structural transformation of living space in the inner area of tokyo

Structural Transformation of Living Spacein the Inner Area of Tokyo, JaPan

Satoru Hiromatsu*

Thisis an attempt to comprehend the socio¨ spatial reality of transfornling inner city

neighbourhoods in Tokyo since 1970 s,with main focus on the short‐ (or,daily)andlong‐ tem life processes of the people related in a variety of ways to these neighbour‐

h00d COFninunities. ・

One of the distinctive aspects of so called“ world city formation"of Tokyo since

1970 s has been the external expansion of the existing(CBI〕 into its attacent neigh‐

bourhood where rFliXed land use of small size coIIlinerce,manufacturing and residence

had been consistehtly prevalente Through this process ofland use change,the area has

experienced extreme population decrease of younger generation and stagnation of the

older one. This overall trend has been usually discussed as the absolute decay of

forllner neighbourhood based conllnunity. Because of the constraints on references,

however,such discussions have tended to neglect the analyses on the reallife processes

of inhabitants and their family members and their signincance behind the scene of

such drastic regional transforrnatione The rrlain ottectiVe Of this research is,there‐

fore, to provide a supplementary discussion for this kind of blind¨ spot in existing

researche ln addition, some consistent interpretation on their life histories is also

proposed in sumcient cOngruence with the historical restructuring of Tokyo rnetropol‐

itan area throughout this period。

Kanda Misaki cho in Chiyoda ward, where such phenomena were typically ob―

served, is chosen as a setting for the case study. Special attention is placed on

comprehending the dynanlic aspects of living spaces of the people who once left this

neighbourhood for a variety of reasons. ′This kind of“exodus"has been considered

to be closely related to the socio‐ spatial transformations ofboth of this neighbourhood

community and also the structural change of the inner residential area of Tokyo.

One of the lnost important indings in this research is that social networks among

the fomer residents have been sustained,lingering on around the inner neighbour"

hoods,given the retention of physical housing space J“ sJ″

“as the``site of foothold‐

ness"fbr themo Their social living space,thus extended throughout the inetropolitan

area however,is indeed on the verge of incessant crisis of having torn apart lnainly

because of the fragility of retaining such specinc sites in the inner cityo This also

suggests that the remaining residential as well as conllnunity facilities should be

SutteCt tO the control of interdisciplinary studies by urban professionals concerned in

some ways with colnlnunity planning on this inner city area.

I. Introduction

Since the beginning of the 1970s, the socio-economic decline of inner city areas, through thedecrease of inhabitants, stagnation of sociallymarginal people and exodus and/or closure ofexisting factories, has become conspicuous mainlyin large metropolises in advanced industrial coun-

tries. In fact, there occurred the socio-spatialoutcome of the "globalization of world economy"in general, and the transferring of productionlines into less developed countries in particular.In Britain, for instance, this phenomenon was

specifically discussed under the official rubric ofthe "inner city problem" formulated to target thesite of public intervention.r) It was also discussed

in similar contexts in other Anglo countries as

'k Division of Regional Studies, Mie University.

一- 59 -―

Structural rransformation of Living Space (Hiromatsu)

well as in Japan, with a slight time-lag.2) In thelatter case, the same kind of urban economicdecay has been pointed out in the inner area ofOsaka-city, where a serious fiscal crisis had alsobecome apparent in the 1970s.3)

In comparison with Osaka in the same period,Tokyo's inner urea tended to be exposed to theincessant process of rebuilding. This is generallyconsidered to be due to its becoming a globaleconomic centre, that is a "world city."+) In thisinner area, since the beginning of this century,s)there have concentrated multiple use small sizeresidences, commerce and manufacturing struc-tures housing the bulk of the young working classgeneration as well as extended multiple families.Urban restructuring since the 1970 s henceworked to "homogeneize" this area of mixed landuse into that of unitary business oriented func-tion. It can be formulated that recent develop-ments in Tokyo strayed not a little from theproblems common to inner city mentioned above,and rather belonged to that of world city forma-tion.6)

The reverse of flip side of the process of urbanrestructuring has been frequently pointed out as

the decline or dissolution of inner neighbourhoodcommunities in a variety of urban studies.t) Suchstudies have tended to concentrate on the changeof population structure in situ, and succeeded inmapping out basic picture of population change,in the following way;

' the absolute decrease of the social stratum oftenants who had been engaged in small businessesand had formed the working class generation insitu,

. the younger generation as the main compo-nent of residents' "exodus," or numerous out-moving cases in relatively recent times,

' the out-moving as a series of actions of hou-sehold independence such as marriage and firstemployment, and

. stagnation of the older generation after theirout-moving.All these factors were then attributed simply tothe one-directional decay of inner neighbourhoodcommunities in the Tokyo metropolitan area.

Given the validity of such discussions, however,it can be pointed out that they do not clarify theconcrete aspects of the decay itself. This is, Ithink, largely because these demographic studiesare based exclusively on aggregate demographicdata. They are, therefore, lacking in substantialcommunity surveys with more concrete and real-istic contents.s) In order to examine the inter-

relationship between residents' intra-urban migra-tion and the transformation of urban structure,furthermore, the conspicuous "out-moving" phe-nomenon itself must be reconsidered by position-ing it in the overall context of the urban restructu-ring process of Tokyo since 1970s.e)

For this purpose, a series of empirical studieswas planned and carried out with reference to thedynamic phases of living space as well as theexperience of the younger "out-moved" genera-tion. The main body of this paper is composed ofmy research report and conclusions. r0)

fI. Land Use and Population Change of thefnner City Neighbourhood in Tokyo

1. Regional Transformation of Tokyo's InnerCity

Since the late 1970 s, the ratio of collectivehousing as well as business office space has grownsignificantly in sharp contrast with the generaldecline of industrial shops and warehouses withinthe23 wards of Tokyo (see Table I & Figure l).t')This area of Tokyo, which formed the formerTokyo City until the end of W. W. II, includes thecentral business district (CBD), the inner cityarea and the inner residential suburbs. In terms ofurban geography, as Figure 2 clearly shows, thereare included a well developed CBD as well as acouple of sub-centres located on the west side ofthe city, such as Shinjuku and Shibuya.

