignif‘icant tokens of echange.8
7Robert H. Ruby , "Josiah ed Wolf‘ : New Word on Chief Joseph and Looking Glass ," The Spokesman Reγiew (Spokane , Washington) , November 17 , 1963 , p. 2. There 1s some con- f‘uslon as to when Ollokut decided to join the hostiles; some claim he was even on the earliest raids , but most agree with Red Wolf.
8F.M. Redfield , sub agent at amiah refers to the ch1efs' concerns over Joseph ’ s intentions. After the war had begun , while the Indians were still in Idaho , Joseph visited the camp of General Howard and agreed to surrender.
38
'rly pId him i n. har if tl' chl1dr n and old pople G
PI‘?nt \tell εl.n no nt nd h~ r~ned in tat mmand
ur‘11 h f1na. day of. "ch Ttlr.
Jo ah Rd vJolf 1/ h randSOll f Alpqa cf‘
T1mo hy w e. yong boy wth th non-ri( durir th
N z prc campaign. He xpla1nd th p 1tn thξk Joseph
00upl dulng t wa. $ e remembd 1 • ”e [h11dren
d old peαpQ war · gr αf by Joph sod ep &ay
from the ‘ 19ht • • • • WhIe h a not war IEader h pro­
vldd moral nd spr1a1 1adrhp (~in h ware"9 A
th \llar :0ised p 'Ct 1adr11.p prTed o b vala:bla
to th poIe Iγa the 1darp ‘3‘ th 'la':' ch‘ •
HEd Wol‘ eli: 1md t as Wht ird who .s t} wa.•*
lead<r toh‘)ut; the 1$6rly sta‘ of th~ gξloraan v ut when
Loo GIs. ;“r(d ~h Wi:r driu h ‘r Cay of Suly θ
h beeε~m h i ruly grt 1r. 10 B t so Y 'I
Look c d up to ti X§ n< ntntion ‘ 11adin
εl N piY:' -i ‘ ‘j ng ~nyttι11 to (o wh~n;/ NE
Prc up~i iXC; “ ; Jα ph h ante ac g nlk‘ Joseph , h lt t by .ply x‘ini aly ~ay ro:1 t
e !‘~;'~"Ft:'::n 13 ‘t~~1 Y..U)l.i: g$i.p to X‘ h ·1'1~r 1'1ei‘ t
. kι:\;1 1 @ u‘ a.n 'fJlr ζ~ c;ngry tl"1. 'C th’ rn e da ‘j 011 k Cd. !;de hm !:'~~j: 'XY p:s↓ CJ up 'ih~ IIU Lu ‘X'aIe .. 13~~.!~:15 47:J. g 1: e α 4 f1 192~ ) iOe pX"( Ie' E tl t‘ Jl;? g ε1l"tg‘:Y th(Y }IeIt Je under hry :-d U!l:L tJy J'~X?ψ af out of I‘ •
9'E1‘‘ p ‘·S :lah Rt ’:Lf wg’ P~ 4.
