syntax, fmri, and neural implementation. last time if we’re not behaviorists, we believe in stored...
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Syntax, fMRI, and neural implementation
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Last time
• If we’re not behaviorists, we believe in stored ‘knowledge’ independent of behavior– E.g. knowledge of rules of a given grammar
independent of producing or comprehending• But in practice, we cannot probe this
knowledge except through ‘behavior’– Acceptability judgments, eye movements or
neural responses during comprehension, production
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Last time
• We can use neuro techniques to address multiple kinds of questions—not just neural implementation– About representation, about processing, about
neural implementation of representations and processes
• If you think too hard about this, becomes hard to say why in principle you couldn’t have a syntactician that only collects neuro data…
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Last time
• Be clear about what question you’re investigating and why
• Use your common sense when approaching neuro stuff
• Bad methods = no conclusions
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Today
• Broca’s aphasia – some history• fMRI methods• Matchin Sprouse Hickok• Pallier Devauchelle Dehaene
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Representation
• In practice, it’s currently really challenging to probe representational questions about syntax with neuro or ‘psycho’/’expensive’ techniques
• But just for illustration before we do implementation…
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Representation
• Debate in the literature about whether coordination is asymmetrically represented or symmetrically represented
and
cats dogs
cats
and dogs
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Representation
• Agreement attraction (processing phenomenon) give insight into the structure?– The movie about the goats are….
– The movie about the goats and cow are– The movie about the goat and cows are
Lago & Felser
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Today
• Investigating ‘neural implementation of syntax’– What does this mean?
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• Investigating ‘neural implementation of syntax’– What does this mean?
• Area(s) that instantiate the process of parsing (assigning groupings to string in comprehension)?
• Area(s) that instantiate the process of producing a structured sentence?
• Area(s) that store the ‘rules’—e.g. the information that a given NVN sequence must be structured in X fashion in language 1 and in Y fashion in language 2, or that a modifier precedes its head in language 1 and not in language 2?
• Area(s) that store the lexical items—which contain much of the syntax according to lexicalized grammars?
• Area(s) that ‘buffer’ (short-term store) the structured representation of the sentence (the groupings of the lexical terminals)?
• Area that distinguishes humans from non-linguistic animals?
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Localization (neural implementation)
• Why do we care?
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Localization (neural implementation)
• Why do we care?– Just an inherently interesting basic question about
humans (e.g. that neurons coding visual information are located in the back of the brain, etc.)
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Localization (neural implementation)
• Why do we care?– Might be a methodological pathway towards
answering a representational question (e.g. if I know area X stores nouns, I can use it to figure out whether something is a noun or not)
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(process question)
• Does context impact visual perception at an early step in the computation or at a late step?
Murray et al. 2006
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Localization (neural implementation)
• Why do we care?– Might be a methodological pathway towards
answering a representation or process question– If I know something ELSE about the properties of
the brain region, that could tell me something interesting about why this representation/process ended up here
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Dehaene & Cohen, 2007
• ‘Neuronal Recycling’– Innate constraints in neural organization bias
learning– ‘Cultural acquisitions (e.g. reading) must find their
“neuronal niche”, in circuits that are innately set up to do something similar but are plastic enough to be modified for new use
– Prior organization of circuit can’t be completely overwritten, so also shapes cultural acquisition
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Localization (neural implementation)
• Why do we care?– Might be a methodological pathway towards
answering a representation or process question– If I know something ELSE about the properties of
the brain region, that could tell me something interesting about why this representation/process ended up here
– Another measure of ‘similarity’ (if X and Y both localize to region A, they must share something)
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Localization (neural implementation)
• Why do we care?– Consistent localization across individuals tells me
something about innateness?– Clinical applications
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• What does it mean to localize something like ‘syntax’?
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The famous case of Broca’s area
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• Classically, BA44 and BA45
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Major Theories of Broca’s Area
• ~1870s-1970s – Speech production
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‘TAN’(Leborgne)
Broca
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Wernicke
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Arcuate Fasciculus
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Lichtheim
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Major Theories of Broca’s Area
• ~1870s-1970s – Speech production• 1970s-1990s – Syntactic processing
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Broca’s aphasic production deficits seem systematic
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Agrammatism
• Disorder characterized by disfluent speech with few function words, not so many verbs, and lots of nouns
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Broca’s aphasics have reliable comprehension deficits
Edgar Zurif
The apple that the boy is eating is redThe boy is being chased by the girl
Caramazza & Zurif, 1976
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An abstract syntactic deficit?