Through the late 70 s, CBD of Tokyo expandedparticularly in terms of office space development(see Figure 3). Interestingly enough, this signifi-cant expansion of CBD occured only in somelimited areas surrounding the former built-upCBD, and approximately in the following threeurban core administrative sections of Chiyoda,Minato and Shibuya wards along the major urbanmass-traffic lines.

With respect to sequential population change(Figure 4), the decrease of residential populationis rather dominant all over the ward area ingeneral, and in the inner city area surrounding theCBD in particular. In these areas, as Figure 5

shows, the stagnation of the older generation isalso rather distinct.

In brief, the general population decline as wellas the stagnation of a particular generation israther conspicuous in the inner area including theparticular section adjacent to the CBD and as wellas the north-east section of the city. This lattersection of inner Tokyo has been the site of the

―- 60 -一

Structural Transformation of Living Space (Hiromatsu)

Table 1. Total Floor Area and Percentage by Land Use and Structure within 2il Wards in Tokyo

YearStructure Wzl

1981

NW T1984

W NW T1976

NW3) T9) w

UoE.H.1)

(%)

6,587

28.3

7,032

30.2

7,029

26.3

6,691

28.8

7,092

24.8“

5

1.9

662

2.5

795 7,8872.8 27.6

uoc.H.2)

(%)

2,039

8.8

1,746

7.5

3,785

16.3

2,220

8。 3

2,765

10.3

4,985

18.6

2,212

7.7

3,484 5,696

12.2 19。 9

u.HoM.3)

(%)

2,693

H.62,319

10。0

5,012

21.6

2,663

10.0

3,237

12.1

5,900

22.1

2,568

9.0

3,770 6,338

13.2 22.2

R.S.&D.4)(%)

168

0。 7

760

3.3

928

4.0

146

0.5

866

3.2

1,012

3.7

132

0.5

942 1,074

3.3 3.8

B。 &0.5)

(%)

2,714

H。 7

2,847

12.3

3,350

12.5

3,469

12.9

133

0。 6

119

0。4

110

0.4

3,684 3,794

12.9 13.3

MoW。 &L.0

(%)

672

2.9

2,149

9.3

2,821

12.2

532

2.0

2,335

8。 7

2,867

10.7

467

1。 6

2,443 2,910

8.5 10.1

Others(%)

274

1.2

536

2.2

810

3.4

223

0.8

627

2.4

850

3.2

2∞

0。 7

692

2.4

892

3.1

Total

(%)

12:566 10,669 23,235

54.1 45。 9 100。0

13,842 26,774

51.7 100。0

12,781 15,810 28,591

44.7 55.3 100.0

12,932

48。 3

Notes:t) Use for Exclusive Housing

') Use for Collective Housing

') Use for Housing Mixn) Retail Shop and Department Store5) Bank and Office6) Manufacturing Workshop and Loft7) Woodent) Non-woodene) Total area

Sources: Kokudo-cho (Agency for National Land Management) (1985)

%

1981 1984

Kokudo‐ cho(Agency for National

Land Management)(1985)。

so-called "local industrial community," where nu-merous small size subcontracting factories includ-ing the residential space for owner's family work-ers have clustered locally. rz) It is apparent thatrecent urban restructuring of Tokyo was causingregional stagnation of this industrial communitywithin the general context of "deindustrializa-tion" of the Tokyo metroplitan area, which was

certainly one aspect of world city formation. Incomparison, the former atea surrounding theCBD was obviously experiencing the direct effectof office space expansion, following the consistenttrend of internatinalization of the service econo-ffiy, also considered as another aspect of worldcity formation.13)

What kind of social "reality" existed, then,behind the scenes of this drastic land use changewhich has been formulated as the direct effect ofCBD expansion, or world city formation ?

For the purpose of attaining a concrete picture

13

Usc for Collective Housing

Bank and 0ffice

Use for llousing llix

Retail Shop and Departnent Store

Use for Dxclusive llousing

llanufacturing lorkshoP and Loft8

701976

Sources:

Figure 1. Change of the Ratio of Total FloorArea per Each Land Use within

23 Wards Area in Tokyo.

-61-


Sources: Kokudo-cho (Agency

Figure 2. The Ratio of the Total

■ Over 40%

囲 2卜40%

□ under 20%

□ eXCep● On

for National Land Management) (1985).

Floor Area of Office within 23 Wards (1981).

■

囲

□

□

increase of

increase of

increase ofor less than

exception

5 points and more

2.5-5 points

less than 2.5 points5% total floor area

and decrease.

Sources: Kokudo-cho (Agency

Figure 3. The Change of Ratio of Total

for National Land Management) (1985).

Floor Area of Office within 23 Wards (1976-1981).

―- 62 -―


Sources: Kokudo-cho (Agency for National Land Management) (1985).

Figure 4. Percentage of Population Decrease within 23 Wards (1975-1980).

■ OVer Ю%

囲 mOre than 5‰

□ leSS than 5%

□ eXCep■ on

目 bSS ttan■ 0%

田 mOre than■ 0‰ and bss ttan巧 %

□庸∬誡 1漁1朧

□ eXCepiOn

and less than 10%

Sources: Kokudo-cho (Agency for National Land Management) (1985).

Figure 5. The Percentage of Single and Couple Household oyer 65 Years Old (1980).

一- 63 -一


of this kind of community change, w€ need toconsult concrete case studies for the purpose ofobtaining the support of a rich strata of empiricaldata. In the next section , accordingly, the casestudy site will be described, followed by the pre-sentation and analysis of the data gathered in myfield research.