39
‘ ightng he ~ould b hld ‘ro th ‘r nd from any
m101'1 o partalpr.l. in it"
Loking Gl bar cneErnd .bout~ h )0 lb1y
fan ’dln up-:1s1n Vh1 h and h opl ttl? camped
lth th othr at Thlam. D~lng that tim h b‘
r·d th tntn ‘y ar frV01" hch m ·o do#g
th tmophr of th oslp. F‘earin hat t gd 11y
gtout 0· nd. 11. fir t warnd the 0hr ohfs @ trio­
ly’ control th:- Inand thn Iovd hi peopl ok to th 1r
own ca.mp , which wa looa"ce atly within h rug of‘ the
Nez Prce resrve.t1on. at'1 du?n and a.fter t SalmOl
River r k rn(d COllEtEly (1sa00-cad i ‘rom the
~nd notf 1 th t ho$16 g g t;31 tn "!a "i h
eVEn r‘11ed "co :oar~a; ~nctry to a f‘i of the‘ Indn
’rot tho htil %l'l( who ( 3↓ f('x "u;hIv
and. t i ‘ 11 9 ?d hi ’ on * 11y
*;11n fhTIl o 1so· h .1)e 11
vJhS'.. jok:il1.l GlL ould r·1'"1 .1:y l(’ tile from
CH;μ h§ il.Xp he could not p?vent f or of‘ hi own
~la.rI: ;l ‘ X oirX th 01hr 1ho y h~‘ ‘i had 1:ovd“
to i;r !ation l'l \-J 11.1t Bl:-d Canyon iil It w11 b rill··
$r ;;4 h diγdIt rght of ‘r dgX ud :rot
e O'γε‘ud br hi chif ~nc all 0 jol{1n G-l * n-
t? o rin on he Ylon paed unhec •
11 ‘F;;i;riJr j p • 58 •
μo
G~nral I‘~d ~a inf‘rI by -ch ‘r:t~ndly rr-
vaion l'1d1an ~ 1any of’ whom w:-< .ctin εi oout t‘r the
armYt tat any';rh6 f‘r1 twnty to :f‘"cy arrors aJc hlte
Erd Cany< d cor f:-om Looking Ga g €a.11) Icα X‘r as
r nforcillnt fo': th h11 e Th nX‘al ignorε~n of
Indian ovrnmn polloi ~ b1rd tat the wa.rriors
were nt by Look1ng Gla while th chf was "wang
his favorable chancE it to jo1 Joeph. 12 Anticipating a
trp HαWrd d1patched C.ptaln Whppl and h cavalry to­
geth with Capin ndal1 and h detachmnt of‘ γ11-
tears t .rt Loolng Gl and all other nd.ns carpad
wh 0': nar' hm bT];rn the :f‘: 0: th W£ter cP he
C~ptvas 5re to b ’~nd cva': to th~ volntr oran zs.­
on l'1oun daho.1
a>; ~J. *d out hi ’atn on
f1S f JuJ‘~lil and if h aolt of t n01ier ~'Jhih
..ook ;i r :-VO day 1εi $ tru 9 h g
Et10n ‘3 fl i~ve.lry and volr ‘ollow r­
a ~th ii; ~ra:ou aot of‘ th~ nti:06 Nz Perc~ g~m-
paign l/
Ttl~ cL‘ my .r 1f.: kd by oldi(X‘ ‘ j • ...·11) (0( o Ul"r :~~.': 1l1. v‘X‘Y "\y I c(uld 4i My hμ(~. j a. hi I hd w
r; 1.\l lVi m. by h old? v l1. o
mu11 ‘ iI N 9 y )1 @ long εL I 1V
• i.:;~rd9 p ‘ 4 •
$2 @ III 1μ·
μl
version of the day ’ s actiγities.
An opportunity was given Lookingglass D£1 to surrender. which he at f‘ irst promised to acc~pt
but afterwards def‘ iantly ref‘used. and the result was that several Indians were killed , the camp with a large amount of‘ supplies destr‘yed and seγen hundred and twenty fiγe ponies captured , and driven to Mount Idaho ••• About twenty citi- zens , under the lead of Captain Randall , accom­ panied me on this expedition. 15
In t.he mids t of‘ the firing Looking Glass and many of‘
his band managed to escape. They joined the hostile Nez
Ferces who by that time had crossed the Salmon at the Craig
Billy Crossing and moved onto Camas Prarie. From then on
Looking Glass assumed the position of leadership. Whipple's
attack had provided the motivating force propelling the
chief's inspirational leadership which carried the Nez Ferces
through one of the most extraordinaryIndian wars in Ameri-
can history. albeit humiliating f‘r General Howard and the
United States Army. The chief serγed as their leader f‘r
f‘ur months , gUiding them one thousand three hundred and
twenty-one miles f‘rom Camas Prarie. Idaho , to Bear Paw.
11.• New Northwest • December 6 , 1878 , p. 3. Chief Peope Tholekt was sent by Looking Glass to greet the soldiers when they arrived and to insure them th~t Loing Glass did not want to go to war. He confirms Looking Glass's version of the attack. (Lucullus V. McWhorter , Hear Me. My Chiefs! [Caldwell. Idaho I The Caxton Printars , Ltd.. 1952:1 , p. 26μ­ 267.
