specpol - storage.googleapis.com

SPECPOLC O M M I T T E E G U I D E

Special Political and Decolonization Committee

Committee Guide

The United Nations General Assembly consists of 6 main committees; and the Fourth Committee of the UN General Assembly, SPECPOL (also known as Special Political and Decolonization Committee), is one of six committees of UN. At first, SPECPOL was created to deal with issues that related trusteeship and non-self- governing territories. After the end of trusteeship system, Special Political and Decolonization Committee (SPECPOL) deals with various matters of international politics, which include those related to decolonization, Palestinian refugees and human rights, peacekeeping, mine action, outer space, public information, atomic radiation and University for Peace. Its mission handles the political rights and problems of disenfranchised and recently decolonized populations – a tumultuous and difficult task. These issues are varied and challenging, dealing with human rights, access to information, the management of outer space, and many others. The committee derives power from its mandate in Chapter XI of the United Nations Charter, which commits to the preservation of the rights and dignities of people living in non-self-governing territories. The committee passes resolutions with suggestions on the optimal ways for the United Nations and member states to address the issues of colonized people. According to its mandate, the Fourth Committee can discuss issues such as self-determination, decolonization, and peacekeeping efforts. While SPECPOL was derived from the Disarmament and International Security Committee, it takes on issues that the First Committee does not address, as well as looking at topics with a wider scope. Unlike other UN committees, SPECPOL shines a spotlight on issues pertaining to occupation, colonization, and subjugation, with the primary goal of making all countries independent and self-sufficient from outside powers. Sharing the same procedures and the structure with the other General Assembly committees, SPECPOL does not have the authorization to make a legally binding decision. This forbids the use of operative clause language, which is more indicative of a Security Council resolution (e.g. ‘Demands’), with non-binding language (e.g. ‘Urges’, ‘Recommends’) being used instead. This also means that any peacekeeping operations or punitive measures (such as economic sanctions) cannot directly be authorised by this committee, although it is within the committee’s power to suggest or recommend that the Security Council take these actions in


Committee Guide

a manner stipulated by the committee. It is still acceptable, however, to refer to resolutions passed previously by non-General Assembly committees (including the Security Council) in the perambulatory clauses of a resolution. I would like to welcome all of you to the Special Political and decolonization conmittee. My name is Vashishth Agaja and I will be serving as chairperson of this wonderful committee for the upcoming 2016 Navrachana International Model United Nations Conference. I’m a student pursuing the IB diploma. I am thrilled to have the opportunity to engage with you within this committee and to gain valuable insights from the various resolutions and thoughts you each will bring to this conference. I truly look forward to meeting you all. As your chair, I have a few expectations. Come prepared and act in a professional manner. No matter how relevant or poignant your remarks, people will not respect you unless you play the part. Also, learn your parliamentary procedure and pay attention to the rules of drafting a resolution. I will be strict on this. This is important to me, and it should be important to you as well if you truly are interested in Model United Nations. Be respectful of others, even if you or your country disagrees with what they say; remember that you must always maintain decorum. In order to facilitate better debate as well as decorum, I encourage note passing. This will help keep the spoken cross dialogue between delegates to a minimum, while at the same time allowing the topic to be earnestly debated on many levels. As a chair, I will be quick to welcome a laugh and slow to except a discourtesy. I hope each of you has an enjoyable time while in committee, but at the same time I expect nothing but the upmost respect to myself and others at all times. Just as important, you should know these topics and the stance of your country like the back of your hand. I will allow the body to set the agenda to any of these topics in any order. I want there to be debate, I want there to be argument, and I want there to be compromise. However, in order for these to happen, everyone must be well informed and be willing to speak their mind. Research your country and these topics. Utilize all available resources, including the official UN website, your country’s embassy webpage, and others. If you have trouble researching anything, do not hesitate to contact me. Moreover, keep in mind that these topics have boggled political scientists and wold leaders for


Committee Guide

decades. Do not be discouraged if at first it seems that we are not making progress. For many of these countries, dialogue in itself is progress and in time, things will come together. Do not hesitate to contact me at [email protected] if you have any questions. I hope that you are looking forward to attending this conference as much as I am looking forward to chairing it. Regards, Vashishth Agaja


