The Commercial Alternative Press as an Agent of Nationalism during the Martial Law Era

Constantine Tereso A. Doncila

2011-01623

BA Journalism

Introduction

Overview

Under the martial law, free media was repressed and controlled by the government. Every

news that came out from operational newspapers, radio stations and TV networks evidently came

from the government itself. Under this pretense, the people were only informed of one side of the

coin.

Fortunately, alternative media then stepped up to the counter and provided the public

with information rarely seen and heard. From radio stations to publications, alternative media

persevered to deliver the “truth” to the populace albeit their small reach. However, these actions

provided the populace a general idea of what the regime has been doing.

The paper mainly explores the idea of the alternative media, particularly the alternative

press, being an agent of nationalism during the time of martial law. Nationalism is the desire to

love a bigger community a person has identified and affiliated with. Nationalism, in its base

sense, is love for a country. An agent of nationalism, on the other hand, primarily acts as a

catalyst for cultivation and spread of nationalism in a particular area or location.

The alternative press is particularly interesting as a subject of being an agent of

nationalism because first, most alternative publications are small and thus, has limited reach and

circulation; second, albeit being a small player in an industry dominated by publications with

financial and political backing, these “small players” were still able to provide a general idea of

what was happening behind the scenes. More importantly, they were able to give the populace a

general sense of who they were and what they were fighting for.

Gathering and Analysis of Data

Primary sources of data include interviews with journalists that are knowledgeable about

the topic and books that relates history and journalism.

The method of analysis, on the other hand, would be a narrative analysis based on

available facts, and contextual and historical backgrounds of events starting from the onset of

martial law, the subsequent sequestration of commercial media entities, and up to the fall of

Marcos regime in 1986.

Scope and Limitation

The paper primarily delves on the effects of the alternative press in nationalism among

Filipinos during the onset of martial law. The paper mainly tries to argue the merits of having an

alternative press during a period of great turmoil. It places in perspective Jose Burgos, Jr. his

publications, We Forum and Malaya, and uses them as the paper’s jump point in its arguments.

Additionally, a comparison between the government controlled media and the alternative press

then is also covered to further and bolster the paper’s arguments.

However, the paper does not include other kinds of media for the analysis. These kinds of

media, TV, radio, and as well other forms of alternative press such as, campus journalism and

leftist publications, may be a part of the paper but they will be a part of the analysis.

Operational Definitions

The following set of words is used frequently throughout the length of the paper.

Therefore, defining these terms properly is a must to further understand the paper and to avoid

confusion.

Alternative Press – Alternative press is usually defined as a service-oriented, non-

commercial system of producing, framing and disseminating information to the public.

However, the term “alternative press” in this paper would be used as an umbrella term for

publications that is fighting against the Marcos regime. The term “commercial alternative

press” would fall under this umbrella.

Commercial Alternative Press – Commercial alternative press will be defined as a term

used for commercial newspapers that were critical against the Marcos regime. They are

called commercial because they needed to sell their copies to continue their publication,

albeit they are independent from the grips of large Marcos-sanctioned companies. These

papers espoused the alternative press’s character of deconstruction of the policies

employed by the government. Furthermore, these papers also call for social change,

which was then needed by the Philippines.

Effective– The definition of “effective” in this paper will be adapted from Merriam-

Webster dictionary definition: “producing a result that is wanted: having an intended

effect”.1

Establishment Press – a term used for media companies, specifically publications, which

were controlled by Marcos cronies. These companies include, but not limited to: Daily

Express that is controlled by Roberto Benedicto, Times Journal of Benjamin Romualdez,

and the Manila Daily Bulletin of Hans Menzi.

Marcos regime – The Marcos regime in this paper would be defined as the period when

Pres. Ferdinand Marcos was in office starting from 1965 and ending by 1986 when he

was toppled from power by EDSA People Power I.

Martial law – Martial law would be defined as the privilege the president of the country

to call on the armed forces to quell, subdue, or resolve any “violence, invasion,

insurrection, or rebellion, or imminent danger thereof, when the public safety requires it”

as stipulated in the 1935 Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines. 2 Martial law

may also refer to the time period where it was in effect, from 1972 to 1981.

Nationalism – As per Merriam-Webster’s dictionary’s definition, nationalism is, “a sense

of national consciousness exalting one nation above all others and placing primary

emphasis on promotion of its culture and interests as opposed to those of other nations or

supranational groups”.3

1 Merriam-Webster, ”Effective”, Merriam-Webster Dictionary, [Dictionary]; available from http://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/effective; Internet; accessed 30 March 20142 Official Gazette, “The 1935 Constitution”, Official Gazette of the Republic of the Philippines, [1935, Publication];

available from http://www.gov.ph/constitutions/the-1935-constitution; Internet; accessed 30, 2014).

Press – The press would refer to the kind of mass media that delivers news and

information to the public. In this case, we associate the term “press” with newspaper

organizations.

Press freedom – Press freedom refers to the capacity of the press to freely perform

journalistic responsibilities, i.e. reporting, without the threat of coercion by external

forces like the government and other institutions.

3 Merriam-Webster, ”Nationalism”, Merriam-Webster Dictionary, [Dictionary]; available from http://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/nationalism; Internet; accessed 30 March 2014

Body

The freedom of the press is upheld in all constitutions of the Philippines. From the 1935

up until the latest, the 1987 constitution, freedom of speech and expression is a given right for all

Filipinos. This is important to know because in Benedict Anderson’s Imagined Communities, he

laid out the implications of the press in the development of a single national consciousness.4

Note that he used the term print-capitalism to denote the interplay of “a system of production

and productive relations, and a technology of communications, and the fatality of human

linguistic diversity”.5 The subsequent development of print-languages – languages that are

commonly used for publications – is an effect of print-capitalism. Anderson in his book said

that, “print-languages laid the bases for national consciousness in three distinct ways”.6 First,

through print-capitalism, a single new unified form of communication has emerged. This means

that speakers of different languages can understand each other through the press. Second, print-

capitalism made language to be permanent – which means that through printed media, the public

can access works from another generation. Lastly, print-capitalism gave way to the development

of languages-of-power that is different from what is officially used by a state. This means that

the people would have used their own native tongues in the publication of print materials.7

In application of Anderson’s Imagine Community theory, today’s mass media probably

reproduces what the printing press of Johannes Gutenberg has created in Medieval Europe. Mass

media, particularly the press, “brings the consciousness of the nation”, as said by Prof. Ma. Diosa

Labiste in an interview.8 Prof. Labiste is the head of the UP - College of Mass Communication’s

Graduate Studies Program.

The press refers to the newspaper industry that endeavors to bring news and

information to the people. The 1987 constitution sets a framework on how media entities

4 Anderson, Benedict R. O, "Imagined Communities," In Imagined communities: reflections on the origin and spread of nationalism, 48-59, Rev. and extended ed, London: Verso, 1991.5 Ibid., p. 56 Ibid., p. 57 Ibid., p. 68 Labiste, Ma. Diosa, Interview by author, personal interview, College of Mass Communication, UP Diliman, Quezon City, February 20, 2014.

and companies operate in the Philippines. First, to operate in the Philippines, media

companies must be owned and managed by Filipinos.9 Second, the constitution

encourages a free market in the media industry.10 This means that monopolies or

collusions are not allowed to exist in the Philippine media industry.