2. Introduction of the Case Study Site and itsSocio-Historical Background

Chiyoda ward is clearly located in the inner cityas defined in the previous section. To be geograp-hically more specific, the area is divided into twohistorically heterogeneous districts. One is literal-ly the Up-Town residential area of historical im-portance, of which the local name is Kojimachi,and the other is the literal Down Town of smallsize commercial, manufacturing and residentialmixed land use which is called Kanda. In fact,both towns had formed administratively inde-pendent wards each under the same name throughthe modern ear of Tokyo up to the end ofw.w.II.to)

The criteria for selecting the site of the case

study within this ward were arrived in the follow-ing way;

1) within the area of mixed land use of theinner city adjacent to CBD,

2) containing andior "recording" a certain

number of residents and/or out-migration, and3) relative independence of the local commu-

nity in terms of lingering local history and/or akind of 'lcommunity symbol" or its equivalence.The last point was included for the sub-purpose ofmeasuring the importance or effects of communi-ty heritage within the general context of so calledcommunity decay. In consequence, KandaMisaki cho in Chiyoda ward was chosen afterconsidering its background. This is summ aizedin the following way (refer also to chronology:Table 2).tt)

Throughout the Edo era, this had been a resi-dential area for Hatamoto, the Shogun's privateguards, because of proximity to his castle. Justafter the Medi restoration (1868), it was takenover by the government and used as a paradeground for the newly established national armyfor a while. It was disposed of to Mitsubishicorporation in 1890, and Mitsubishi transformedit into a residential town to be sold in lots in 1 921.This is considered almost the first case of residen-tial "suburbia" developed by a private real estatecapital in modern Japan. Later it was entirelydestroyed, by the major earthquake (Kantoh DaiSinsai) of 1923. After this, there concentratedoffices as well as small size factories of publishingbusiness, all of which moved from destroyed oldertown areas on the east side of the City. Town

Table 2. Chronology of Kanda MisJhl‐ cho

Perlod Events/Dominant Land Use

Edo

(-1867)

'residential area for Hatamoto(Shogun's private guards)

Mtti

(1868-1911)

.a parade ground for the Army

1890: residential flats constructed by Mitsubishi Co., which purchased land disposed by Meijigovernment

'gradual out-moving of printing businesses'increase of highrise office building, initially along the main street'Intensified commercial (retail/restaurants) activity around the railway station (Suidobashi)

Taisho ・a cluster of small inns and boarding houses,in the proxilnity of the new railway terΠ linal

(1912-1925) (Ihdabashi).1921: residential town sold in lots(by MitSubishi)

1923:Ka“ ra力 DaJ sみ′“saJ(the Kiantoh Earthquake)and cOrruption

Showa 'concentration of printing-related business/offices as well as small factories, moved from(192G1989\ Kyobashi areabefore W.W.II(-1945) 1928: Kukaku Seiri (I-ot size Re-arrangement and Road Enlargement)

1945: Senni (the Bombing disaster) and the out-burning

after WoW.II

(1945-)

Sources: Suzuki (1978)

―- 64 -一


Table 3. Change in Numbers of Household in Misaki-cho

PersonNembers of Normal Household Members

Three Four Five SixTwo Seven Total

1970

(%)

２７

２３

．

９

７

．

３

２

．

183

15.8

150

12.9

198

17.1

236 1159

20.4 (100.0)

1975

(%)

31

3.2

106

11.1

153

16.0

150

15。 7

138

14.4

２６

２７

．

119 95712.4 (100.0)

1980

(%)

39

4.4

134

15。0

111

12.4

160

17.9

90

10。 1

132

14.8

２２

２５

。

894

(1∞ .0)

Sources: Population Census of Japan (197011975/1980)

highrise before 1967

highrise between 1968-1976

highrise between 1977-1984

highrise after 1985

Sources:Hiro血 atsu(1986)。

planning of the former Tokyo City was readjustedin 1928, and access roads were enlarged. Thedamage of W.W.II engulfed Tokyo in 1945, andthis site was no exception in being heavilybombed. Despite the "second restoration" afterthe war, the site seems to have maintained itsoriginal character of mixed land use from pre-wardays. According to private survey in 1977, forinstance, residents from the pre-quake time remai-ned at about n% which included the secondand/or third generation. 16) This kind of localinheritance, or "community retention" is consid-ered rather specific in comparison with the otherdown town area of Tokyo, which also fits thecriteria set above. In parallel with this, highrisereconstruction of former residential buildings andthe out-moving of residents, however, in sharplyincreased from the mid-60 s' decline of inner nei-ghbourhood community in Tokyo (Table 3 andFigure 6). This clearly agrees with the generaltendency of inner neighbourhood communitydecay referred to above. Taking all of thesefactors into consideration, it was finally con-cluded that Misaki-cho would be one of the suita-ble sites for this investigation in congruence withthe set of criteria.

III. Reality of Living Space in Kanda Mi-saki-Cho

1. Research Methodology and Procedure

Emphasis on ex-residents or "out-movers" hadto be one of the main components of this study.For, as has been discussed above, its main focuswas placed not strictly on the analysis of neigh-bourhood community per s€, but rather com-prehending the dynamic aspects of living spaceinterwoven by the people concerned. To be con-crete, in the case of ex-residents or out-movers,

一一囲回

Figure 6. Building Renovation in Misaki-cho.

―- 65 -一

くstational hld.〉

257 hlds.

726 pn.

〈death in hld.〉


Hisakicho 2 chome

Jan。 1977

464 h1d(household)s.

l, 151 pn(person).

Misakicho 2 chome

Sep. 1982

404 hlds.

1,039 pn.

173

246

the main objective of research was to clarify the

relations between their short (or daily) as well as

long-term activities including their decision-

making processes, and Misaki-cho's land use re-

structuring. rz) For the current residents in Mi-saki-cho, although the number of cases was rather

limited, the same kind of research objectives were

also set out (also refer to Figute 7 and 8).

The classification of research cases into each

type based upon the above-mentioned principle is

as follows (Figure 9):Type A: long-term residents and ex-members of

their families, belonging mainly to the

self-employed households in Misaki-cho,

Type B: ex-residents or out-movers on the daily

level of contact with Misaki-cho, withthe prospect of maintaining current lifeprocesses in the near future

Type C: ex-residents or out-movers on the daily Type D:

level of contacts, with scarce prospect of

19 hlds.

23 pn.

21 hlds.

32 pn。

hld.〉

147 hldS。 (36.4%)

247 pn。 (23.8%)

) 5 r0 l5'n 6 r 35 40 45 50 s5 60 65 70 ?5 80tllltlrllrllllll

I I 14 19 Zt VJ 31 39 *t 49 51 50 6l @ 74 79

Sources: ChiYoda-ku (1985).

Figure 8. Age Structure of Out'moYers from

Misaki-cho 2'chome.

maintaining them in the near futureex-residents or out-movers with the pro-

spect or hope of some dailY level of

26 hldS.

27 pn.

-ln

<extinction of hld. )hld♪

201 hldS。 (43.3%)

310 pn. (26。 9%)ll「

鋭

(out-noved hld. after

Sources: Chiyoda-ku ( 1985).