Committee Guide

Topic 1

Impact of hosting the Tibetan government in exile The contemporary dispute over Tibet is rooted in religious and political disputes starting in the thirteenth century. China claims that Tibet has been an inalienable part of China since the thirteenth century under the Yuan dynasty. Tibetan nationalists and their supporters counter that the Chinese Empire at that time was either a Mongol empire or a Manchu one, which happened to include China too, and that Tibet was a protectorate, wherein Tibetans offered spiritual guidance to emperors in return for political protection. When British attempts to open relations with Tibet culminated in the 1903-04 invasion and conquest of Lhasa, Qing-ruled China, which considered Tibet politically subordinate, countered with attempts to increase control over Tibet’s administration. But in 1913, a year after the Qing dynasty collapsed, Tibet declared independence and all Chinese officials and residents in Lhasa were expelled by the Tibetan government. Tibet thenceforth functioned as a de facto independent nation until the Chinese army invaded its eastern borders in 1950. But even during this period, Tibet’s international status remained unsettled. China continued to claim it as sovereign territory. Western countries, including Britain and the United States, did not recognize Tibet as fully independent. After founding the People’s Republic of China in 1949, the new communist government in China sought reunification with Tibet and decided to invade it in 1950. A year later, in 1951, the Dalai Lama’s representatives signed a seventeen-point agreement with Beijing, granting China sovereignty over Tibet for the first time. The agreement stated that the central authorities “will not alter the existing political system in Tibet” or “the established status, functions and powers of the Dalai Lama.” While the Chinese government points to this document to prove Tibet is part of Chinese territory, proponents of Tibetan independence say Tibet was coerced into signing this document and surrendering its sovereignty. Experts also point to the years from 1913 to 1950, a time when Tibet behaved like a de facto independent state, to argue that Tibet was not always part of China. But China blames the British influence at the time for provoking the idea of Tibetan independence and refuses to be bound


Committee Guide

by any treaties signed between Tibet and Britain during that period. This includes the 1914 Shimla convention where the British recognized Tibet as an autonomous area under the suzerainty of China. The political status question is also complicated by uncertainty about what constitutes Tibet’s borders. The Chinese only accept the term Tibet for the western and central areas, the area that is now called the Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR). The Lhasa government directly ruled this area when the Chinese invaded in 1950. But Tibetan exiles have been demanding a Greater Tibet, which includes political Tibet in modern times (TAR) as well as ethnic Tibetan areas east of TAR, most of which Tibet had lost in the eighteenth century. These areas, earlier known as Amdo and Kham, are now scattered among parts of Chinese provinces of Sichuan, Qinghai, Yunnan and Gansu. The March 2008 anti-government protests, which started in Lhasa, soon spread among the ethnic Tibetan areas in these provinces. Experts say there is no document in which the Tibetan people or their government explicitly recognize Chinese sovereignty before the invasion of 1950. Economic and Political Importance The Chinese autonomous region of Tibet is an area of great economic and geo-strategic significance as it holds considerable amounts of natural resources and connects China to South and Central Asia. In addition, Tibet is known as ‘Asia’s water tower’ since important rivers such as the Mekong, Yangtze and Yellow river originate in the region. Tibet’s political status represents a long-run cause of conflict both in China and in international relations that revolve around the question of whether the incorporation of Tibet into China was in accordance with international law 4. China considers the status of Tibet as an internal affair, in which outside interference is rejected. By opposing any notion from abroad that might challenge the status-quo of the region, China not only aims to contain the spread of unrest inside Tibet, but also seeks to weaken the worldwide Tibetan independence movement.


Committee Guide

Within this context, the Dalai Lama, in his position as leader of the Tibetan community, is seen as a threat to the integrity of the Chinese nation. Consequently, meetings of foreign officials with the Dalai Lama are a constant source of bilateral diplomatic tensions with China. In addition to purely diplomatic threats, China more-or-less openly threatens that it will respond to meetings between its trading partners’ officials and the Tibetan leader with measures that will result in a deterioration of their trade relationships. An article published in China Daily – a state-run newspaper, known as a mouthpiece of the Communist party – clearly advises against outside interference in the Tibet question “if they [countries] want to remain on good terms with China.” The government’s decisiveness on this matter is reflected in instances such as the prominent case of France, where the country was crossed off the travel agenda of two Chinese trade delegations in 2009 in retaliation to a meeting between French president Nicolas Sarkozy and the Dalai Lama. In an interview conducted in 2007, the Dalai Lama himself acknowledged the unwillingness of state officials to receive him, so as not to jeopardize the intense economic ties that their countries have established with China. Since China is neither a democracy, nor a free market economy, its administration has greater capacity to impact on trading decisions than the government in a democratic free market economy. Such significant scope for government intervention thus gives leeway for the utilization of trade flows as foreign policy tool. Since a country’s policy towards the Dalai Lama influences its bilateral relations with China and may provoke retaliatory responses from Beijing, it is hypothesized that a trade-deteriorating effect is caused by foreign officials receiving the Dalai Lama. The Government In 1949 the People’s Liberation Army of China marched into Tibet’s northeastern province of Kham and Amdo, thus setting in motion the forcible occupation of the country which culminated in the flight of its young leader His Holiness the Dalai Lama to India and the crushing of the Tibetan National Uprising in March 1959. Some 80,000 Tibetans,