The press usually forms a marriage of convenience with bigger companies or

conglomerates.11 This is done so that the news organization could receive subsidy from

its parent company for the continuance of the basic business operations.

A typical newspaper company usually follows an organizational structure, an

illustration of which can be found in figure 1.12

9 Official Gazette, “The 1935 Constitution”, Official Gazette of the Republic of the Philippines, [11 February 1987, Publication]; available from http://www.gov.ph/constitutions/the-1935-constitution-of-the-republic-of-the-philippines; Internet; accessed 30, 2014.10 Ibid.11 Tuazon, Ramon, "The Print Media: A Tradition of Freedom." National Commission for Culture and the Arts.[n.d.]; available from http://www.ncca.gov.ph/about-culture-and-arts/articles-on-c-n-a/article.php?igm=3&i=221; Internet; accessed March 30, 2014.12 Stovall, James Glen, "Chapter 4 - Newspapers." JPROF.com [n.d.], available from http://www.ablongman.com/stovall1e/chap04/newspaperorgchart.html; Internet; accessed March 30, 2014.

Figure 1 The common organizational structure of newspaper publications

Copy editors

ArtistsReporters

Columnists

Editorial Editor

Layout/ Graphic Artist

Head Copy Editor

Editor

Managing Editor

Editor-in-Chief

Publisher

A news organization follows a defined structure. Usually, there would be a

publisher, an editor-in-chief or an executive editor, a managing editor, the different

editors of the different sections of the newspaper and the reporters. They are also joined

by various artists that is responsible for the lay-out, and other graphics, of the newspaper.

The publisher is responsible for ensuring that the paper runs smoothly, both in the

editorial and the business side of the newspaper. The editor-in-chief is responsible for all

the editorial content the newspaper publishes. The EIC is also responsible for the

accounting of the budget that was spent and will be spent by the newspaper. The

managing editor, on the other hand, assures that the daily operation of the newspaper runs

smoothly. The copy editor checks a copy – a manuscript of an unpublished article – for

gramatical and style lapses and edits out any error. The editors of the various sections, or

beats, of the newspaper are responsible for checking an article’s factuality, aside from

checking it for any style and grammar lapses . The layout and graphic artists are

responsible, as stated above, from the lay-out of the entire newspaper and forthe other

graphics that would be published. The columnists and the reporters provide the articles

that will be published in the newspaper.

In a normal day, reporters will call their editors whether they have a story ready,

or they are going to cover an event. The job of the reporters end here. All they have to do

next is to cover an event for them to write an article, and hand the finished article to their

editors. The editors, on the other hand, are just getting warmed up. Editors handle all of

the reporters under their respective beats. On top of that, all of the editors, along with the

managing editor and the editor-in-chief, holds story conferences everyday. A story

conference (storycon), as the name implies, is a process wherein various stories are

pitched in and defended by the editors to be able to be published in the newspaper. All

aspects of the newspaper and the articles therein will be discussed in the storycon. The

question of which article will be on the banner headline, and which articles will land on

the front page are all decided in the storycon.

Prof. Labiste cited Anderson’s theory by saying that the the mass media is

essential to the formation of a nation.13 However, can an alternative type of news

13 Labiste, Ma. Diosa, personal interview

organization – different from the mainstream type of press, also be used to bring about

nationalistic sentiment among the people?

The alternative press is a smaller type of news organization. It is usually attributed

as a service-oriented, non-commercial system of producing, framing and disseminating

information to the public. According to Prof. Labiste, the purpose of the alternative press

is “to write a forum, an alternative forum, where people can speak, and make their voices

heard and also, articulate issues from the perspective of the people”.14

As a news organization, the organizational structure of an alternative press

establishment, does not much differ from a mainstream press. However, inherent to its

small size, an establishment that is considered to be an alternative press employs a

smaller staff compared to a mainstream establishment. In some cases, the publisher of an

alternative press establishment may also stand in as the editor-in-chief.

14 Ibid.

Figure 2 Common organizational structure of an alternative publication

Copy editors

ArtistsReporters

Columnists

Editorial Editor

Layout/ Graphic Artist

Head Copy Editor

Editor

Managing Editor

Publisher/Editor-in-

Chief

As a community journalist, Prof. Labiste has worked for Philippine News and

Features (PNF) – an alternative publication that is based in Manila, but had bureaus all

over the country.15 Community journalism is a part of the alternative press. Other kinds of

publications considered to be part of the alternative press are: college newspapers,

religious newsletters, and leftist publications, among others.

Alternative publications are commonly seen as small organizations due to their

financial limitations. Likewise, their circulation size around the country is similarly

smaller in size compared to the press. However, Prof. Labiste said that they mechanisms

to ensure that at the very least, their articles will be re-published by the press.16 She said

that they, in PNF, had to compete with other journalists from the press to be republished

in major publications.

Notable alternative journalists are Jose Burgos, Jr., Raul and Leticia Locsin,

Eugenia Apostol, Letty Magsanoc and Maximo Soliven.17 These journalists pioneered

and established a foothold for the alternative press in the country, especially during the

Marcos regime.

While Benedict Anderson’s Imagined Communities stated that it is the press that

can bring nationalism to the whole populace, I believe that the alternative press,

especially the commercial alternative press, can do the same as effectively as the press,

albeit in a smaller scale. This assertion can be best seen during the Marcos regime.

In September 21, 1972, Pres. Ferdinand Marcos declared Proclamation no. 1081

effectively placing the country under martial rule. The rationale for his decision to

declare martial law is to put the country in order because of the ongoing communist

threat, the bombings of 1971 and the alleged ambush of then defense secretary, Juan

Ponce Enrile.18 And with its declaration, the president ordered the press secretary and the

defense secretary, through Letter of Instruction no. 1, to “take over and control or cause

the taking over or control of the mass media for the duration of national emergency, or

15 Ibid. 16 Ibid.17 Tuazon, Ramon, "The Print Media: A Tradition of Freedom18 Official Gazette, "Declaration of Martial Law," Official Gazette of the Republic of the Philippines, [n.d.], available from http://www.gov.ph/featured/declaration-of-martial-law/; Internet; accessed March 30, 2014.

until otherwise ordered by the President or by his duly designated representative”.19 Thus,

the government placed a heavy hand against the practice of free press since then.

The media was repressed. There were a lot of policies that Pres. Marcos enforced which

made the practice of free press virtually impossible, and perhaps even illegal. There was also

heavy censorship in the media industry then. Furthermore, it was hard to voice out issues against

the government as it may warrant an unexpected arrest which may lead to incarceration, or

ultimately, to an enforced disappearance.

However, before the Martial Law, the press was flourishing. It was active in engaging

both the public and private sectors about policies and other issues. Likewise, the government

gave the press a free reign in whatever they like to write and tackle about. In fact before the

Martial Law, the Philippines had the freest press in Asia.