Figure 7. Aggregate Model of the Social Change of Population in Misaki'cho 2-chome.

257 hlds。

726 pn.

Kanda Misaki

一- 66 -一

C酬,/ ci(certain c. ) : l-Y-c ' ->A

(l)

-Y---(u:(uncertain

c. ): l-Y-u - --)A

long-term some contact \ n: (no contact) : l-Y-n


(CASES>

with certain prospects for further living : (A, B, C>

with uncertain prospect for further living : (D)

vith certain will and prospect for leaving : (none)

0ut-llovers ( including Households) f rom }lisaki cho

living(household )

く2〉

out-moving(person)

(1) The Cases

Type A:

of Long-term Living Household at Misaki cho

(lxrY- c'\rf_u;Y-r:

<2> The Cabes ofType B:

く2＼|三:!職 ||:::::lli:::SI:itiuilielu::l:ici:ntaCt!ll:'し

'Qに t断〉

Type C:

< D-l-n; with certain prospects for breaking offType D:

く2〉、【‖IIII:! I::| ::::i:lili:Si:it:。 |:rfilll:ec::1::::S ! il;k〉

Type E:

<2)-N-n: vith no contacts nov and then : (H;m, n>

Note;long-term; moving or remaining in the past decision-making and actions prospect of return

or no possible Prospect in future.

short-term; current daily activities and its (no-) contacts with Misaki-cho.

Figure 9. Classification of Cases for Research.

contacts despite no current presence inor contacts with Misaki-cho

Type E: ex-residents or out-movers having no

contact with Misaki-cho either at pres-

ent and in future.We will then overview the common characteris-

tics of each individual as well as social living space

interwoven by the people who are supposedly

congruent with each type in the next section.

Common individual as well as social attributes ofeach examined person/household are summafized

through the presentation of each table in summa-

ty, followed by interpretation of the outcome ofresearch practices.

2, Characteristics of Living Space for Each

Type

(1) Type A (Table 4 and 5)

The people under this type are mainly com-

posed of household members of self-employed

businesses located in Misaki-cho, who have re-

mained living there in the long-raog€, and already

一- 67 -一


Table 4. Research Cases in Summary: Type Ar

(RESIDENTS)

Content

Age 63 74 58 5lOccupation rice retail rice retail apparel metallingSettling around beforeto Misaki l9m |952 1945 1952

Household (N) 5: 2 child 6: 2 child 5: wife 5: wifeComposition broth & wife 3 gran child 3 child 2 childWilltoStayt) Y Y Y Ys.B.(cc)td) N Y Y YS.B. (NG)*'la) N N/A5) Unclear NP.N.A.***< ordinary M. ord. M. special M. spec. M.

(BUILDING)Structure wooden wooden wooden concreteRebuiling N/A N/A N/A 1980

P. RNV.#*39 Y Y/N YiN N/AStoreys 25 2S 25 45

Area of Site 24Am26\ 42m2 200m2 100m2

Tenure self-owned self-owned self-owned self-owned

Mode of Usea) R.s.L R.s.L R.S.(W) R'W

* Succession of Business (Current Generation)** Succession of Business (Next Gmeration)

H* Participation in Neighbourhood Association ("ChoKai"; M.: Membership)*#* Prospect of RenovationNotes:

t) 'Y" for the presence of will; "N" for no will2) dittoo 'Y" for the certain possibitty of renovation; "Y/N" for the presence of will, but uncertaint) 'R' for residence; "S" for retail shop; "L" for loft; "w'' for workshop with ( ), for rented/not-ownedsr 'N/A" for being not-available6) including t€nants' ilea md houses7) Each 'cafltal letter" designates each household researched. Followed contents are those of socio-economic attributes of

each household, or its head ("Setoinusht')Sources: Hiromatsu (1986)

owned the land as well as house there. They have kind of extended living space is maintainedrealized comparatively stable living space around through their current life activities such as theirMisaki-cho through the continuing readjustment own commuting, schooling of their children, par-

of life processes including that of business ac- ticipation in the management of family business

tivities against the drastic socio-spatial change in and also in a variety of social meetings in orthe setting. In future, they will continue to make around Misaki-cho.rt) The site in the inner city is,

efrorst to maintain certain prospects of living iz in this context, firmly linked to their current livingsitz, nourishing the project of collective highre, spaces as well as their consciousness as a kind offor instance. The problem of succession, such as "foothold" site. A serious problem for them is,

the lack of a successor for the house businesses accordingly, the fragility ofMisaki-cho as a focal

and the necessity of subdivision of property how- point or foothold in view of its overall creeping inever, often lies rather heavily on their minds. of land use restructuring in the near future.(2) Type B (Table 6 and Figure 10) (3) Type C (Table 7)

They are composed ofthe "out-movers" and/or The social attributes ofthe people belonging to

their family members, mainly from the household this type are similar to Type B. The futureof long-term residence (Type A). At the current prospect of no-return, which distinguishes this

stage at least, they are forming a spatially extend- sharply from Type B, stems from the fact thated living space one of whose focal points is Misa- they have developed their own social networks

ki-cho, the other being their residenital site. This mainly around the current residential area, not in

D7)

68


Table 5. Research Cases in Summary: Type Az

(our-uovERs)Content

a (male) bs (female)o)

AgeFam. RelationsS. W. Plce.x

S. Fm. Bt.#Ft)AddressType of LivingCommuting WayOut-MovingTurning PointHope of Return2)OSch. g1tt"tt.*#kt)

28

first son

Misaki-choS

Misaki (returned I)residence only

1980

marriage( 1983, renovation)

N

30

first daughterN/AN

Misaki (returned II)owned building

1978

marriage(1979, delivery)

N

(PARENT GENERATION)Set. to 14i*<*<xx

Current SiteOccupation

during l9l0-25Misaki-cho

laundry

before 1945

Misaki-chohardware retail5)

(STRUCTURE OF BUILDING AT MISAKI-CHO)Str. ofBldg. non-wooden non-wooden

Rebuilding 1982 l97O

Storeys 4S/3S 55

Area of Site 75 * 55 m'z 100 m2

Tenure self-owned self-owned

Mode of Usea) R.S R.(O)