Committee Guide

who sought refuge in India, Nepal and Bhutan, followed Tibet’s leader. The influx of refugees continues even today. Currently, the Tibetan exile population is over 145,150 of which about 101,242 are based in India. On April 29, 1959, His Holiness the Dalai Lama established the Tibetan exile administration in the north Indian hill station of Mussoorie. Named the Central Tibetan Administration ( CTA) of His Holiness the Dalai Lama, this is the continuation of the government of independent Tibet. In May 1960, the Central Tibetan Administration was moved to Dharamshala, situated in the Indian state of Himachal Pradesh. The CTA has a unique economic model. Its main sources of revenue are donations from individuals and philanthropic organizations around the globe while Tibetans outside China also contribute through a “voluntary freedom tax.” Some governments provide humanitarian assistance out of their foreign aid budgets. The annual operating budget is around $30 million. This amount looks after all the settlements and a dozen political offices around the world. Most of those in India still live in the settlements but many are moving into the cities to look for jobs and economic opportunities as unemployment often exceeds 20 per cent. The government provides scholarships to college and offers vocational training, computer instruction, communication and leadership training, advice on how to face interviews and career counseling. The survival of the language and culture is tied to their economic future. Smaller settlements are already closing down. If young people continue to leave, that poses a real threat. It’s a double-edged threat because across the border in China, the economic marginalization of Tibetans is getting worse. New research by economist Andrew Fischer at the International Institute of Social Studies at The Hague shows that despite massive state subsidies poured by China into the development of the Tibet region, Tibetans themselves have not benefited. There is no preferential hiring and little possibility that even the best educated can work in the public sector where the quality jobs are found.


Committee Guide

70 to 80 per cent of shops, restaurants and enterprises around the Tibet capital of Lhasa are owned or operated by Chinese. Even when jobs are advertised, they come with strings attached. If they’re hired, Tibetans get paid less than ethnic Chinese. “Forty per cent of Tibetans who are high school or college graduates are unemployed.” The Tibetan people, both inside and outside Tibet, recognize Central Tibetan Administration as their sole and legitimate government. CTA is also being increasingly recognized as the legitimate government and true representative of the six million Tibetan people by parliaments around the world. Right from the beginning, the Central Tibetan Administration has taken upon itself the task of rehabilitating refugees and restoring the freedom of Tibet. Education has been on top of the rehabilitation agenda. Alongside rehabilitation, CTA decided to experiment with modern democracy in preparation for a future, free Tibet. On September 2, 1960, the Tibetan Parliament in-Exile came into being. In 1990, His Holiness the Dalai Lama announced further democratization, by which the composition of the Tibetan Parliament was increased to 46 members. It was empowered to elect the Tibetan Kashag or Council of Ministers, who are made answerable to it. Similarly, the Tibetan judiciary known as the Supreme Justice Commission is instituted. Today, the Parliament has 43 members (instead of 46 members). The newly empowered Tibetan Parliament in-exile en acted the present constitution in June 1991 under the title of The Charter of the Tibetans in-Exile. Today, the Central Tibetan Administration functions as a veritable government and has all the attributes of a free democratic government. It must be noted, however, that the CTA is not designed to assume power when Tibetan becomes free.


Committee Guide

Constitution The Constitution of the Tibetan exile community is known as ‘The Charter of Tibetans in Exile’. It is the supreme law governing the functions of the Central Tibetan Administration. The Charter was drafted by the Constitution Redrafting Committee in 1990 and referred to the Tibetan Parliament. After careful deliberations, the Charter was unanimously passed by the XIth Tibetan Parliament in-Exile on June 14, 1991. His Holiness the Dalai Lama approved it on June 28, 1991. The Charter professes to adhere to the universal Declaration of Human Rights as specified by the United Nations and to provide to all Tibetans equality before the law, enjoyment of rights and freedom without discrimination on the basis of sex, religion, race, language and social origin. It clearly states in the preliminary that all Tibetans will strive to bring about future Tibet comprising the whole province of U-tsang, Do-Toe (Kham) and Do-Mey (Amdo) as a democratic, federal, republic state and a zone of peace. The Charter provides for a clear separation of power among the three organs of government:

• Judiciary • Legislature • Executive.

Before the Charter was adopted, the Central Tibetan Administration functioned along the lines of the draft democratic constitution for a future Tibet, promulgated by His Holiness the Dalai Lama in 1963. Timeline

1907 - Britain and Russia acknowledge Chinese suzerainty over Tibet. 1908-09 - China restores Dalai Lama, who flees to India as China sends in army to control his government. 1912 April - Chinese garrison surrenders to Tibetan authorities after Chinese Republic declared.