While the freedom of the press was enshrined in the 1935 constitution, Pres. Marcos

largely ignored that. In fact, while Art. III, Sec. 8 explicitly said that there should be no law that

will passed that can impede the performance of the people’s right to freedom of speech,

expression, and likewise, their freedom to assemble to air their grievances, Pres. Marcos still

went ahead with his declaration of Proclamation No. 1081, which effectively cuts of these rights

and freedoms from the people. Ironically, the same statement that may be found in the 1935

constitution can also be seen, in verbatim, in the 1973 constitution. However, there was no

improvement with the plight of the people. All just stayed the same.

Initial government crackdown on media outfits included the shutting down of all

publications, from newspapers to student papers. The government also rounded up and

detained publishers and journalists considered to be critical of the Marcos regime that

includes, Joaquin Roces, Eugenio Lopez, Jr., Amando Doronilla and Maximo Soliven,

among others [4].20 Essentially, the media was effectively suppressed by the government.

Repression of the media does not stop with the aforementioned reasons. The

government came up with several other orders and proclamations to ensure the media

was effectively shackled and critical views restrained. Among the orders include

Presidential Decree No. 1 which stipulated “that all media publications were to be cleared

19 Ferdinand Marcos, Official Gazette quoted in Ofreneo, Rosalinda, The manipulated press: a history of Philippine journalism since 1945, Metro Manila, Philippines: Cacho Hermanos, 1984, p. 135

20 Ibid., p.135

first by the DPI (Department of Public Information) and that the mass media shall publish

objective news reports, whether of local or foreign source”21, and Presidential Decree No.

2 which prohibited printers “from producing any form of publication for mass

dissemination without permission from the DPI”.22 Likewise, Pres. Marcos issued

Proclamation No. 33 which penalized “the printing, possession, distribution and

circulation of printed material which are immoral or indecent, or which defy the

Government or its officers, or which to tend to undermine the integrity of the

Government or the stability of the State”23.

In a bid to further control the populace, cronies of Marcos were allowed to own

and control print media. The likes of Hanz Mensi, Roberto Benedicto, Benjamin

Romualdez and the Tuveras owned and operated Bulletin Today, Philippine Daily

Express, Times Journal and the Evening Post, respectively.24 These were major

publications during that time that had large circulation numbers. The martial law years

were truly a dark age for the freedom of the press.

However, this was not always the case. The Philippine press attained the so called,

“golden years” during the country’s post-war period (1945 – 1972).25 Also at that time, the

Philippine Press was known as Asia’s freest.26 The period may further be subdivided into two

parts: Post-liberation period (1945 – 1948), and the Third Republic (1946 – 1973).27

The post-liberation period (1945 – 1948), was when the country was finally freed

up from the helm of war. The period is usually characterized as an era of reconstruction

and rehabilitation. These were also the times when various players in the publishing field,

whether small or big, tried to quench the people’s thirst for news after the Japanese

occupation. As characterized by Jose Luna Castro, a veteran journalist, during that time,

“Printing newspapers went back to the primitive methods in use before the American

occupation in 1898. Types were handset in the Year of our Lord 1945. Rotary press was

not available. Presses operated by hand or foot were used. The printing were inferior but

the public gobbled up copies of the newspapers regardless of size. The public was hungry

21 Ferdinand Marcos, Official Gazette, quoted in Ibid., p. 13522 Ferdinand Marcos, Official Gazette, quoted in Ibid., p. 13623 Ferdinand Marcos, Official Gazette, quoted in Ibid., p. 13624 Ibid., p. 13625 Tuazon, Ramon, "The Print Media: A Tradition of Freedom."26 Ibid.27 As adapted from Ofreneo, Rosalinda, The manipulated press: a history of Philippine journalism since 1945.

for news, mostly wholesome news of the victory of the allies on every front, mostly news

of where much needed clothing and food were given away or sold at reasonable prices”.28

During that time, making newspapers was a big business. Practically, any

newsroom with a skilled team consisting of editors, reporters, proofreaders and

advertising solicitors can put up a newspaper and sell it, if they can find the most basic

tools – a press and types.29 In fact the early dailies that came out during the time were

only made up of one to two pages.30

However, the number of small publication players were largely diminished by

December 1945 when most of the market was dominated by notable names in the

business like: Daily News, Balita, Light, Manila Times, Evening Post, Liwayway, Daily

Standard, Ang Pilipino, Liberty News, Voz de Manila, Bagong Buhay, Star Reporter,

Manila Post, Morning Sun, Courier, Manila Tribune, and the Manila Chronicle.31 Carson

Taylor’s The Manila Daily Bulletin, now called as the Manila Bulletin, resumed its

operations on February 25, 1946.32

As seen above, both the Post-liberation and the Third Republic have overlapping

timeline. For some, this might pose as a problematic that was failed to be addressed

during the course of the development of this paper. However, it is to note that in reality,

both of them really happened the same time. The only distinction between the two

periods is that the period known as “Post-liberation” focuses on the different

rehabilitation efforts the country was undertaking then with the assistance of the United

States. Likewise, it tries to explore the different implications and effects of these

rehabilitation efforts pushed by America to the Philippines.

On the other hand, the period known as “Third Republic” focuses on the policies

taken and implemented by the country starting from Pres. Manuel Roxas and ending on

Pres. Ferdinand Marcos by 1973.

During the period called, the “Third Republic”, the Philippine press was known as

the “freest in Asia”.33 This period was also a major contributor as to why the post-war

28 Jose Castro, quoted in Ibid., p. 1729 Ibid., p. 1730 Ibid., p. 1731 Ibid., p. 1832 Ibid., p. 3133 Tuazon, Ramon, "The Print Media: A Tradition of Freedom."

Philippine press achieved its “golden years”. This is due to its active involvement in

many aspects of Philippine politics. According to Ramon R. Tuazon, the president of

Asian Institute of Journalism and Communication, the press then was critical to the

government – questioning mistakes and errors – and also discussed issues of national

importance.34

Institutions of great importance to journalism in the Philippines namely, the

National Press Club and the Philippine Press Institute was established during this period

– in 1952 and 1964, respectively. They were set up to promote cooperation among

journalists, to uphold press freedom, and to professionalize the journalism industry.35

Interestingly, this period seemed to be further divided into three. First, as stated in

the book, The Manipulated Press, during the period of 1948 – 1956, the press became an

instrument of American policy in the Philippines.36 Second, as stated in the same book,

the press also became integral in the rise and fall of nationalism during the period of 1956

– 1965. Lastly, also in the same book, the period 1965 – 1972 had seen a press with a lot

of problems to contend with, but still free and standing tall amidst the turmoil.37

The alternative press has shown its worth during the Marcos regime. Before 1977, there

have already been alternative publications operating in the country. These were what Aurelio

Reyes has called in his book, Press Freedom, The People’s Right, the non-commercial

alternative press.38 The non-commercial alternative press operating before 1977 included

publications by religious and cause-oriented organizations like, Signs of the Times of the

Association of Major Religious Superiors of the Philippines, and Courier, an Isabela parish-

based non-commercial alternative publication.39 It also included the campus press which was led

by the Philippine Collegian of the University of the Philippines, Diliman.40 The publications of

the leftist organizations during that time like the Liberation and Taliba ng Bayan41 and the

34 Ibid.35 Ibid.36 Ofreneo, Rosalinda, The manipulated press: a history of Philippine journalism since 1945.37 Ibid., p. 8638 Reyes, Ed Aurelio, "Dictatorship and the Media: the Pen is Mightier!." In Press freedom, the people's right: assertion and repression in the Philippines, Manila, Philippines: Philippine Movement for Press Freedom, 1992, p. 97-109. 39 Ibid., p. 10040 Ibid., p. 10141 Ibid., p. 101

“Xerox journalism” – newspaper articles that were clipped and distributed through

photocopying42 were also included in the non-commercial alternative press.