* Site of Working Place# Sueession of Family Business at/around Misaki-cho

*** Out-Schooling of Children (to the inner area)**x* Settling Time to Misaki-choNotes:

') -S' for the succession of family business; "N" for the non-succession2) 'Y' for the presence of wil! "N" for no will) 'Y" for the current practice of out-schooling, "N" for no out-schooling

')'R' for residence; "S" for retail shop; "O" for office; "F' for manufacturing factory/working shop with ( ),forrented/not-owned

t) also includes roomlbuilding leasing business6) Each'small letter" designates each person interviewed as infomants. Same notation also applicable for the following Table

e.Sources: Hiromatsu (1986)

Misaki-cho. In other words, Misaki-cho has come of presence. In fact, they still maintain some

to mean less the place of a certain "base point social networks among old friends and/or ac-through life process" for them than just "a place quaintances there, thus maintaining some sense offor work" throughout the process of living space attachment to Misaki-cho. The future prospects

expansion. In fact, from an objective point of of the older generation and their "shelters" inview, this can be regarded as a certain transitory Misaki-cho is, notwithstanding, rather intangibletype from type A to type D or E in the following. as other similar types besides type A, and there-(4) Type D (Table 8) fore their will to return remains an indefinite

They belong mainly to the younger generation dream.moved out from Misaki-cho, where their parents' (5) Type E (Table 9)generation remains, forming themselves an inde- They, the out-movers in the past, have formedpendent living space irrelevant to Misaki-cho. their own living space entirely independent fromHowever, they aslo conceive a kind of positive Misaki-cho, and have no prospect of even a slightwill for their return and/or reconstruction of some chance of contact in future. The recent land use

contact with Misaki-cho despite their current lack restructuring and its subsequent sociodemo-

69


Table 6. Research Cases in Summary: Type B

〈OUT‐ MOVERS〉Content

AgeFalmo Rtelations

Occupation

So Wo Plce.*

S.Fm.Bs.**1)

Address

Type of Living

Commuting WayOut‐MovingTurning Point

Hope of Return2)

OSch.Chren.***3)

39

■rst d.

electric5)

Misaki

S

lchikawa(C.

owned house

owned car

1975

delivery

YY

46

second s.

printing

Misaki

S

Koto W.

owned condo

owned car

1983

business6)

YY

29

first s.

paintingMisaki

S

Chiyoda W.public h.

N/A1983

marriageY

N/A

36

first s.

retailingT)Misaki

NBunkyo W.rented h.

walking/car197 6

marriageNY

46third s.

glass workMisaki

S

Suginami W.rented h.

N/AI 980

marriageNN

〈PARENT GENERATION〉Set. to 14i.>loFx<

Current Site

Occupation

before 1945

Misakiretailing

1950

Misaki

Printing

are. 1930

Misakipainting

1948

Shttuku w。

retailing8)

1897

Misaki

glass wirk

〈STRUCTURE OF BUILDING ATStr.of Bldg.

Rebuilding

TenureMode of Usea)

non‐wooden1973

self―ownedR・ 0・ (0)

MISAKI¨CHO〉non‐ wooden

1963

3S

NノAself‐owned00W

non-woodenN/A

3S

85 m2

bldg. owneds)

R.S

non‐ wooden1980

5S

N′Aself‐ownedSO(0)

non‐ wooden19859)

130m2bldg.owiedl° )

R・ S・ (0)2

Storeys 5S

Area of Site 160 rn2

x Site of Working Place# Succession of Family Busincs at/around Misaki-cho

*H Out-Schooling of Children (to the inner area)** Setfling Tirne to Misaki-choNotes:

t) 'S" for the succession of fanily business; "N" for the non-successiont) 'Y" for the presence of will; "N" for no will

') 'Y' for the current practice of out-schooling, "N" for no out-schooling1)'R'for residence; "S" for retail shop; "O" for office; "F'for manufacturing factory/working shop with ( ), for

rented/not-owned5) electric work (repairing) conducted by her husband6) signifies "due to business expansion"?) also includes food (lunch box stc.) processing/selling and building securityr) also includes building lease/sequrity businesse) under construction at the time of researchto) owned buildings on the rented land

Sources: Hiromatsu (1986)

graphic transformation of the inner city area in-cluding Misaki-cho area does not, therefore, holdany realistic meaning for them, having almost no

direct influence on their current living space or itslong-term dynamics .

3. Discussion of the Differentiation of EachType

Throughout this research, interestingly enough,

some positive attitude or strong desire to keep insome daily contact with Misaki-cho after depar-

ture was frequently observed. This general tend-

ency may suggest the presence of a socio-spatiallyextended community centered on Misaki-cho at

current stage. It is certain at least that thisextended community is not in congruence withMisaki-cho as a physical setting per se, but shouldbe defined only as an extended socio-spatial form.Current residential space in Misaki-cho, wherethe older generation often makes a living, is con-

sidered for them as a sort of base or footholdaround which the younger generations can also

make their short- and long-term life processes inthe setting of downtown Tokyo into realization.

一- 70 -一


km

It is also obvious, however, that this kind of"extended living space" has been exposed to the

continous crisis of its own dissolution. We willscrutinize such processes or conditions in refer-ence to the following points (also refer to Table

4-8);1) on moving in the past (that is, in the

long-term),2) on the daily life process of out-movers and

their relation to Misaki-cho (that is in the clearshort-term), and

3) on the possibility of out-movers' relation toMisaki-cho in future (that is in the long-term).( 1) In the Past

Concerning the reason of out-moving in thepast, they ("out-movers") referred unanimouslyto the narrowness of living space for making anew life after marriage or first employment. Some

who remain in the same setting, on the otherhand, are making continuous efforts to adjust the

inherited family business to the recent drasticsocio-economic change in their surroundings.(2) At Current Stage

Flere, the status in the family is crucial indetermining the type of relations between out-movers and Misaki-cho. It is easy to point out,above all, that non-first sons/daughters tend not tokeep any socio-economic relations with theirformer setting in their daily lives. In contrast,people who retain some relations to Misaki-cho on

O Kanda Misaki ChO

● Site of Out一 MoVlng

a daily basis are usually first sons/daughters, and

tend to choose their current residential sites along

the public railway systems which also pass

through Misaki-cho. This shows that their choice

of moving sites presupposed the retention of some

substantial contact with Misaki-cho and thereforethe "presence" of the people related to them even

after their move.For the two cases of movers' returning, high

rise and subsequent expansion of living space, and

the style of three generation living were one of the

conditions in common. This kind of living space

renovation, or retention of foothold in Misaki-chois definitely crucial for out-movers to manage

their daily life processes/activities in some way inor around Misaki-cho. The type of relations after

the move streches through a wide range of socio-

economic activities such as commuting, takingpart in recreational or social activities held in oraround Misaki-cho, taking care of parents re-

maining there, schooling of children, taking part

in the family business in situ and so on. Even the

family commuting style is made into everydaypractice possibly as the combination of such cases

among family members. (For instance, such as

the cases of household E and F, and individual dand h respectively.)te(3) On Future Prospect

As far as they have been maintaining daily level

contacts after the move, they tend to prolong its

Sources: Hiromatsu ( 1989).