• Caramazza & Zurif (1976) suggest that the same patients who have agrammatic production also have trouble in comprehension using syntax to get interpretation– The boy was hit by the girl
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Major Theories of Broca’s Area
• ~1870s-1970s – Speech production• 1970s-1990s – Syntactic processing– Movement theory (Grodzinsky)
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Movement Theory
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Movement Theory (Trace-Deletion Hypothesis)
• Claim: patients have difficulty exactly with those sentences which require a long-distance relationship between elements of a sentence (a configuration usually referred to as movement in generative theories of grammar)
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A critical problem
• Prior to early 1990s, MRI and fMRI are not widespread
• Therefore, for over 100 years, much of this theorizing had to be done WITHOUT knowing for sure where the patients’ damage was
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A critical problem
• Most stunning illustration of this:
a Broca’s aphasic is NOT defined by damage to Broca’s area
a Broca’s aphasic is defined by a pattern of symptoms, may or may not be driven by damage to Broca’s area
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A critical problem
• Today it is debatable whether the root problem in Broca’s original patients was actually in Broca’s area (IFG = BA 44/45)
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Dronkers, 2007
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Dronkers & Baldo, 2009
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Fact 1
• There exists a group of patients that produce ‘telegraphic’ speech that is labored and has relatively few function words (100+ years data)
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Fact 1
• There exists a group of patients that produce ‘telegraphic’ speech that is labored and has relatively few function words
• We call these patients agrammatic
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Fact 2
• There exists a group of patients that do not do well at understanding sentences whose interpretation is not given by the lexical semantics + world knowledge (Caramazza & Zurif, 1976; Schwartz et al., 1980)
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‘Nonreversible’ sentences
• Interpretation given by lexical semantics + world knowledgeThe boy is eating a red appleThe apple that the boy is eating is redThe apple was eaten by the boy
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‘Reversible’ sentences
• Interpretation not given by lexical semantics + world knowledgeThe boy is being chased by the girlThe boy that the girl is chasing is tallThe girl is chasing the boy that is tall
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Fact 2
• There exists a group of patients that do not do well at understanding ‘non-canonical’ sentences whose interpretation is not given by the lexical semantics + world knowledge– Let’s call this the NCR deficit (Non-Canonical
Reversible)
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Claims (Caramazza & Zurif)
• (1) The NCR deficit is due to a problem with syntactic knowledge and/or syntactic parsing algorithms
• (2) Damage to Broca’s area causes the NCR deficit
• (3) The same underlying syntactic problem is responsible for the NCR deficit and agrammatic production deficits
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Linebarger, Schwartz & Saffran,1983
• Evaluating the claim that the NCR deficit is due to a problem with syntactic knowledge and/or syntactic parsing algorithms
• Prediction: if this claim is correct, then patients with a deficit in this interpretation task will also fail at other tasks that require syntactic knowledge/processing
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Linebarger, Schwartz & Saffran,1983
• Are the NCR patients also bad at assessing the grammaticality of sentences of English?– If so, it would support the claim that the
underlying cognitive deficit in these patients is syntactic
– If not, it would suggest that the cognitive deficit in these patients is not purely syntactic, but instead might have something to do with the mapping between syntax and interpretation
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• Awareness of subcategorization requirements– ‘testimony to their considerable knowledge of the
subcategorization requirements of lexical items’– Not explainable by semantic strategy– Not explainable by prosodic strategy
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• Able to compute constraints on long-distance dependencies
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• Notice/compute functional elements– Not consistent with semantic strategy
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Conclusion
• The NCR deficit that some patients have is not due to the absence of normal syntactic knowledge/processing routines
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Remaining Questions
• If NCR patients have intact syntactic knowledge and processing, what causes their deficit on the picture-matching task?
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Remaining Questions
• If NCR patients have intact syntactic knowledge and processing, what causes their deficit on the picture-matching task?– H1: A specific deficit in syntax-semantic mapping– H2: Limited resources (in the judgment task they
can focus all these resources on the syntactic analysis, but in the picture-matching task they have to divide them between syntactic and semantic analysis)
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Claims (Caramazza & Zurif)
• (1) The NCR deficit is due to a problem with syntactic knowledge and/or syntactic parsing algorithms
• (2) Damage to Broca’s area causes the NCR deficit
• (3) The same underlying syntactic problem is responsible for the NCR deficit and agrammatic production deficits
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Thothathiri, Kimberg & Schwartz 2012
• 79 patients with MRI data on lesions• Correlate NCR deficit with lesion location
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Thothathiri, Kimberg & Schwartz 2012
• NCR deficit correlates with damage to posterior temporal/inferior parietal cortex– This area has been suggested to be involved in
integrating different kinds of information– Consistent with H1, that this is a specific deficit in
mapping syntax to thematic roles
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Claims (Caramazza & Zurif)
• (1) The NCR deficit is due to a problem with syntactic knowledge and/or syntactic parsing algorithms
• (2) Damage to Broca’s area causes the NCR deficit
• (3) The same underlying syntactic problem is responsible for the NCR deficit and agrammatic production deficits
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Thothathiri, Kimberg & Schwartz, 2012
• Also observe that in their sample, there is no clear relationship between agrammatic production and the NCR deficit (also, Berndt et al. 1996)
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Claims (Caramazza & Zurif)
• (1) The NCR deficit is due to a problem with syntactic knowledge and/or syntactic parsing algorithms
• (2) Damage to Broca’s area causes the NCR deficit
• (3) The same underlying syntactic problem is responsible for the NCR deficit and agrammatic production deficits
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fMRI and syntax
• Despite the challenges to the aphasia data, a number of studies showed that in normal healthy adults, fMRI showed differential activity in Broca’s area depending on the syntax of the sentence
• Does this indicate that IFG is a ‘syntax’ area?