By 1977, the proliferation of the so-called commercial alternative press started. The

commercial alternative press is a category of the alternative press where produced copies were

sold to support the continuous publication of the newspaper. The commercial alternative press

enjoys a larger circulation base compared to the traditional alternative press. However, the

commercial alternative press is still fundamentally the same with the other categories of the

alternative press. It was on the year 1977 that Jose Burgos, Jr.’s commercial alternative

publication, We Forum started to be published.43

We Forum was a commercial alternative publication produced by the Burgos family.

According to an article in Bulatlat.com entitled, Joe Burgos’ Final Journey by Ronalyn Olea,

Burgos and his wife decided to establish We Forum with only a borrowed table and typewriter

from the National Press Club.44

Already inherent for a small publication in an industry dominated by cronies of a

president, We Forum had to compete with the large newspaper publications of its time which

include, Daily Express, Bulletin Today, and the Times Journal. A solution for the couple was to

establish their own distribution network wherein Jose would deliver the copies personally.45

42 Ibid., p. 10243 Ibid., p. 10244 Olea, Ronalyn "Joe Burgos' Final Journey" Bulatlat.com, [Online Magazine, 23-29 November, 2003], available from http://www.bulatlat.com/news/3-42/3-42-burgos.html; Internet; accessed March 30, 2014. 45 Ibid.

However, as the publication was critical against the Marcos regime, copies of We Forum

had to be sold hidden in plain sight. “When people started buying We Forum, they had to

whisper its name, like buying pornography. The vendor would reach under the counter and fold

it so small you could put it in your pocket.”46 Nevertheless, We Forum remained to be the top,

and the lone, opposition paper in the late 1970s to early 1980s.47 By the time of its closure, it had

a circulation of 22,000.48

By December 1982, when We Forum published an article which proved the issue that

Pres. Marcos was a bemedalled WWII veteran false, the publication was ordered be closed.49 The

assets of We Forum worth P500, 000.00 were confiscated, and their office were padlocked and

placed in round the clock surveillance.50 The editorial staff of We Forum, on the other hand,

were arrested due to “conspiracy to overthrow the government through black propaganda,

agitation, and advocacy of violence.”51 The editorial staff was also slapped with a P40 million

libel suit for their article against Pres. Marcos.52

This act of the Marcos regime was seen as a further attack to press freedom, and the

human rights of the editorial staff of We Forum.53 In response, civil groups trooped down to

Camp Aguinaldo and protested the arrest of Burgos and Co.54 On the other hand, journalism

institutions National Press Club and International Press Institute also showed their respective acts

of protest against the Marcos regime.55

46 As quoted in IPI International Press Institute, "Jose Burgos Jr., Philippines," IPI International Press Institute, [n.d.], available from http://www.freemedia.at/awards/jose-burgos.html; Internet; Accessed March 30, 2014.47 Ibid. 48 Ofreneo, Rosalinda, The manipulated press: a history of Philippine journalism since 1945, p. 15049 Reyes, Ed Aurelio, "Dictatorship and the Media: the Pen is Mightier!." 50 Ofreneo, Rosalinda, The manipulated press: a history of Philippine journalism since 1945, p. 15051 As quoted in Ibid., p. 150 52 Ibid., p. 15053 Ibid., p. 15154 Ibid., p. 15155 Ibid., p. 151

When Burgos was released from prison, he later on established Malaya as a leading

alternative newspaper.56 In the face of harassment, through multiple libel suits, Malaya and other

smaller alternative publications stood tall and weathered the incoming onslaught thrown at them

by the Marcos regime.

The death of Sen. Benigno Simeon Aquino, Jr. helped in achieving a critical mass against

Pres. Marcos’ administration. It was then that Malaya reported the funeral of Ninoy which was

attended by thousands of people.57 After this, the people began to shun the establishment press in

favor of the commercial alternative press.58 Publications with a similar cause like Philippine

News and Features, Mr. & Ms Special Edition, and Inquirer, among others were also

increasingly consumed by the people.59

Malaya led the opposition together with other alternative publications and Radyo Veritas.

Malaya, according to the International Press Institute, “[rallied] the previously disorganized

opposition and generating an authentic people’s revolution.”60

The importance of the commercial alternative press, or the alternative press in general,

during the Marcos regime was that in the process of fighting for press freedom in turn, these

publications were also fighting for the freedom of the Filipino people. They saw the need for

social change and therefore, acted to achieve it. They became an alternative venue wherein

people can freely read other perspectives on issues, and voice their grievances.

It would have been impossible to see that the alternative press could be an agent of

nationalism if Benedict Anderson’s Imagined Communities would be followed strictly. If

qualified through the basics of nationalism building – fraternity, affiliation, acceptance – the

actions of those behind alternative press can be qualified as an act of acceptance, acceptance of

the fact that the Philippines needs change. And through their actions, albeit small but effective,

because the people knew of what they do and what they stand for61, the Philippines achieved

social change.

This would prove to be the lasting legacy of the alternative press in the country today. As

said by Prof. Danilo Arao, College of Mass Communication’s associate dean, “The fact that you

56 IPI International Press Institute, "Jose Burgos Jr., Philippines,"57 Ibid. 58 Reyes, Ed Aurelio, "Dictatorship and the Media: the Pen is Mightier!.", p. 10559 Ibid., p. 10560 IPI International Press Institute, "Jose Burgos Jr., Philippines,"61 Arao, Danilo, interview by author, personal interview, College of Mass Communication, UP Diliman, Quezon City, February 7, 2014.

have a lot of alternative media outlet means that there is something wrong with how things work

in the country right now.”62 This was furthered echoed by Prof. Labiste by saying that the

alternative media is there because there is something wrong.63

Conclusion

The commercial alternative press, or the alternative press in general, can be said to be an

agent of nationalism during the Marcos Regime because of the following reasons: First, the

alternative press fought for the freedom of speech and expression that was grossly taken away by

the Marcos regime from the people. Second, in their pursuit of press freedom in turn, they were

also fighting for social change, in which the Philippines badly needed that time. Lastly, the

alternative press, being a people-oriented organization, provided the public an alternative venue

where they can voice their grievances, and seek other perspectives or viewpoints on issues that

affects them.