15Howard. p. 149.
d(J d~ - 11
Fi~ure 3 • The Nez Perce war in Idaho , 1877~
μ3
IrIonan @ 1aderhi) trm1na.td .t hat f‘ ina.l oene of
bε# n Octobr 5, whn h W$ 11d. Loking Gass
d1d beliv1ng th~t Sittng Bull hd finally rriγed i‘rOI
Cande. to hlp th Nez Prc df ll. t Cαlonel Mil • H
nevr X at th approach1ng ridEr. l'1hom h thought as
a. messeng r nt by S1ttin Bull , was 1nstdone ξ Miles ’ g
Cheynn, :f‘or as h prng f‘rom the pit t elcome the
mound ldlan bullet struok h1s f‘:ehad" and he fell
dead.
Sh:-tly bef‘o JOOng Gla @ 111-fat(d dath r­
rondd a.nd b$d by Colon1 M1 and "awar of‘ 'the ·
pro.ch of‘ G~neral ord \J th z PerCE e~:'ched thrOllh
COUIlC 1 fo': th ath they huld f‘ 01.. hey could u:·
rnd:- b11vln trASt Howard G Ng ~C gφut;s ad poken
th truth lh~n they ar~ th1r brother tat th h1tes
woud ?).t tl<"aψill f‘~ly or thy αould ttXt to $al
a:ray th:'0g t;&i whit 1ne X to Canad.. Th?
pllh.lc W riou g ’': b "th11. thy cl al. tu v1"l up
hoe tat ttl'1g ull liioulc nd hpe .ch 011‘ g dd
ah lndv1d.al we. f‘? to folLow s own h.r t her
ho would b ‘nf‘.V<rtbly crt 10d by t’hos pu?uln
th ξ~lrn. au.: • All tat h f ouId do was
point out the 1d 01‘ th 1r "pI~ ‘~f~red alt~nat1r @
‘3‘ph INi'lted pac a.nd rd' ohr to ~Jndr.
ki d not agr~ ~ h .r1d l1 I ‘a my x?·
n. r 1'1 so rn of ~O fe. and 1 tonu • If‘ you
8 m:‘X‘nder you 11 f1 rr t dd. han ufi‘er the
‘i 16dG)t1on ••• n J. U Joph blievd tat l ad to look beyond
the pronal conse(unog Iht uf‘? ,
Xl1.y ‘ tur people ar ut in t hill e akd
a.nd f.‘rzing. he wornn ar u‘t‘ring wih cold , .nd "ch chd:rn crying with h ch11y da.mpnS8
f th hltr p o Fo: my1£‘ do not care. X is for hm am ng @ rrend~.17
Joph had ben in charg f those people about whom
he expresed conern snee the beginning of the war. He ~
Cra1nly much mar .war f and ps1bly more troubled by
th suffer whch they h1:d undergon tan were th ther
chfs who ad ben pr00up1d with 'v’'v{ir lans8 Th an-
uh of‘ his peαIe troubld m tα h ctnt that he aw
nly rlnde:r he 'lay α‘ glring thIn rt nd @slbly
van v1n th1r r • t s for thEt rEn that h
tm:‘nd himelf‘ ε..nd the ntng -I.';( 'ollow hI V t
Colone 1111e8. Hi C<ncern ‘': th oth is rery rE801 in
h eh of‘ ux:-ender.
f1.Gna1 I('}Wrd that X1 h 11.? (i vH
3 told m b‘or n my hE.r • I:;X f; rd
of Xhtn. 0 hief‘ i lle<“ Lookl1. Glas
$ d f/ Tu‘hul-hu·§ d. Th old m1'1 .r
~]‘ d€ad. $ fh~ yong mn 1'10 n( .y ys or Li t ~ H who:d h oml ill d.de I ld
aJl( 11 v no bank e h 1t1 chiX‘ ε%?
?X) to dho I1P R‘or of hZ re
rX↓ l'~:[~ "'If t ‘) th h11 and v nc bllξ .nc no X‘ aoeLQ No 0 lOWS "Vrh? thy rs- ‘a)er
‘ r::.; t; dath w11. tφ hav til o look f’or Iy ‘en and e hO-VI any of‘ them an f T.td.