Figure 10. Site of Out-moving for the Commuters to Misaki-cho.

-71-


Table 7. Research Cases in Summary: Type C

(our-uovERS)Content

pects and the decision-making based on it, howev-et, come from the issue of land ownership ingeneral, and the process of succession in particu-lar. Land ownership in Misaki-cho has played acrucial role for both residents and out-movers indecisions concerning the rebuilding of theirhouses with more living space.

Nor is this kind of project alwlays easy fortenants or lease-holders given the extreme difficul-ty of obtaining mutual consent with house/landowners as well as among other tenants.20) Theprocess of transferring land/house ownershipoften makes it even more difficult to maintainliving space in Misaki-cho in the long-term. Thesubdivision of property for multiple successorsand the relatively high tax on property successionin Japan tended to force successors to turn theirfixed assets in Misaki-cho into fluid ones, that is tos&y, into monetary terms. Through such fluidasset formation, the site of their foothold forliving activities will diminish in definite ways.Speaking from the opposite point of view, becauseof this kind of prospect, current residents andout-movers cannot make a projection to realizelong-term lives in/or around Misaki-cho. In thissense, the reality of living in the inner neighbour-hood is certainly disappearing.

This loss of the reality of maintaining concretelife in situ must have effected, in the end, theone-directional decline of the inner neighbour-hood communities of Tokyo, which had beenunanimously agreed upon in all the existing mate-rials. Given and only within such objective condi-tions and also in view of the essential lack of anyversion of collective effort against the currentrestructuring trends,2r) that kind of macroscopiclogic on the general decline of inner neighbour-hood community will almost certainly be trans-lated into a reality.

IV. Final Remarks

We should re-emphasize, first of all, that demo-graphic facts in collective terms do not tell thewhole story of so called community corruption.On the contrary, as we have seen through thisresearch, there existed substantial human net-works interwoven especially on and around thehouseholds of long-term residence in the innerneighbourhood. Even the presence of a seeminglystagnating older generation does not necessarilymean the social evidence of one directional de-

cline of inner neighbourhood community per se,

but rather possibly indicates the outcome of each

AgeFam. RelationsOccupationS. W. Plce.xS. Fm. gr.>lort)

AddressType of livingCommuting WayOut-MovingTurning PointHope of Return2)OSch. g1rr.n.>lolokr)

58

bldg. security6)Misaki-cho

N/ANarashino C. (Chiba)

owned housetrain (Sobu line)

1960

new house construction6)N

(PARENT GENERATION)Set. to 14i.*#rx (the third generation)Current SiteOccupation

(STNUCTURE OF BUILDING AT MISAKI-CHO)Str. of Bldg.RebuildingStoreysArea of SiteTenureMode of Usea)

non-woodenI 960

45 (3S* lS/basement)30 m2

self-owned(o)

x Site of Working Place** Succession of Family Business at/around Misaki-cho

>Flo* gu1-schooling of Children (to the inner area)**** Settling Time to Misaki-choNotes:

l) re5, for the succession of family business; "N" for thenon-succession

2t *ytt for the presence of will; "N" for no will3) rsy, for the current practice of out-schooling, "N" for

no out-schooling4) rep, for residence; "S" for retail shop; "O" for office;

"F" for manufacturing factory/working shop with ( ),for rented/not-owned

5) also manages food (lunch box etc.) processing andselling

6) with a "feeling of abhorrence" towards the reality ofMisaki-cho as a place of residence at the time throughinterviewing

Sources: Hiromatsu ( 1986)

terms further into the future mainly because ofthe presence of human networks of which a focalpoint has been Misaki-cho. Exceptional cases,

which we have already overviewed, were those ofself-employed small business households in Misa-ki-cho with no intention of their further manage-ment, and those of the second and younger sons

who had no practical relation with the parents' orfamily-owned business.

The hardest obstacles to realizing such pros-

72


Table 8. Research Cases in Summary: Type D

〈OUT‐MOVERS〉Content

AgeFam. RelationsOccupationS. W. Plce

S. Fm. 3t.:F*<t)

AddressType of LivingCommuting WayOut-MovingTurning PointHope of Return2)OSch. g1tt"tt.>k#<r)

28

■rst s.

plane mechanics

Ohta W.N

Ohta W.

1979

■rst employment

Y

32

first s.

bookbindingItabashi W.

S

Itabashi W.

1981

marnageY

Y(as hoped)

44second s.

business man

Shinjuku W.N

Yokohama C.

train

1979

wife's delivery

Y

company-owned h. factory-attached h. owned condo.

(PNNENT GENERATION)Set. to 14i.>Fxxx


Misakibicycle retailing

just a■er WWⅡ just a■er WWHItabashi W.

bookbinding

around1935

Misaki

design workshop

〈STRUCTURE OF BUILDING AT MISAKI‐ CHO〉

Str. of Bldg.RebuildingStoreysArea of SiteTenureMode of Usea)

non-woodenN/A

3S

N/Abldg. owned5)

R.S

wooden

2S

NノAbldg.owned6)

(S)00

non‐wooden1973

4S

80m2seliowned

RO(S)・ (0)

+ Site of Working Place** Succession of Family Business at/around Misaki-cho

#* Out-Schooling of Children (to the inner area)*** Settling Time to Misaki-choNotes:

t) 'S' for the succession of family business; "N" for the non-succession2) 'Y' for the presence of will; "N" for no will) 'Y" for the cunent pmctice of our-schooling, "N" for no out-schoolinga)'R' for residence; "S" for retail shop; "O" for ofrces; "F" for manufacturing factory/working shop with ( ), for

rented/not-owned5) owned building on the rented lando) owned building on the mainly rented but partially owned land

Sources: Hiromatsu ( 1986)

household's strategic action in leaving some sort was consistent in managing to maintain theirof "foothold site" in the urban core area particu- short-and long-term life process as well as livinglarly after the younger generations'out-moving. space anchored in situ.