Period State of the Press Press Freedom Top Publications

“Golden Era” Post liberation (1945-

1948)

Heavily influenced

by American policy64

Censored, albeit on

a limited basis

(1945)

Manila Times

(Roces), The

Manila Daily

Bulletin (Carson

Taylor), Chronicle

(Lopez)

62 Ibid.63 Labiste, Ma. Diosa, personal interview64 Ofreneo, Rosalinda, The manipulated press: a history of Philippine journalism since 1945, p. 16

1948 – 1956 Heavily influenced

by American policy65

Free Manila Daily

Bulletin (Carson

Taylor), Manila

Chronicle,

Philippine Herald

(Madrigals)

1956 – 1965 Start of

Filipinization66

Free Philippine Herald

Manila Daily

Bulletin (Hans

Menzi)

1965 – 1972 Filipinized67 Free The Manila Times,

Manila Daily

Bulletin

“Dark Ages” Martial Law to Post

Martial Law(1972 –

1986)

Domination of

establishment press

during the early

years. Later on,

overtaken by

commercial

alternative press68

Heavily censored Establishment:

Daily Express

Manila Daily

Bulletin

Times Journal

Alternative:

We Forum/

Malaya

Inquirer

Contemporary 1986 - Present Heavily influenced

by local factors

(company holdings,

politics)

Free The Philippine

Inquirer (Prieto),

The Philippine Star

(Belmonte), Manila

Bulletin (Emilio

Yap)

Table 1 Different periods in Philippine Journalism

65 Ibid., p. 3566 Ibid., p. 6367 Ibid., p. 8568 Ibid., p. 135

In retrospect, table 1 represents the different conditions Philippine journalism had

since 1945. However, the table values are not extensively researched. Nevertheless, it can

be seen that Philippine journalism has not really changed that much since the liberation.

Contemporary publications were still as heavily influenced by external factors as seen

during “Post Liberation”. Even the publications themselves has not changed that much,

Manila Bulletin is testament to that, having endured almost 100 years in publication.

Interestingly, it can be seen that one of the alternative publications during the Marcos

regime, the Philippine Daily Inquirer emerged as the top publication today. However, the

Philippine Daily Inquirer today is heavily influenced by the Prietos. This would lead to question

the publication’s journalistic value of independence – to be free of external influences that may

affect the editorial policies of the publication. The same may be said with the Philippine Star,

and the Manila Bulletin, owned by the Belmontes and Emilio Yap (Manila Hotel). Conflict of

interest may lead these news publications to have a sloppy news reporting.

Alternative press, on the other hand, provides the people a news organization that

“maintains [their] integrity. [They] are independent, and [they] maintain their editorial

integrity.”69 The alternative press do not have any conflict of interest, therefore they can exercise

their journalism as freely as they can.70

Likewise, through the alternative press reportage of the issues of the people emanating

from government policies71, the rest of the public will potentially be in the know about these

topics and issues that may affect them in the future. As Prof. Labiste has said, the alternative

press is a commitment and presents itself with a certain bias – towards the people.72

In another note, the alternative press can also be used in promoting other advocacies that

are not usually covered by the press. This may include other kinds of reporting such as,

environmental reporting, among others. As Prof. Labiste has said, the upsurge on reporting on

the environment during the late 1980s by the alternative press, has in fact led to the

establishment of what will be now known as environmental reporting in the press.73 These kinds

of reporting include issues on illegal logging, overfishing, mining, among others.

69 Labiste, Ma. Diosa, personal interview70 Ibid. 71 Ibid. 72 Ibid. 73 Ibid.

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Appendix

Interviews

Interview with Prof. Danilo Arao

Feb. 7, 2014 4:22 PM

Prof. Arao: Those who fought for freedom of the press, mainly … If you talk about fighting for

press freedom and uh, the drive the journalists to join the movement for change, then technically

that’s nationalist. But of course, Marcos had his own skewed concept of nationalism. Because if

you read, Today’s Revolution: Democracy of Marcos, he argues that developmental journalism is

actually nationalist in a sense that it supports government policies, and that uh, it seeks to have a

kind of revolution that is peaceful. Kasi, yung stand ni Marcos, parang revolution from the

middle. So, the middle class will be the one to initiate change. But of course, it is very divisive.

So, both stands, whether you are from the mainstream media or from the alternative media, they

would claim nationalism. Uh, it’s understandable. But of course, when we say nationalism here,

we want to stress more on helping out the marginalized sectors of the society and dismantling

repressive state mechanisms that tend to make life difficult for people who would want to voice

their opposition to the current, ah, to that of the dictatorship.

Me: Sir, sino po yung masasabi niyo po na “players” noon? Among yung sa alternative press,

sino yung “players” na talaga na nag-push para ma-dismantle at least yung parang dominance ng

mainstream media noon po, mainstream press.

Prof. Arao Ah, well there was no attempt to dismantle the [mainstream press]. The attempt of the

mosquito press then, was to present an alternative, okay? There was no competition between the

two, although from time to time, you would hear the alternative media that are ranting about the

kind of journalism or PR propaganda that is being used by the likes of Manila Bulletin¸ the Daily

Express, among others. So, many of the alternative journalists, then actually went underground.

Taking part of the Communist Party or some of them took arms, literally took arms and became

members of the New People’s Army. So yea. There are a lot of journalists that come to mind,

like uh, the late Eman Lacaba, the brother of Pete Lacaba for example. Tagamolila, Tony

Tagamolila, who was the editor-in-chief of the Philippine Collegian, and [can’t be heard]. So,

there are a lot. So, they decided that the power of the pen is there, but uh, going by the statement

of Ho Chi Minh, “a poet must learn how to lead an attack”. So, it worked both ways. So, there

was the practice of journalism, but there was also the practice of revolutionary armed struggle. It

was deemed necessary during that time because that was the only way to dismantle not only the

mainstream media, but also the dictatorship. So it’s more encompassing so far as your political

agenda is concerned. You’re fighting not only the mainstream media, but the dictatorship that

maintain that kind of mainstream media press.

Me: Sir, what can you say about, uh, yung “commercial alternative press”. Kasi, may nabasa ako

dun sa isang libro – that’s a source – na nagkaroon ng isang “commercial alternative press”

during that time.

Prof. Arao: Which is what? Mr. and Ms.? Are you referring to that?

Me: We, sir.

Prof. Arao: We Forum?

Me: Yes sir, We Forum by Joe Burgos.

Prof. Arao: Well, it’s like this. Uh, there is a commercial component in any media entity. So

whether, it’s We Forum, Mr. and Ms, actually for a time, GMA-7, well it’s basically mainstream,

but there are some reporters who would uh, be affiliated with the alternative media, or would be

sympathetic to the alternative media. Uh, a certain degree of commercialism or profit orientation

is okay, for as long as you don’t do that at the expense of the content. For example, We Forum

and Mr. and Ms, both magazines have a sizeable market share. It’s a healthy mix of uh, light

articles and serious articles – but the serious articles are basically critical orientation. Actually,

for a time, there’s a song magazine, Jingle Extra Hut. It’s a very, very commercial magazine

and, people would usually read it for the lyrics, and the chords, especially for those who want to

play the guitar. Okay, so that you can sing along with your favorite song, ah, do a cover of your

favorite song. But some articles, who are misplaced in Jingle Extra Hut, would be very critical of

the administration. So, it can happen. Ariane Oreta, who had a show in GMA-7, was eve

castigated by Marcos for the tagline, “Sa ikauunlad ng bayan, bisikleta ang kailangan.” Because

the tagline of the government then was, “Sa ikauunlad ng bayan, disiplina ang kailangan.” So,

instead, of disiplina, she said bisikleta. So, I think she was admoni- ah, reprimanded by saying

that. Sometimes it happens, but Oreta is not really revolutionary. We said that ah, she’s not an

activist, but there are certain tendencies towards that direction. The APO Hiking Society, was

also very much anti-Marcos, but uh, they still had that commercial flare, in so music is

concerned. The same is true with Celeste Legazpi, if I am not mistaken. Actually, if you listen to

the song, Saranggola ni Pepe, it’s not a children’s – well, it’s packaged as a children’s song, but

basically, a dig against the Marcoses. So, in the context of journalism, there’s the likes of We