1r 9 Hr ... 9 p. 95Q
17Ib •
μ5
Maybe I shall find them among the dead. Hear me , my chiefs , my heart is sick and sad. F‘rom where the sun now st~nds I will fight no more against the white man. 18
When Joseph surrendered he belieγed that White Bird
would do likewise. White Bird , however , feared the f‘rked
tongue of the whites; he feared that all of‘ the prisoners
would be killed. In addition , "His conscience hurt him. He
knew that it was the murders committed by his band that had
started the war •••• Along the trail it was his braves alone
whohad ki,lled settlers and prospectors."19 That eγening
when Joseph was busy helping his people move to the sol­
diers~camp and when white attentions were diverted by the
Indians ’ activities , White Bird with f‘urteen men and tw
women f‘ rom his band escaped into the night for Canada.
Thus the deaths of‘ Looking Glass , Ollokut , Toohool­
hoolzote plus other lesser chiefs and the escape of White
Bird left the responsibility f‘r leadership of‘ the f‘ur hun~
dred and eighteen surviγors squarely on the shoulders of
Joseph. By surrendering , Joseph believed he had done the
18Chester Anders Fee , 9nJef Josenh: A Biography of a Great Indian (New York: Wilson-Erickson Inc. , 1936) , p. 263. There is considerable speculation as to whom Joseph was referring when he said , "He who leads the young men 1s dead." He could have been referring to Ollokut , as many have suggested , or to White Bird. However it 1s most l1ke­ ly he was referring to Looking Glass , even though rehad al­ ready mentioned that chief , for Looking Glass was the main war chief and would consequently be the most influential chief over the young men.
19Ibid.
6
right thing f‘r those survivors. It is certain that many
could haγe died in an attempt to escape into that hostile
land without adequate clothing or provisions while the sol­
diers combed the country at their heels in search of‘ what
stragglers they could find. Certainly the children and old
people would have been the first to suffer the consequences
f‘ such a f‘oolhardy attempt.
Although Joseph had willfully placed his confidence
and the lives of‘ his people in the promises of Colonel Miles , even though similar'promises made by whites had been conSis­
tently repudiated throughout Nez Perce history , it can never
be charged that he willfully lead his people into the seven
years of suffering and despair that were to follow them
through exile. Indeed it was Joseph ’ s leadership which sup­
plied the only real pillar of‘ strength on which they could
lean; it was his determination to return to Idaho that kept
their hopes alive and lessened the apathy and gloominess that
customarily f‘ollows a vanquished people. Whereas Joseph's
leadership up to that time was perhaps secondary to that of
the war chiefs , f‘rom their surrender on he prγed himself t
be a truly magnanimous leader , well deserving of‘ the fame
that was subscribed·to him.
II. JODNEY TO EXILE
Joseph was given little time to look f‘r his "children"
in the surrounding hills. The day after the surrender was
t f
47
negotiated he helped his people tend to the wounded and bury
the dead , as did Colonel Miles with his men. On the seγenth
f‘ October , two days after the surrender , they once again
made preparations to move. The journey would be difficult
for them all and unsparing f‘r many of‘ the wounded , The
country was "rough and broken in character ," Although care
had been taken to make the wounded as comf‘ortable as possible
in the wagons , the grass and brush which was used f‘r padding
soon "became uneγenly packed down and eγery jolt of‘ the wag­
ns seemed to open up fresh wounds , "20 The trail ‘ to--F‘rt
Keogh was dotted with the graγes of‘ Indians and soldiers wh
died and were buried along the way ,
Dif‘f‘ ioult as the journey was , the Indians made it with-
ut resistance or solicitude , ~hey believed they were going
to remain under the command of Colonel Mile~ at FOI‘ t Keogh
throughout the winter and in the spring they would return to
Idaho. At Tongue River they would have a chance to recuper-
ate f‘rom the affliction of‘ war and a.t daho they would have
a chance to make a fresh start.
Two weeks after the final battle the subdued Nez
Per‘ces and their military escort arrived at Fort Keogh.