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Ben-Shachar & Grodzinsky, 2004
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Rogalsky & Hickok’s 6 theories of Broca’s Area
1. Syntactic movement (Grodzinsky)2. Hierarchical processing (Friederici)3. Ordering/Linearization (Bornkessel)4. Working memory (many)5. Cognitive control (Thompson-Schill, Novick)6. ‘Unification’/thematic role checking
(Hagoort, Caplan)
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• Measurement• Temporal properties of BOLD response• Analysis principles
Functional MRI
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• BOLD - Blood-Oxygenation-Level-Dependent • Oxygenated blood returns a stronger signal (less
decay) than deoxygenated blood
Functional MRI Contrast
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• Oxygenated blood returns a stronger signal (less decay) than deoxygenated blood
• If we look at a visual cortex MR image after a stimulus is presented, do we expect it to be brighter (more signal) or darker (less signal)?– A: Brighter! Due to mechanisms still not well-understood,
much more oxygen is delivered in the blood than can be consumed, leading to excess oxygen
– ‘Watering the garden for the sake of one thirsty flower’ (Malonek & Grinvald)
Functional MRI Contrast
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• Still measuring one slice at a time• Time required to collect a brain volume much more
of an issue• One full-brain measurement every 2-4seconds is
standard• Slices aren’t collected at exactly the same time, so
need to correct for this
Functional MRI Measurement
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smoothing
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• Measurement• Temporal properties of BOLD response• Analysis principles
Functional MRI
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• What is the problem with using blood flow as a measure?– Blood flow is way slower than neurons firing!
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• BOLD– Blood Oxygenation Level Dependent response
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-6 -4 -2 0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 20
-0.2
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0
0.1
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TPAGBA44BA45BA47MTGSTSSTGPlan_polarS_occ
Reading Sentence – Reading list of consonant strings
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• What is the problem with using blood flow as a measure?– This means that you usually can’t do an event-
related design and analysis in the same way as EEG and MEG, because all of the events would mash together
– Instead you do a regression over the timecourse of the entire experiment
• What design would be the easiest to analyze?
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• MRI block designs
Doug Greve
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• MRI event-related designs
Doug Greve
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• Downside of fMRI: horrible temporal resolution
• Upside of fMRI: good spatial resolution– In 2 s, you can usually get a whole-brain BOLD
image that has ~3mm spatial resolution– Doesn’t depend on an ill-formed ‘source
localization’ model; in almost all cases there is only one pattern of blood oxygenation changes that could have driven the observed effects• If you see a BOLD change in an area of your image, you
pretty much know that blood oxygenation changed in that region in reality
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• Practical Challenges in recording fMRI– No metal in body– No claustrophobia– No movement– No money left after you run an fMRI
experiment($500+ per hour)
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• Great things about fMRI– No existing technique gives you more definitive
spatial information about neural activity in healthy humans
– Better than event-related EEG/MEG at measuring activity that’s not precisely time-locked
– Facilities everywhere– Due to massive popularity, lots of resources
available for data analysis
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• Does activity in Broca’s area index a certain kind of syntactic representation, or does it index a more general sentence processing operation?
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Localizing ‘syntax’
• What would it mean for a brain area to implement a syntactic ‘operation’ like movement?– Movement is not meant by most syntacticians to be a
process that happens in comprehension or production; it is meant as a formal condition on what strings of a language are acceptable
– Speakers of human languages must have knowledge of this condition on acceptability, but in exactly what sense do they appeal to this knowledge during comprehension?
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Matchin et al.
• We know something independent about how wh-movement sentences are processed from psycholinguistics: they are processed predictively
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• Which cat did the dog chase
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Filled-gap effect
• Which cat did the dog chase the butterfly for?
Stowe, 1986
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Plausibility mismatch
• Which city did the woman write
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Plausibility mismatch
• Which city did the woman write a book about?