Forum, Mr. and Ms. and Jingle Extra Hut, as well as other mainstream publication that from

time to time, would allow, wittingly or unwittingly, very, very critical content. The poem of Pete

Lacaba was published in a mainstream publication. The name escapes me at the moment. But uh,

it’s the one that is acrostic - you know acrostic, no? The word at the beginning of every line, uh,

has meaning. Actually, if you read the first characters of Pete Lacaba’s poem, you would see

there, “Marcos, Hitler, Diktador, Tuta”. Okay, so, sometimes it can happen. It’s either the literary

editor was too stupid to notice that, or it was tolerated.

Me: Sir, ano yung sa tingin niyo yung pinakamalakas na effect ng alternative press din, at ano

yung parang nagging legacy niya until now?

Prof. Arao: Well, in terms of effect, well quite limited. Because there’s limited reach or

circulation. At that time, there was no internet din. So, in order for something to go viral, you *in

audible* in what we call Xerox journalism. So, you photocopy, you know, news clippings or

certain statements, or publications, whole publications in order to reach in a wider audience. So,

it’s quite limited. But for the people, they became aware that there is such a thing. That there is

general awareness of who they are, and what they do. Of course, the legacy it has left has to do

with the continuation of the tradition of alternative journalism. So, you have the Spanish period,

American, and Japanese. Even during the darkest moments particularly during the Marcos

regime, there’s a burgeoning alternative press. And, even up to now. The fact that you have a lot

of alternative media outlet means that there is something wrong with how thigns work in the

country right now.

Interview with Prof. Ma. Diosa Labiste

Feb. 20, 2014 3:39 PM

Me: Ang nakita ko po doon sa topic na iyun is, naging mover talaga po ng tao yung alternative

press. Tapos, ang nakita ko pong central figure po, isa sa mga central figure ay si Joe Burgos po.

Tapos, isang, yung parang naging um, maybe an example ng isang paper na mover is yung We

Forum.

Prof. Labiste: In my experience, I would say that my work is oriented towards alternative press.

But, I wasn’t, I was in the regions. Meaning, I was a community journalists. I started my

journalism, yung, in 198-, in 198-, cause I graduated in 1985. Matagal na ‘yun. And then I

started being a journalist in 1986. Mga, end of -. By that time, wala na si Marcos. But of course,

when I was a student, I was also an activist. And I was a member of the community and the

school paper. But even if, you know, tapos na yung time, like ah, the Marcos years, tapos na

siya. Even then, yung idea of community, ng alternative press, in fact, those ideas of which

means, is to write a forum, an alternative forum, where people can speak, and make their voices

heard and also, articulate issues from the perspective of the people. In fact, it was one of the

reasons why, for example, where alternative press that were, the alternative newspapers during

the Marcos time, stayed on, or in fact, lived up for some years, for some time, even after Marcos

was unseated from power. Meaning na, kahit wala na si Marcos, yung alternative press, in fact,

some of them became mainstream. Some of them continue to exist like We Forum, and the

Philippine News Features, which was established during the dying years of Marcos, stayed on to

publish until the end of the 90s – 98, 99. That is my news organization. Yung editor naming dun

was the former dean of the College of Mass Communication, who is Dean Luis Teodoro. So

meaning na, kahit wala na si Marcos, many of those alternative newspapers or news

organizations stayed on and continue their advocacy which is to provide alternative voices, rather

than what is transmitted or articulated by those you found in Malacanang, or Congress kasi that

time, there was the process of democratization. Di ba umalis na si Marcos, the process of

democratization allows so much freedom to publisic h, and to express your political beliefs

which is much different during the time of Marcos, di ba kasi, repression of the press freedom

and you couldn’t even hold public assemblies because mau mga laws against doon and you

cannot just. There was also censorship. So, yung influence I think ng alternative press, yung

legacy ideals niya, continued and in fact were the guarding principles of newspapers that were

setup after the martial law. That would mean beyond 1986. So yun, for community journalist,

because I started as, although I said I work with the Philippine News and Features. But, my first

assignment was a reporter in Cebu. Meaning, I was not in Manila. And then, later on I moved to

Iloilo. Pero yung PNF, the Philippine News and Features, now defunct in 1999 presented itself as

an alternative news agency, because the mainstream news agency, the Philippine News Agency,

siya yung PNA. So, yung Philippine News and Features, is a people-oriented news agency. So

yung ginagawa naming, the stories that we wrote are alternative stories which means, they are

not the stories that PNA had been writing. So, we report about human right, we report about the

environment, we report about people’s organization, people’s movement, political groups, and of

course, remember that this time, even if there’s democratization, with so much freedom, yung

red-baiting, mataas. Which means, there’s anti-communist hysteria. Because of course,

remember that those who unseated Marcos, part of the group are members of the military, and

the defense department – Enrile and Ramos – and then of course, this uh, for quite some time,

military officials, in military, and generals. Of course, this includes Enrile, they are, they really

wanted a hold of power. Kasi, remember that in the time of Pres. Aquino, th president was trying

to setup a coalition of different groups that worked together to oust the Marcos dictatorship. So,

yung military dun, were trying to, remember that there were at least 9 coup d’états the military

grabbed. So this time, they were exerting their muscles. So, yung anti-communist hysteria, was

very much around. So, yung mga militant organizations, people’s organization were labeled as

Communist. In fact, this was also the time when religious fanatics, these are millenarian groups,

and yung peasant based millenarian groups, they were armed by the military, and those were the

early years of the Aquino administration. So, in the community press, were are works. As I said,

kasi even if PNF is a national, or a Manila-based news agency, but I operate, but I was assigned,

I was reporting from the regions. Yung, “What is alternative about that” is we’re trying to give

voices to the people in the community that mainstream media, Manila-based media have

difficulty in doing so, or were not even aware that they were supposed to do so. Because most of

the news were coming from the national media, or the national beats like Malacanang, like

Congress. Remember that these beats, these were the year when we’re setting up legislatures, or

were trying to fix yung wala pang, we’re trying to set-up Congress, we’re trying to fix the

institutions that were, you know, that were actually ravaged by the dictatorship. So, yung

Congress. We’re also trying to setup yung agencies of the government, or the Cabinet as you call

it. So, tryng to replace the Marcos institutions. I feel that the ideals of the alternative press,

nandun pa rin. In fact, those are the years that suddenly, you know, I remember those were the

years that suddenly, there’s upsurge of report na on environment at that time of environmental

crisis because of illegal logging. Yun pala yung destruction of the environment caused by

mining, illegal logging, tsaka overfishing, nagdraw ng attention. These kinds of stories I think

that, these are the stories which have national implications, but they are located or situated in the

regions, or in the local level. What is distinct about the alternative press, it’s not just reporting.