There they were comfortably quartered wlththe necessary pre-
parations made for their winter stay. But their rest was
20Mar k H. Brown , The Flip:ht of‘ the Nez Perce (New York: G.P. Putman ’ s Sons ,-:[9-67) ,--p-: 16~ quoting Lieu- tenant Romeyn , "Capture of‘ Chief Joseph ," Collec tions of‘ His­ torical Society of Montana , Vol , II , p. 292.
μ8
short-lived. It soon became clear that mere defeat was not
enough of a punishment f‘r their "insolent" behavior. Those
survivor‘s of a once noble and independent nation were to be
further humbled through prolonged captivity. Joseph ’ s , in­
deed all of‘ the Nez Perces ’ , dream to return to their home-
lands in the spring would not be realized.
On the first of‘ November , General Miles received or-
ders f‘rom his department commander , General Philip H.
Sheridan , to prepare the Indians f‘r a move to F‘rt Leaven-
worth , an army camp about eight hundred miles f‘rom Fort Keogh
and over two thousand miles f‘rom their homes in Idaho. 21 The
Nez Perces obeyed the order but prepared for their second
move with a heavy heart. They were experiencing once again
the deceitful tactics of‘ the "treacherous Americans" wh
spoke with ·’ two tongues ," the same tactics that had driven
Looking Glass to join the war f‘ iγe months earlier.
General Miles obeyed the orders with a heavy heart al-
so. He had come t lOW and respect his prisoners and sym-
pathized with their plight. wever his rank lacked the in-
fluence necessary to overrule Sheridan's orders and his only
recourse was to comply. He secured a f‘lotilla of f‘urteen
flatboats to move the injured Indians and the children down
the Yellowstone and Missouri riγers. The others who were
21S ee Chapter V f‘r a complete discussion ofmilitary rders and decisions. Miles was pr‘moted to general shortly after defeating the Nez Per‘ce Indians.
μ9
strong enough to travel on horsebac were to journey over-
land with Miles and his military escort.
Fred G. Bond was one of‘ the boatmen hired to·trans-
port the Indians who were designated to traγel by water. He
has contributed an interesting and entertaining account of
that τyage which sheds considerable light on the mood and
character of‘ his twenty-one Nez Perce passengers. Bond at
an early date earned the respect and conf‘ idence of "his
people" , as he soon came to call them , and subsequently
gained much insight into their version of‘ the Nez ·Perce war.
As had General Miles , Bond sympathized with them and con-
tributed significantly to the gradual shift of‘ public opin-
ion to their favor which was to f‘allow.
Bond reports in one episode that as his people ap-
proached Fort Lincoln a mood of gloom and f‘rebodence began
to settle over them , the cause of‘ which he could not readily
discern. He eventually realized its source. Apparently
someone had told the Nez Ferces , while they were stopped at
E‘rt Buf‘rd that awaiting them at Fort Lincoln was a "great
gun which.shoots tWice."22 As soon as they docked that gun
would fire on them and they would all be killed. Considering
the deceit they had grown to anticipate when dealing with the
white men , it is not difficult to imagine how' readily suscep­
tible they were to such a tale.
22Fred G. Bond , Flatboatin~ n the (New York , New York Public Library , 1925
50
If it was only a nightmare to them bet‘re they reached
Fort Lincoln , it became a reality when the landing came in-
to sight.
A switch enginewas on this landing and they seen us the Engineer gave three long blasts of‘ his whistle and he f‘llowed up by playing Yanke Doole. I was trying to explain to my people that there was the Iron horse and just then the II‘n hOI‘se let a snort and commenced backing scareing my people , and then the great gun at the f‘rt cracked. My poor people fell on their knees f‘r they seamed t lOW that was the gun that shot twice. 23
After assuring his people that they would be safe , Bond docked at Fort Lincoln. The f‘llowing day General Miles
and Chief Joseph arrived with their parties. The neighbor-
ing town of‘ Bismarck had excitedly anticipated the arrival
f‘ Chief Joseph , f‘r by that time he' had acquired , national
fame as a military genius , a Napoleon of‘ the red man. The
band struck up ’'Star Spangled Banner" as "women , children
and even men rushed the hollow square with all kinds of‘
cooked food ," off‘ering it to