Traxler & Pickering, 1996
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Matchin et al.
• Maybe left IFG is active in wh-dependency sentences because it supports the process of prediction, rather than being specific to a certain syntactic configuration
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Matchin et al.
• Test this by looking at a case that doesn’t have the same representation as wh-dependencies but does involve prediction: backwards anaphora
Van Gompel & Liversedge, 2003; Kazanina et al. 2007
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Matchin et al.
• Important methodological point: you can’t just compare backwards anaphora and wh-dependencies in fMRI, because they differ in a million ways
• So instead, you try to manipulate prediction effort with distance, and compare more similar sentences to each other
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Procedure/Task
• Make sense? judgment
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Functional Localizers
• Localize a simpler function in your set of subjects
• Use this to focus your analysis on areas that you know are doing this function (reducing false positives)
• Or use this to rule out a functional hypothesis
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Functional localizer
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Matchin et al. take-homes
• Processing backwards anaphora does engage left IFG
• Processing wh-dependencies does, but if anything, to a lesser extent
• More generally: a linking theory between the syntactic representation and how it is processed in comprehension or production is important for interpreting neural data
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Localizing syntax: the ‘new wave’
• OK, but what if we just try to study the most basic aspects of phrase structure building, so that the link between the representation and process is as simple as possible?
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Some intuitions…
• Smolensky superposition framework: tensor product of a role vector that codes for the syntactic role of the word and the filler vector that codes for the content (the word itself)
Lewis & Vasishth, 2005
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Lots of past work: sentences vs words
• the
B - AB = the poet will recite a verseA = verse poet a recite will the
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Lots of past work: sentences vs words
This is your brain on structure!
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• Hmmm…lots of differences between sentences and word lists?
• Breaking it down:– Words vs. Jabberwocky– Parametric variation between sentences and lists
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Maintenance
• Not exactly clear in this paper what happens when on a given step an input word is added into many open constituents vs. few
• In the current experiment, this question is avoided by using right-branching structures
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Right-branching structures
• Means that none of the constituents are complete until the last word of the sentence (although you don’t know that in advance)
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Right-branching structures
• Only exception in materials is DPs
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Predictions
• Maintaining more words in the current structure should lead to more neural activity– Longer sentences = more activity
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• In the 12-word constituent condition, when you get to word 12 you’re maintaining 11 filler-role tensor products
• In the 6-word constituent condition, when you get to word 12 you’re maintaining 5 filler-role tensor products
• Area under curves ≠
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• fMRI is actually a perfect technique in this case because the key prediction has to do with the total activity smeared across the entire duration of the sentence
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Procedure/Task
• Rapid serial visual presentation• Randomized presentation• Subjects have to detect rare ‘probe’ sentences
and be prepared for a post-experiment memory test on the words they saw
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Results
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Timing
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Claims
• In processing syntactic constituents, IFG and pSTS do something like the vector product structure maintenance from Smolensky’s model– Isn’t pSTS Wernicke’s area…lexical semantics?
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Claims
• In processing syntactic constituents, IFG and pSTS do something like the vector product structure maintenance from Smolensky’s model
• aSTS, TP, TPJ are involved in semantics– aSTS for smaller constituents, TP and TPJ for
discourse?
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Claims
• In processing syntactic constituents, IFG and pSTS do something like the vector product structure maintenance from Smolensky’s model
• aSTS, TP, TPJ are involved in semantics– aSTS for smaller constituents, TP and TPJ for
discourse?• The fact that any areas track constituency for
Jabberwocky argues against a purely lexicalist framework for syntactic processing
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Outstanding Questions• Alternative explanations– Are subjects just paying more attention to full sentences?– Is this just a classic Broca’s-area-memory-load result in
which comprehending sentences requires you to hold more items in memory than comprehending sub-sentences?
– If it is about maintaining constituents do they have to be connected? What if task probed memory for sub-sentential constituents?
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Outstanding Questions
• What about sub-sentential constituents?– E.g. if two 6-word clauses are coordinated, is it more like
the 2 x 6-word condition or like the 12-word condition?
• What about morphology?• What about Lewis/McElree claims that there is
no active maintenance of working memory?
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Breaking it down
• with William Matchin
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Breaking it down…
flat caps shiny gowns
flat caps and shiny gowns
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• See also Ding, Melloni & Poeppel (submitted) work on coding constituent structure with neural oscillations
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Neural basis of ‘syntax’
• Simplistic framing is incoherent• But if we break this down into component
parts, with an accompanying processing theory, there are reasonable questions to pursue
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Neural basis of syntax
• Past claims have suffered from many challenges
• But recent work suggests some very promising ways forward!