It’s more like a commitment. Parang when you’re in the alternative press, wala na yung element

of neutrality, if contested. What I mean is, contested because when you write about issues, you

really, I mean the details and the perspective almost always. It’s an alternative. It present itself, it

has to take a certain form of bias. Not in the way that you neglect the fact, or you neglect the

basics of journalism. Because, you already have taken sides, to write about issues of the

community that were affected by programs, policies, for neglect of the government. Yung idea of

alternative press is already, a declaration that it’s not going to be like the usual news story. It

takes a perspective. It takes a perspective and recognizes that there are voices that are neglected

and therefore, the take of the journalist there is to bring them out. And to, write about them, and

to work with them in a manner that these voices, or these wrongs be righted, or the injustices to

be redressed. So yun yung idea ng community press. I mean, when the ideals of the community

press, the idea of community press. And such ideals, I think, were carried by some journalist who

practiced their journalism at that certain period. If you carry only the news of Malacanang, the

news of Congress, the news of businesses in Makati, you are only carrying the voices of the

ruling class, if you look at it in a Marxist perspective. Meaning, if newspapers would only

consider the beats to be those in these places, that’s the ruling class. What about those who are

ruled? Hindi mob a sinusulat? I mean, would you only write about, write about them kung may

ginawa silang masama, like there were crimes, may accident. Or, were they, you know, disasters

victims? Ted What about the way to which they are affected by government policies like

mining? What about their lives that were destroyed by disasters? So basically, the destruction

was caused by man-made intervention like, cutting trees sa bundok. Or because they have

nowhere else to go, they live in creeks. Or, they live along canals. They live along canals. They

live along places that are dangerous – that when the rain comes, when the heavy rain comes, or

when flood come, they were the first to be, you know, affected. And of course, to be victims,

even die as a result. So, it’s like, it’s already taking sides actually. It’s a journalism that can never

be neutral in its choice of story. But, that does not that you reporting will be sloppy, or you’re

based – it’s not, it’s not propaganda.

Me: It’s by the facts.

Prof. Labiste: Yes, it’s still by the facts, but it’s a kind of focused journalism. And it already

takes a perspective by the choice of the story. But not, in any way, sloppy reporting because you

have to do investigative journalism. You have to do research. You look at documents to get the

facts. You interview people. It’s just as rigorous as any form of journalism. It’s just that there are

choices of topics, there are choices of stories that will probably make them alternative. Because

the basic thing is that, you let the voices that were unheard, speak in your story. And, it’s not

just, you don’t just let them speak because you just want color; you want quotes. But you

actually taking, examining the issues surrounding the story for the people and also, your insights.

I mean if you write about a complex story like the environment, you don’t just say that, “trees

were cut, and when heavy rain comes, there’s soil erosion. There’s landslides, and what not. But

of course, you look at the reason for the massive tree cutting, or massive deforestation. So you

cannot but look at the socio-political, and economic contet of the story, and that would make the

story complex.

Me: Okay, sabi niyo po PNF po is …

Prof. Labiste: Alternative

Me: Alternative po. Tapos nag-ooperate po siya regionally?

Dr. Labiste: Yes, we have a bureau in Cebu. I started as a junior reporter in Cebu, just out of

college. It was actually my first job as a journalist. And in Manila, we have a bureau in Baguio,

we have writers in Los Banos, and we have correspondents in Negros, correspondents in

Mindanao, and many regions in the country. I would say that, yung perspective ng PNF, and also

because of well probably because Luis Teodoro is my editor, my sensibility as a journalist, my

practices as a journalist were honed by that environment. So, even if eventually, nag-close na

yung PNF, in 1998, you have in 2000, wala na. Nagsar na kami kasi wala na kaming funds for

operating. And, I went on to write for other news organizations, like the Philippine Daily

Inquirer. I also write for other news organizations, eventually even handled and edited a local

newspaper. Pero feeling ko, yung perspective, training, and skills I've learned shaped my

journalism, which is people oriented. It is alternative which is always alternative siya because, it

always speaks to highlight voices that are otherwise neglected. So, it’s a kind of journalism

which is a commitment for social change. It’s not going to be like the commitment of an activist,

or members of political groups, but it’s a kind of journalism, which is journalism, in a way. You

have to deal with the standards of journalism. The rigour, I mean you have to deal with, I mean

in my news agency, we ask national news organizations, newspapers, televisions, or radios to

publish our stories. We feed them with our articles. So, that alone we compete with their writers.

Which means, that your story really have to be good to be able to compete. Kasi, magagagaling

yung writers nila. And the story, not just in terms of technical aspect of the story, which means

how it was written, but also that it should be distinct – meaning, compelling for a copy to be

reprinted in other news station. T’s a demanding work. I admit it, it demands a lor from the

reporter, especially if you’ve been born from the province, to be able to come up with a

compelling story for national news organization that would reprint it. It’s a challenge. I think,

maraming ano, maraming difficulty, of course. But I think, what is basic there is the sensibility

of being alternative. How alternative journalist am I to take that tend to be able to provide voices

to people in the community, or to give a different perspective for what is officially written about,

just makes it the whole thing rewarding.

Me: Nasabi niyo po yung tungkol sa funds niyo? Sa funds ng PNF. Sa tingin niyo po, ano yung

advantages and disadvantages?

Prof. Labiste: Yes, because alternative press, has always been typified as small news

organization, it’s always, it’s not corporate, big. It’s always small and, uh, hindi siya mainstream

which means hindi siya corporate. Hindi siya ganun kalaki kagaya ng big network, big news

organizations. That is an advantage and tha’s also a liability. Kasi, if you’re a news organization,

na kng maliit ka, konti lang pera mo. And you can only cover so muc territory. Like, even if may

pumutok na story anyou want to send someone, but you don’t have the resources to send

someone to do the story. Isa din yun. Isa din of course, yung salary would be smaller, probably

because you can only afford NGO rates, whereas the big news organizations can probably, the

big news agencies like the AP, the AFP, or Japanese News Agency, malalaki yung mga pera no.

So it’s a marriage of poverty. Wala ka talagang pera. On the other hand, the limitations of

resources, of evonomic status, also allows you to have a leeway. You are more independent. I

mean, you don’t have to rely on, kasi, it’s not owned by conglomerates, not owned by big

corporations, not owned by powerful individuals. So you maintain your integrity, you are

independent, and you maintain your editorial integrity. You can hit the government anytime kasi

yung owner mo hindi siya, he doesn’t wine and dine with the president. He wasn’t close, or

kumpare niya si senator what. Wala kang conflict of interest. So which means, you can exercise

your journalism as freely as you could. So, you don’t allow conflict of interest to get in the way

of your reporting. So, it’s also, an advantage, I mean for a journalist to belong to a small news

organization. But, in terms of sustainability, it’s always a question. It hangs in the back of your

mind.

Me: Can you say na yung alternative press, or yung community press in a sense, nationalistic

siya?

Prof. Labiste: Nationalism is a complex term. How would you define nationalism?

Me: Ang nationalism po is love po for a certain place na kinabibilangan mo, or yung na…

Prof. Labiste: It’s not just love of place, but there’s more than that.