Committee Guide

1912 - 13th Dalai Lama returns from India, Chinese troops leave. 1913 - Tibet reasserts independence after decades of rebuffing attempts by Britain and China to establish control. 1949 - Mao Zedong proclaims the founding of the People's Republic of China and threatens Tibet with "liberation". 1950 - China enforces a long-held claim to Tibet. The Dalai Lama, now aged 15, officially becomes head of state. 1951 - Tibetan leaders are forced to sign a treaty dictated by China. The treaty, known as the "Seventeen Point Agreement", professes to guarantee Tibetan autonomy and to respect the Buddhist religion, but also allows the establishment of Chinese civil and military headquarters at Lhasa. Mid-1950s - Mounting resentment against Chinese rule leads to outbreaks of armed resistance. 1954 - The Dalai Lama visits Beijing for talks with Mao, but China still fails to honour the Seventeen Point Agreement. 1959 March - Full-scale uprising breaks out in Lhasa. The Dalai Lama and most of his ministers flee to northern India, to be followed by some 80,000 other Tibetans. 1965 - Chinese government establishes Tibetan Autonomous Region (TAR). 1980s - China introduces "Open Door" reforms and boosts investment while resisting any move towards greater autonomy for Tibet. 1987 - The Dalai Lama calls for the establishment of Tibet as a zone of peace and continues to seek dialogue with China, with the aim of achieving genuine self-rule for Tibet within China. 1988 - China imposes martial law after riots break out.


Committee Guide

1995 - The Dalai Lama names a six-year-old boy, Gedhun Choekyi Nyima, as the true reincarnation of the Panchen Lama, the second most important figure in Tibetan Buddhism. The Chinese authorities place the boy under house arrest and designate another six-year-old boy, Gyancain Norbu, as their officially sanctioned Panchen Lama. 2002 - Contacts between the Dalai Lama and Beijing are resumed. 2007 December - The number of tourists travelling to Tibet hits a record high, up 64% year on year at just over four million. 2008 March - Anti-China protests escalate into the worst violence Tibet has seen in 20 years, five months before Beijing hosts the Olympic Games. Pro-Tibet activists in several countries focus world attention on the region by disrupting progress of the Olympic torch relay. 2008 October - The Dalai Lama says he has lost hope of reaching agreement with China about the future of Tibet. 2008 November - The British government recognises China's direct rule over Tibet for the first time. A meeting of Tibetan exiles in northern India reaffirms support for the Dalai Lama's long-standing policy of seeking autonomy, rather than independence, from China. 2008 December - Row breaks out between European Union and China after Dalai Lama addresses European MPs. China suspends high-level ties with France after President Nicolas Sarkozy meets the Dalai Lama. 2009 January - Chinese authorities detain 81 people and question nearly 6,000 alleged criminals in what the Tibetan government-in-exile called a security crackdown ahead of the March anniversary of the 1959 flight of the Dalai Lama.


Committee Guide

2009 March - China marks flight of Dalai Lama with new "Serfs' Liberation Day" public holiday. China promotes its appointee as Panchen Lama, the second-highest-ranking Lama, as spokesman for Chinese rule in Tibet. Government reopens Tibet to tourists after a two-month closure ahead of the anniversary. 2009 April - China and France restore high-level contacts after December rift over President Sarkozy's meeting with the Dalai Lama. 2009 October - China confirms that at least two Tibetans have been executed for their involvement in anti-China riots in Lhasa in March 2008. 2010 April - Envoys of Dalai Lama visit Beijing to resume talks with Chinese officials after a break of more than one year. 2011 April - Dalai Lama announces his retirement from politics. Exiled Tibetans elect Lobsang Sangay to lead the government-in-exile. 2011 July - The man expected to be China's next president, Xi Jinping, promises to "smash" Tibetan separatism in a speech to mark the 60th anniversary of the Chinese Communist takeover of Tibet. This comes shortly after US President Barack Obama receives the Dalai Lama in Washington and expresses "strong support" for human rights in Tibet. 2011 November - The Dalai Lama formally hands over his political responsibilities to Lobsang Sangay, a former Harvard academic. Before stepping down, the Dalai Lama questions the wisdom and effectiveness of self-immolation as a means of protesting against Chinese rule in Tibet. 2012 November - UN human rights chief Navi Pillay calls on China to address abuses that have prompted the rise in self-immolations. 2013 June - China denies allegations by rights activists that it has resettled two million Tibetans in "socialist villages".


Committee Guide

2014 February - US President Obama holds talks with the Dalai Lama in Washington. China summons a US embassy official in Beijing to protest.

Various points that should be addressed • Abandonment of China's population transfer policy which threatens the

very existence of the Tibetans as a people; • Respect for the Tibetan people's fundamental human rights and

democratic freedoms; • Restoration and protection of Tibet's natural environment and the

abandonment of China's use of Tibet for the production of nuclear weapons and dumping of nuclear waste; • Commencement of earnest negotiations on the future status of Tibet

and of relations between the Tibetan and Chinese peoples. • How the human rights situations of the people in the region is to be

dealt with? Any action should ordinarily involve government cooperation and approval. • Possible inputs and policies on establishing a permanent government