Putting this case study into a broader context, it This anchoredness or rootedness of inhabitantsis certain that historically the majority of ex- in the inner city neighbourhood such as Misaki-residents carne, as we have noted, from transitory cho seems to have enabled the members ofhouse-residents who had been employed in the small holds of long-term residence to form a distinctivefactories in this inner area and lived with their lifestyle of geographically extended "networkmasters. After their out-moving through the pro- living."2r) It has extended geographically throughcess of urban industrial restructuring since the the metropolitan area, with the support of a welllate 60s,22) there remained only a social stratum of developed public transportation system as well as

long-term residents and their households who had relatively well-maintained public facilities. Inmaintained and nourished strong attachment to other words, the former lifestyle of living togeth-the site. It is natural within this overall context er, or living space in proximity in the inner citythattheirstrategyontheformationoflivingspace neighbourhood has gradually transformed into

一- 73 -―


Table 9, Research Cases in Summary: Type E

(our-uovERS)Content

H

AgeFalmo Rtelations

Occupation

So W.Plce.*

S.Fm.Bs.**1)

Address

Type of Living

Commuting WayOut‐MovingTurning Point

Hope of Return2)

OScho Chren.***3)

63

bldg。 lcasing

Misaki

S

Matsudo C.5)

owned house

not conllnuting

1981

not specia16)

N

33

third sonpaper wholesale

Toda C. (Saitama P.)S

Itabashi W.owned condo.

t979marriageE)

N

24third sonpoliceman

N/AN

Itabashi W."Kansha"9)

1978

new empolymentN

(PARENT GENERATION)Set. to 14i.>F*<*<*<


before WWIIMisaki

nsh retai17)

N/AMisaki

paper wholesale

just a■er WWHMisaki

bicycle repairing

(STRUCTURE OF BUILDINGStr. of Bldg.RebuildingStoreysArea of SiteTenureMode of Usea)

AT MISAKI‐CHO〉non‐ wooden

1973

5S

NノAself‐ownedRO(0)

non-woodenN/A

5S

N/Aself-owned

R.S

non‐ wooden

3S

90 rn2

self‐ownedRes

t Site of orking Place** Succession of Family Business at/around Misaki-cho

# Out-Sbhooling of Children (to the imer area)#** Setting Time to Misaki-choNotes:

') 'S' for the succession of fanily business; "N" for the non-succession2) 'Y' for the presence of will; "N" for no willt *Y' for the curent practice of out-schooling, "N" for no out-schooling

')'R" for residence; "S" for retail shop; "O" for ofrces; "F' for manufacturing factory/working shop with ( ), forrental/not-owned

5) in Chiba prefecture (in its northem part)6) gradual worsening of living mvironment for "aging" in particular (interuiewed)

t) building leasing/security after its closing

') also in serch for shorter commuting time/distancee) neans literarily the "lodging provided by the public ag€ncy"

Sources: Hiromatsu (1986)

extended living space in congruence with therecent metropolitan expansion of Tokyo and itsoverall socio-sp atial restructuring. Through thisprocess of community transition, the residential as

well as community space in the inner neighbour-hood has worked as a kind of "anchor/kernel" forsuch geographically expanded living space inter-woven by the members of long-term households fia

situ. This may also suggest the rather prematurenature of current assertions that the inner neigh-bourhood communities of Tokyo such as Misaki-cho have been on one-directional decay or on the

verge of crisis.24)

It is obvious, however, that this kind of extend-ed living space would be totally dependent uponthe presence/absence of its "anchor/kernel" andalso its attached community facilities for examplepublic schools in the inner atea. In consequence,

the future of this extended living space will be

dependent on the dynamism of the inner neigh-bourhood conditioned by the metropolitan levelof urban restructuring. So what kind of predic-tion can we make on the regional reality in thenear future ?

一- 74 -―


What has become apparent again through this

study was the extreme fragility of such com-

munities not only because of the older genera-

tion's stagnation, but also through the overallprocess of land asset fluidation. Given the currentsystem of taxation, this is an inevitable process

without some sort of public intervention. In otherwords, considering the extreme fragility of the

conditions of living space, this area should be

treated with more subtlety by a variety of urbanprofessionals who are concerned with the urbanand/or community planning within this inner area

context.Perceptive recognition of the inner realities of

the area obtained through this style of microscop-ic research thus can provide a base for planning ina proactive way. The implication of this kind ofcommunity research practice is, I believe, its cru-cial importance in placing the focus entirely upon

comprehending the inner logic of the dyamism ofliving space, instead of concentrating exclusivelyon static explanations of each community per se

only through aggregate socio-demographic data.

Notes

1. As a general overview by British urban geog-

raphers, for instance, see Forrest et al(1979). Ohkata ( 1984) also points out thiskind of politico-administrative context forthe "emergence" of inner city issue with clar-itv.

2. Komori (1983), for instance, points out itsoccurence in the context of Japanese metro-polises.

3. Osaka-city's critical situation, and the gener-

al decline of its urban economy is well doc-umented in Yamazaki & Yoshioka (1981),for instance.

4. As one of the general overviews, for instance,see lyotani (1993); Also refer to a few arti-cles in Kurasawa & Machimura (1992).

5. As one of the well documented local histo-ries, Suzuki (1978) provides an abundance ofcontextual information for this research.

6. Machimura (1992) summarises the specificcase of Tokyo within this context in details.

7 . For typical instances, Chiyoda-ku ( 1983),Ohe (1984) and Taira (1990).

8. Urban geographic researches in this style are

rather scarce in number in regard to thisarea. Tanabe's article (1991) is consideredone of a few examples, although its analyticalangle is rather exclusively "schematic."

9. Refer to Chiyoda-ku (1985), Ohe (1993)'

Okuda ( 1993/85) resPectivelY.