Me: Yung pagbuo ng nasyonalistikong damdamin po ay, unang-una may kapatiran sa tao, may

apilasyon siya. Yung mga taong yun may apilasyon sya sa lugar na kinabibilangan niya. Tapos,

may pagtanggap tungkol dun sa mga nangyayari tungkol dun sa lugar na iyun.

Prof. Labiste: Alam mo, I don’t know if you are familiar with, yung idea of the press brings a

nation together with the rise of, remember mo yung the printing press? Or how print journalism -

it’s an author na, Benedict Anderson, print capitalism – brings the consciousness of a nation.

Kasi, remember that the media transmit information. Mass media, kasi halimbawa may

newspaper, or radio, and bino-broadcast niya yung information to many people. And that is how

nationalism came about because, we share a commonality. The reason of that of course is the

transmission and circulation of ideas that the press, or the newspapers or the radio, or even

television industry perform. So meaning yung how does a nation is shaped? A nation is shaped

through print capitalism through the rise of printing press, or the mass media that unifies people

together. So ganito yung perspective natin, yung kanila kasi it’s more political. It’s more on how

a nation is formed and is usually yung nation noon, is usually formed by of course, yung

common ethnicity, yung governance, yung sovereignty, territory whereas sa atin, sa mass media,

if you are doing media studies, um, a nation is formed, or also formed through the press, print

capitalism sinabi ni Benedict Anderson but can be applied to mass media, Kasi, the media

circulates information, it, halimbawa, how language is formed. A part of it, of course is the

printing press. Diba with the rise of print journalism, yung isang newspaper nag-cicirculate over

the country, radio stations for example would broadcast information with the television stations,

they broadcast information, So, yung people would have access to information simultaneously,

all of the things done, and ah, pati na yung satellite television, marami na ngayon, and of course,

the internet. Yung, how information brings forms the community through its transmission and

dissemination. Kasi, it’s not just the nation is formed by the institution, by ethnicity, by beliefs or

the commonness. Pero alam mo yung, yung Imagined Community ni Benedict Anderson and

print capitalism ng mass media is the idea that brings the people together, unifies the country.

Kasi, there’s commonness of information. Being spread around. So halimbawa, yung balita,

kakalat yun. And people would know that information, may bagong president sa eleksyon. May

nangyaring disaster, kakalat yun. Mass media is also considered in the formation of the nation.

Ang importante doon ay hindi lang yung institution, hindi lang yung territory and needed sa

formation ng isang nation, hindi lang. Benedict Anderson, sinasabi niya printing press and print

language, ito yung sa sinasabing Imagined Communities, it yung how the nations are formed,

yung just after nagiging, just after the World War II, na nagiging may anti-colonial struggles.

Remember, many nations became independent after the World War II. Kasi, yung mga nag-

colonize sa kanila, after World War II, nagbuo sila ng separation movements after World War II.

Marami na ang naging independent. So what unifies them is the print-languages, alam mo yung

print-languages, they codify, so there’s uniformity and standardization of information. We have

dictionaries, book, text books, so yan yung nag-codify ng information. Dati, yung laws ay yung

lang naaalala mo, eh di sinusulat mo with the printing press. Print languages actually make um,

information, in a way hegemonic, kasi nagiging nalalagay na dun. But it also standardizes and

makes it easy for mass distribution. Tapos sabi niya, may common language and national

identity. So this is reinforced by the media, kasi kung merong common language tayo, kunyr na-

circulate siya. Ang controversial ditto in the Philippines ay ang common language natin ay

Tagalog, Filipino is basically based on Tagalog. Yung nag-aangal yung mga Cebuano, nag-

aangal yung mga ibang regions kasi iba yung language nila. But Tagalog is imposed, in a way

hegemonic. Not because they obtained the consent of the Ilokanos, or the Cebuanos, or the

Ilonggos. It’s just that and sabi ng taga Maynila ay yun.

Me: I-impose nila.

Prof. Labiste: Impose nila, Naggagalit talga. Nagagalit sila. Ayaw nila yun. So sabi niya,

communities unite through common language and identity. And in this manner, yung role ng

mass media is crucial in the circulation of information. So, Benedict Anderson was only talking

about the print. But, if you apply it to radio, television, the argument still holds na nag-cicirculate

yung information and that unifies. Um, but it’s not just, hindi yung i-weweigh natin yung

argument dun lang sa mass media. Because, I think dun sa kahit sa southern most part ng

Philippines, yung last na siya. Five hours away from Malaysia, in fact mas malapit siya sa

Malaysia kesa sa Zamboanga, or Tawi – Tawi. It will take them a day to go to Tawi – Tawi, two

days to go to Zamboanga. Yung mga biscuits nila ay mga Malaysian brands, yung pinanonoood

nilang movies ay Malaysian brands. Yng TV nila ay Malaysian TV, pero they still think they’re

Filipinos. So, even if yung mga, siguro kahit hindi nila nakikita yung taga-Batanes, or taga-

Ilokos, pero they still feel kinship. But it’s not because, for many things of course, they see

themselves as part of the Philippine territory. And they feel certain kinship with the Filipinos.

And also because yung school system nila ay still Filipinos. Yung mga boks nila ay probably in

Filipino. They still feel thatthey’re Filipino kahit na mas malapit sila doon sa Malaysia. Yung

commerce nila, doon sila namamalengke. But the ystill think they’re Filipinos. There are many

things that woud unify a country other than element of what you know, but one of them of course

is the mass media, or print-capitalism as the ycall it. And uh, that of course, yung nationalism

connotes a nation, connotes homogeinity, which means that isa tayo, sama-sama but it shouldn’t

be, when you look at the alternative press, hindi naman ganyan. When you talk about the

alternative press, you do class analysis. I mean, you look at it in the Philippines society hindi

naman, na okay lahat tayo Filipinos. And, we always think the Philippines, the country should be

good to exhibit *inaudible*ship. So, yung *inaudible* derives from the citizen. But when you

look at in terms of classes, in terms of who is ruling or who is ruled, who are powerful, who are

marginalized, those who have voices and those doesn’t have voices. So even if you look at

nationalism as probably as what could be seen to unite people, being under one, in a country like

the Philippines recognizing ethnicity, territory, or sovereignty, and of course mass media being

there to unite the people, when you write stories about the Philippines, you always think of,

“Sino ba yung laging sinusulat? Sino ba yung hindi nasususlat? Sino yung palaging naririnig?

Sino yung hindi naririnig?” And that’s the perspective of the community press. There’s

recognition of unity but at the same time, it’s not going to be blind. There’s always recognition

that homogeneity, in what could be homogenous, in what could be thought a homogenous

society, there will be fissures and cracks and divisions that shouldn’t be ignored. Ganun. Ayun

ang role ng community press. So meaning that, ayun okay nationalism, but we deconstruct it.

Okay, what brings us together, we always deconstruct it. Because you always think of divisions.

Because in the perspective of the community press, because there are so called mainstream press,

or the established press, iba yung kanilang agenda, so why do you post an alternative? Why do

you post a counter-hegemonic voice? Why do you post a counter-ideological voice? Kasi alam

mo there’s something wrong. You cannot just hold it in together, otherwise, it would be injustice.