in Tibet. Useful Links http://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-pacific-17046222 http://www.officeoftibet.com/index.php/2014-08-21-17-03-06/brief-introduction-to-tibetan-government-in-exile http://www.econ.cam.ac.uk/dae/repec/cam/pdf/cwpe1103.pdf http://www.cfr.org/china/question-tibet/p15965#p1 http://www.tibetjustice.org/reports/occupied.html http://www.dalailama.com/messages/tibet/five-point-peace-plan

http://freetibet.org/about


Committee Guide

Topic 2 Neocolonialism in Africa

When the UN was founded in 1945, a large number of regions were still under colonial repression especially by European super-powers (France, Great Britain, and Germany). The world was still reeling from the devastating effects of World War II which spawned future political problems through the breakup of colonial empires. In this context, on August 17, 1993 after the merging of the Special Political and the Decolonization Committee (SPECPOL) in accordance with GA resolution 47/223, it was established the Fourth GA Committee as an ad hoc organ to solve decolonization and self-determination problems, as well as to alleviate the Security Council from its work load and to resolve political issues not discussed by the First GA Committee (DISEC), which could not adequately solve the abundance of different global issues on a daily basis. The SPECPOL deals with a variety of subjects which include those related to decolonization, Palestinian refugees and human rights, mine action, outer space activities, public information, atomic radiation, rights of indigenous tribes worldwide and the use of UN peacekeeping forces. The SPECPOL committee is also concerned with the political destabilization between member states and is a forum for debate over grievances. Thus, it is obvious that SPECPOL has access to topics that many committees usually omit, a fact that – combined with the representation of all member states in the debate- offers to SPECPOL a notably great credibility. Although there now remain few official colonies, SPECPOL is very important, as the sovereignty of many areas remains controversial and colonialism has appeared in new forms in places such as the Western Sahara, Cyprus and Afghanistan. This committee brings succour to topics relating to decolonization and to maintenance of peace and stability in conflict areas. However, as it is not to its jurisdiction to call for military action or to place or/and restrictions upon any member State, it struggles to mitigate problems through discussions and negotiations, creating resolutions calling for specific actions or advising other agencies or bodies for certain operations. Here, the SPECPOL fills an important role in allowing for equal deliberation upon political agendas by all members of the U.N – represented equally within the General Assembly and not the Security Council where rights are vested only with a certain few members.


Committee Guide

It is no secret that Africa is wallowing in extreme poverty; it is deep in debt, hunger, diseases, illiteracy and civil strife. Many argue that the condition in Africa is in fact far worse today than it was at the end of colonialism under the European nations in the 1960s and 1970s. Observing the living conditions of the rapidly growing population, it is apparent that this is actually the case. There is a new form of colonialism, by the same western countries, masked under the pretext of economic support for Africa, directly enforced or institutionalized in the form of World Bank, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Trade Organization (WTO). The policies enforced on poor African countries through these organizations have chained Africa for continued dependence on western economies for mere subsistence. Modern economic colonialism commonly refers to the establishment or cultivation of a relationship based on economic dependency between developed countries and former colonies in the developing world. The most important difference between ‘traditional’ colonialism and its modern counterpart lies in the tools used to establish and maintain control over a so-called ‘colonized’ state. International economic arrangements seem to be the ‘new’ tools to maintain control over the states and territories that have become independent since the end of the Second World War. Some states thus continue to exercise control over foreign territories and their populations, violating United Nations Declarations and resolutions, and numerous multinational corporations exploit the resources of post-colonial states. The withdrawal of the old colonial powers from Africa, in the context of a developing cold war, a developing Pan-African Nationalism, and the rising cost of maintaining a colonial administration system, during the nineteen-hundred and sixties left the African nations in a euphoric state of independence. In most cases this euphoria was soon to be substituted by choking massacres and conflict, coup d'etats unrest and destabilization. The old colonial rulers had returned with a vengeance. Over fifty years later, most African nations are, in spite of the richness of their resources and productivity of their population, catastrophically under developed, impoverished, indebted, plagued by conflict, unrest and instability due to the return of the colonial powers influence. Those African nations who failed to comply with their returning rulers were and are mercilessly attacked. Libya and the Ivory Coast are examples for the