10. It was originally proposed to University ofTokyo ( 1986).

11. Here Kokudo-cho's research report (1985) is

used as a main reference. Also refer to

Takahashi ( 1983), for instance, for an expla-

nation of this general trend of "office expan-

sion."12. See Takeuchi (1983) for a general descrip-

tion on this region.13. Again refer to Iyotani (1993).14. See, Chiyoda-ku (1960).15. The following description owes a gteat deal

to an excellent regional monograph bySuzuki (1978/87) mentioned above. On the

part of land developping process by Mitsubi-shi Co, also see Mitsubishi-Jisyo (1993).

16. On this "research," refer to Suzuki (1978),pp. 249/50.

L7 . Concerning the significance of explicit articu-lation of the "term" in urban analysis, see

Cullen ( 1984).18. The case (g) as a typical example; also

refer to the "postscript" of Okuda (1985) as

another example of "family business partici-pation through family commuting."

19. The cases <E>, <F>, <d>, <h> re-

spectively. And also remark that a sense of"hope" in future is stated in the cases ( i > &< k >. Generally speaking, public schools

which remain in the inner area have been

consistent "well-in-fame" schools ("MeimonKou") in terms of higher education. Thiskind of family tradition or myth seems to be

lingering on among the out-movers in partic-

ular. This also provides another clue forcomprehending concrete aspects of commu-nity retention in this area. For the signifi-cance of public facilities such as public

school in terms of community assets, also see

Taira ( 1990).

20. The case < k >, for instance, has almost no

realistic prospect for living in Misaki-cho,mainly because of the extreme difficulty ofhousing renovation in situ due to the com-plexity regarding its land ownership.

2I. Okuda (1983), in comparison, refers to one

successful example and the overall back-grounds of this kind of collective communityhousing project in inner Osaka, especially inpp. 315-322.

22. Tagami ( 1993) deals with this kind of long-term change of residential characteristics

75


mainly through the method of detailedcohort analysis.

23. This "neologism" is hinted at from Fischer'sseveral works (197 6182). It is needless tomention, however, that its designated con-tents differs, mainly because of the substan-tial difference in research context; in fact, hisresearches were conducted mainly in thewest-coastal suburb of San Francisco Bayarea in the United States !

24. Okuda's recent report, especially its post-script, touches on this issue in an implicitw&y, referring to the recent antagonism in-cluding the "protest movement" between theward and residential community around thepolitics of new ward housing project (1991)through the locational "reform" (that is, themethod of abolishment and integration) ofthe public school system. Even leaving asidemy own political judgement on this matter, itis easy to point out the administrative level of"short-sightedness" or "underevaluation"with respect to the crucial significance of thepublic school as a scarce socio-m aterial"asset" for the inner area's residential com-munity in particular.

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一- 77 -一


松廣

東京の都心周辺地域における生活空間の変容

本稿は、世界都市への過程下にあった 1970

年代以降の東京における都心周辺地域とその地

域社会の変容の実態を,主として関係する生活

者の日常 (短期)的及び長期的な生活過程に対

する視角に基づいて理解しようと試みたもので

ある。

住工商混在の東京都心周辺地域は,主として

70年代以降国際金融を始めとした東京の「世界

都市」化の進展の中,外延的膨張を続けた既成

都心業務地区に取り込まれる傾向にあり,それ

は,具体的にはオフィスビルヘの土地利用転換

やそれに伴う居住人口の絶対的減少,若年層の

流出や結果としての残留老齢人口の高率化など

として表れた。既存の東京研究はおしなべて,

こうした現象を都心地域社会の絶対的な衰退を

示すものと断定する傾向にあった。しかし,特

定の集計的資料のみに基づくことの多いこうし

た議論だけでは,当該地域に関係する様々な生

活者による先の地域変動に対する認識やそれに

基づく短期的及び長期的な対応行動,又その中

における構造的な規定要因等が必ずしも明らか

にされず,その結果としてこの時期の東京都心

地域像の総体的理解に迄至らないことが多かっ

た。

本研究では従って,関係者の生活実態に関す

る詳細な調査資料の非集計的,類型論的な取り

扱いに基づいて先の既存研究の欠落を補うと共

に,併せて 70年代以降の東京の歴史的な変化

といった巨視的な現象と生活者個々の生活空間

の変容という微視的事象との整合的な解釈を試

みた。

悟*

調査地域として選択されたのは,上述の固有

な現象が集計資料からも観察された千代田区神

田三崎町である。地区の土地利用と人口変化に

関する資料の検討と地域史の展望に基づいた上

で,先の生活実態調査が行われた。中でも,当

該地区に永年居住する層からの転出者に対して

は,「転出」現象が地域社会の変化や都市構造の

変容とも密接に関わる要因であるために特に重

点がおかれた。

調査の結果,以下の事象が判明した。主とし

て自営業を営んでいる居住者は,経済・生活環

境の激変にも対応しながら当該地区に残留して

いる。他方,転出者の大半は,家計としての独

立,結婚,あるいは居住空間の不十分さなどを

主要な契機ないし要因として,住居としては神

田三崎町を離れたものの,就職,子供の進学,

親の扶養,残留する友人との付き合い,その他

当該地域に残る様々な社会活動への参加を通じ

て,依然として当該地域と関係を保っている。

彼・彼女らの生活空間は,主として都心実家を

通る鉄道沿線上の現住居と当該都心地域との間

で分離,拡散する傾向にあり,その中で都心に

残る実家は一種の「拠点性」を持つものとなっ

ている。居住者,転出者を通じた将来上の問題

は,地価の急激な上昇による税負担の増加や,

両親の死後の遺産分割相続過程を契機とした,

自からの生活空間における先の拠点性の喪失で

ある。

本研究における重要な発見は,70年代の急速

な業務空間の拡張プロセスの中,表面的には

「地域社会の死」を示すかに見える東京の都心

*二重大学地誌学系

一- 78 -―

Structural Transfomation of L市 ing Spacc(HirOmatsu)

周辺地域においても,先の拠点性の存続というる地域計画に携わる専門家集団には, こうした

形でその継続が図られているということであ地域の歴史・社会的な実態に対する配慮が必要

る。都心周辺地域の社会資源の再配分に関係すであると考えられる。

―- 79 -―

structural transformation of living space in the inner area of tokyo

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