Committee Guide

new colonization's subversive influence, and a warning for African leaders to face the lion in solidarity or be devoured one by one. All conflicts in post-colonial African wars as well as internal unrest have the same common elements. The involvement of foreign nations, the instrumentalization of local elements, and the goal to control resources, economy, and geopolitically as well as strategically significant locations. Western Medias narrative of French, British, and US-American involvement in Africa is commonly manufacturing popular consent by eliciting a fabled advocacy for stability, human rights, and democracy for African countries; nothing could be farther from the truth. Stability, human rights and democracy are but the pretext for aggressive neo-colonial subversion, invasion, long-term military presence and control. This subversion and invasion has acquired an additional dimension after China began to invest massively on the African continent. While the traditional colonial powers and the USA maintained the traditional role of the supremacist usurper, China is, though resource, trade and profit oriented, taking an approach of joint ventures and contribution to the development of African Nations infrastructure. After all, the Chino-African model of free market enterprise and joint venture can not function if African nations don´t develop to such degree that they can import consumer goods that are manufactured in China. Thus, since China began investing interests in Africa, the traditional colonial powers and the USA´s subversions and aggressions began being directed primarily against China, and secondarily Russia, which is recently re-discovering it´s strength as a global power. The neo-colonial model of subversion is based on directing and co-opting local instruments, such as opposition parties, human rights organizations, an ongoing internal low intensity conflict, as well as expatriate communities, expatriates sponsored and with ties to i.e. the National Endowment for Democracy, and other Institutes, NGO´s and Organizations that are notorious for their involvement in subversions. These systems interface with both civilian and military intelligence services and special operations forces, in a logical, systematic approach that invariably has the same outcome; the subversion of the country, and the installation of a controlled, friendly, or proxy government. Precisely the same methodology is explained in an analysis of the subversion of Syria that began with the “Arab Spring” in 2011. The co-opting of local


Committee Guide

opposition in African subversions has been an invariable part of neo-colonial strategy since day one of neo-colonialism, when creating and aggravating internal tensions, and the financial overthrew the Congolese Government and Patrice Lumumba, as well as covert military support of an armed insurgency with it´s basis in a local militia. The function of any of these subversions is invariably the controlling of resources and wealth while keeping the African Nations impoverished and indebted, and since the beginning of the rapid development of China´s economy, the geopolitical as well as economical warfare on Russia and China. The neo-colonialism of today represents imperialism in its final and perhaps its most dangerous stage. In the past it was possible to convert a country upon which a neo-colonial regime had been imposed — Egypt in the nineteenth century is an example — into a colonial territory. Today this process is no longer feasible. Old-fashioned colonialism is by no means entirely abolished. It still constitutes an African problem, but it is everywhere on the retreat. Once a territory has become nominally independent it is no longer possible, to reverse the process. Existing colonies may linger on, but no new colonies will be created. In place of colonialism as the main instrument of imperialism we have today neo-colonialism. The essence of neo-colonialism is that the State which is subject to it is, in theory, independent and has all the outward trappings of international sovereignty. In reality its economic system and thus its political policy is directed from outside. The methods and form of this direction can take various shapes. For example, in an extreme case the troops of the imperial power may garrison the territory of the neo-colonial State and control the government of it. More often, however, neo-colonialist control is exercised through economic or monetary means. The neo-colonial State may be obliged to take the manufactured products of the imperialist power to the exclusion of competing products from elsewhere. Control over government policy in the neo-colonial State may be secured by payments towards the cost of running the State, by the provision of civil servants in positions where they can dictate policy, and by monetary control over foreign exchange through the imposition of a banking system controlled by the imperial power.


Committee Guide

Where neo-colonialism exists the power exercising control is often the State which formerly ruled the territory in question, but this is not necessarily so. For example, in the case of South Vietnam the former imperial power was France, but neo-colonial control of the State has now gone to the United States. The control of the Congo by great international financial concerns is a case in point. The result of neo-colonialism is that foreign capital is used for the exploitation rather than for the development of the less developed parts of the world. Investment under neo-colonialism increases rather than decreases the gap between the rich and the poor countries of the world. The struggle against neo-colonialism is not aimed at excluding the capital of the developed world from operating in less developed countries. It is aimed at preventing the financial power of the developed countries being used in such a way as to impoverish the less developed. Non-alignment, as practiced by Ghana and many other countries, is based on co-operation with all States whether they be capitalist, socialist or have a mixed economy. Such a policy, therefore, involves foreign investment from capitalist countries, but it must be invested in accordance with a national plan drawn up by the government of the non-aligned State with its own interests in mind. The issue is not what return the foreign investor receives on his investments. He may, in fact, do better for himself if he invests in a non-aligned country than if he invests in a neo-colonial one. The question is of power. A State in the grip of neo-colonialism is not master of its own destiny. It is this factor, which makes neo-colonialism such a serious threat to world peace. The growth of nuclear weapons has made out of date the old-fashioned balance of power which rested upon the ultimate sanction of a major war. Certainty of mutual mass destruction effectively prevents either of the great power blocs from threatening the other with the possibility of a worldwide war, and military conflict has thus become confined to ‘limited wars’. Such wars can, of course, take place in countries, which are not neo-colonialist controlled. Indeed their object may be to establish in a small but independent country a neo-colonialist regime. To give one example: if Africa was united, no major power bloc would attempt to subdue it by limited war because from the very nature of limited war, what can be achieved by it is itself limited. It is, only where small States exist that it is possible, by landing a few thousand marines or by financing a mercenary force, to secure a decisive result.


Committee Guide

The restriction of military action of ‘limited wars’ is, however, no guarantee of world peace and is likely to be the factor which will ultimately involve the great power blocs in a world war, however much both are determined to avoid it. Limited war, once embarked upon, achieves a momentum of its own. Of this, the war in South Vietnam is only one example. It escalates despite the desire of the great power blocs to keep it limited. While this particular war may be prevented from leading to a world conflict, the multiplication of similar limited wars can only have one end-world war and the terrible consequences of nuclear conflict. Neo-colonialism is also the worst form of imperialism. For those who practice it, it means power without responsibility and for those who suffer from it, it means exploitation without redress. In the days of old-fashioned colonialism, the imperial power had at least to explain and justify at home the actions it was taking abroad. In the colony those who served the ruling imperial power could at least look to its protection against any violent move by their opponents. With neo-colonialism neither is the case. Above all, neo-colonialism, postpones the facing of the social issues that will have to be faced by the fully developed sector of the world before the danger of world war can be eliminated or the problem of world poverty resolved. Timeline

(1624) England colonizes Barbados and St. Kitts (1947) African's push for decolonization (1956) Morocco, Sudan, and Tunisia all receive independence; oil discovered in Nigeria (1961) Zaire receives independence from Belgium (1962) Algeria receives independence from France (mid-1960s) European colonial era of Africa ends, most African nations gain independence (1963) Organization of African Unity forms (1965) Che Guevara speaks about the existence of imperialism in the form of neocolonialism (1967-1970) Nigerian civil war


Committee Guide

(1974) United Nations General Assembly passed resolution 3201 and 3202, addressing matters of imperialism and de-neocolonization (2003) Civil war begins in Darfur region of Sudan, several hundred thousand killed in conflict that lasted six years (2006) War in Somalia involving Ethiopia and Somali Transitional Federal Government (2008) Daewoo, a South Korean company, secures 1.3 million hectares of land in Madagascar (2007) Togo holds first democratic elections (2011) South Sudan receives independence (2000 – now) Sharp increase in foreign investments in Africa due to presence of new investors from the Middle East and Asia

The United Nations maintains its position that foreign investments are needed for the development of African economies. However, it does realize that neocolonialism can indeed be a consequence of foreign investments. As such, it would to like to issue regulations and introduce measures to prevent neocolonialism in the aim of ensuring that respect for any involving nationsʼ sovereignty, a fundamental principle of the United Nations as enshrined in Article 2 of the UN Charter, is upheld. The following countries have displayed interest and actions in the resources of poorer nations, therefore being neocolonial powers: African Countries In the attempt to gain capital necessary for development, African leaders might or perhaps even have to conclude agreements that are exploitive in nature and harm their countries’ economies in the long term. This is seen through the “farmland grab” trend, in which African governments are leasing vast tracts of land to other countries and investors at minimal land fees with vague promises of jobs and infrastructure. China The Chinese have extensively involved themselves in the major industries in Africa, ranging from the mining industry in Zimbabwe and Congo to the oil drilling sector in Nigeria and Sudan. China has being making several purchases across the African continent, importing platinum, copper and cobalt from Zambia and timber from Congo


Committee Guide

Brazzaville. It is estimated that the Chinese currently have investments in 27 major oil and gas projects and they have showed no sign to decrease investments in African nations. In their trips to Africa in 2006, China’s Prime Minister Wen and President Hu made promises to commit US$2.5B investment in Egypt and also extended similar promises to other African nations. China’s zealous enthusiasm in investing in African states, however, has been placed under scrutiny. Some have attributed the country’s generous investments in Africa to the fact that China needs to obtain natural resources to sustain its rapidly growing economy. China is currently importing 30% of its oil from Africa France France has close ties with many African nations, with many nations having French as their primary language as a left-over of their colonial days. Over a hundred French conglomerates have deals in place with African countries, and the French Development Agency provides billions of dollars in aid to Africa each year. The French’s economic influence in African French speaking countries is particularly strong. French companies have strong presence in the Francophone region and the CFA Franc is also tied by a fixed exchange rate to the Euro. In Côte d'Ivoire, a former French colony, French investments take up more than 50% of the total FDIs and the French Bouygues group dominates important public utilities and construction industries. France, with its historical baggage of previously being one of the chief colonial powers in Africa, has been accused of practicing neocolonialism when the French intervened militarily in the 2002 Ivorian Civil War. Germany Germany has established several agreements and treaties with African nations regarding energy and raw resources. However, the German government has emphasized that they are seeing a mutually beneficial symbiotic relationship in Africa. USA Europe and the United States hold 47% of the International Monetary Fund votes and 61% of the World Bank votes between them, the IFIs are seen to be Western-dominated, and have been influenced by neo-


Committee Guide

colonial strategies that benefit them. IFIs are also criticized for issuing loans with conditionality, which often calls for liberalization of the economy and privatization of nationalized industries. Loans are only given when countries comply with program conditions and this is argued by the critics to be neocolonialism backed by financial coercion. The United States has always been a leading source of FDI in sub-Saharan Africa, accounting for more than 37% of the capital flows from developed nations to sub-Saharan Africa during the late 90s. Hilary Clinton US Secretary of State has heightened the United States’ opposition to any form of neocolonialism and said “United States is investing in the people of Zambia, not just the elites." India Trade volumes between India and Africa have grown from US$7.11B in 2001 to US$32.7B in 2010. At the 2011 India-Africa summit, India’s then Prime Minister Manmohan Singh addressed the India-Africa partnership and said that India will offer US$3.6B in credit lines over the next three years. India also plans to build a US$2.12B railway line between Ethiopia and Djibouti and develop set up diamond processing facilities in Botswana to assist Botswana to “move up the value chain”. Measures to prevent neocolonialism Conventional economic wisdom dictates that foreign investment and production for export are crucial when it comes to tackling underdevelopment and eradicating poverty. With Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) in Africa expecting to hit US$150B by 2015, while many would wish to applaud the growth of foreign investment in African nations, there have been burgeoning debates concerning such investmentsʼ political implications. The crux of these debates lies in foreign investmentsʼ potential to be tools of neocolonialism. Instead of being used for the development of African economies, foreign capital is used to exert de facto control over the domestic countries and exploit Africaʼs rich resources. Foreign businesses and governments are also able to influence and decisively affect African nationsʼ economic and political polices through the threat of divestment. The Dependency Theory further expounds the idea of developed countries involving


Committee Guide

themselves in the affairs of African countries at the expense of the African countries through economic and fiscal means. Potential Solutions Solutions for the topic of Neocolonialism in Africa should address the issue from several standpoints. In order to decide on a course of action, first the committee must decide what the main issues are within the topic. Delegates should investigate options along the lines of limiting manipulation and exploitation, addressing surreptitious tactics for establishing dominance, and exploring ways in which globalization could affect growth rather than decline. Solutions should be specific in nature and have clear goals, such as self-determination and addressing corrupt aid. Too, delegates must consider the wishes of the individual nations, as certain options, such as traditional western aid can cause harm, simply enabling political corruptions by throwing money at them. The solutions should enable African nations by strengthening their economies and political systems, as opposed to solely attacking the wealthier nations. Questions to consider How can LDCs' (Least Developed Countries) situations be addressed apart from loans and traditional "aid"? What components of globalization have contributed most to the subordination of former colonies and their dependency on world powers? How can LDCs have the benefits of globalization without the danger of subjugation? How can self-governance be installed effectively enough for a nation to thrive in the face of larger economic powers? How can exploitation through economic endeavors effectively be deterred without altogether prohibiting trade and commerce? Various points that should be addressed: • The need for equality between nations, the eradication of

manipulation and of exploitation of natural resources, and respect to the fundamental right to self-determination.

• Every State has the right to adopt the economic and social system, which it believes to be the most adequate for its needs, the right to


Committee Guide

nationalize foreign property, the right to regulate the activity of multinational companies within any territorial limits and to see that the international level supervises such activity.

• Given that trade and the building of international networks can lead poorer countries to economic prosperity, at what point does globalization become economic colonization?

• In some cases, a race to the bottom may involve officials in a developing country co-operating with corporate groups and multi-national firms to steal away the natural resources of these nations. The call for greater regulation and moderation of bilateral aid to LEDCs by MEDCs, as big countries offer money on easy terms for public works etc. but in exchange ask for raw materials and mining concessions, including exclusive contracts for national firms, indicating that under the verb 'help' lies the desire to exploit (such as the recent deals struck between China and various sub-Saharan countries).


Committee Guide

Previous attempts to solve the issue A/RES/S-6/3201 Declaration on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order www.un-documents.net/s6r3201.htm A/RES/S-6/3202 Programme of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order http://www.un-documents.net/s6r3202.htm A/RES/1803 Permanent sovereignty over natural resources http://cil.nus.edu.sg/rp/il/pdf/1962%20General%20Assembly%20Resolution% 20On%20Permanent%20Sovereignty%20Over%20Natural%20Resources- pdf.pdf Useful Links http://web.stanford.edu/class/e297a/Neo-Colonialism%20in%20Africa.pdf http://www.globalpolicyjournal.com/blog/19/08/2014/new-neo-colonialism-africa http://icip.gencat.cat/web/.content/continguts/publicacions/workingpapers/2011/arxius/wp_2011-6_ing.pdf http://www.workers.org/2015/11/25/africa-faces-21st-century-neocolonialism/ http://www.africaeconomicanalysis.org/articles/gen/neocolonialismhtml.html http://www.globalresearch.ca/africas-second-liberation-against-todays-neo-colonialism/5451647 http://cps.sagepub.com/content/8/2/234.extract http://www.academicjournals.org/journal/AJPSIR/article-full-text-pdf/32E051147336 https://isistatic.org/journal-archive/ma/09_02/molnar.pdf

specpol - storage.googleapis.com

Documents