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SCIENCE ADMINISTRATION

LECTURE 45

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY IN SOCIAL SCIENCE

ILLUSTRATIONS:MAX WEBER

PAUL DIESING

FREDERICK BETZPORTLAND STATE UNIVERSITY

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Max Weber obtained a doctorate in law at the University of Berlin, writing a dissertation on legal history.

He next qualified to teach in a German University by writing a habilitation thesis on history and public law. He continued to publish on law and economic policy. In 1894, he was appointed as a professor of economics at Freiberg University. In 1896 he moved to University of Heidelberg.

But the following year in 1997, Weber's father died -- two months after having a terrible quarrel with his son. With the relationship to his father unresolved, Weber began suffering increasingly severe conditions of nervousness and insomnia. It made it difficult for him to fulfill his teaching responsibilities.

In the fall of 1899, Weber left his teaching and spent much of the following year in a sanatorium. Then he and his wife went to live in Italy, not returning to Heidelberg until two years later. He retuned to teach in 1902, but he resigned his professorship in 1903.

Next he accepted a position as associate editor of the journal, Archives for Social Science and Social Welfare.

Then he wrote a position paper for the journal on the topic of 'objectivity' in social science.

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1. PARADIGM INTEGRATION

2. SOCIETAL MODEL

3. EMPIRICAL OBSERVATION

4. SOCIAL THEORY

5. OBJECTIVITY

6. SOCIAL LAWS

METHODOLOGICAL ISSUES IN THE SOCIAL SCIENCES

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PHYSICAL BIOLOGICAL MATHEMATICAL SOCIALSCIENCES SCIENCES SCIENCES SCIENCES

PHYSICSAPPLIED PHYSICSCHEMISTRYASTRONOMYEARTH SCIENCES

MOLECULAR BIOLOGY CELL BIOLOGY SYSTEMIC BIOLOGY POPULATION BIOLOGY ECOLOGY SOCIO-BIOLOGY

MATHEMATICS COMPUTER SCIENCE

ECONOMICS SOCIOLOGY ANTHROPOLOGY PSYCHOLOGY POLITICAL SCIENCE MANAGEMENT SCIENCE

MECHANISM MECHANISM LOGIC LOGICSYSTEM SYSTEM SYSTEM SYSTEM

FUNCTION FUNCTION

INANIMATE ANIMATE COGNITIVE SOCIETAL

MODERN DISCIPLINES OF SCIENCE

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Chemistry draws upon physics for the theory of quantum mechanics in binding atoms into molecules. Biology draws upon chemistry for theory of organic chemistry in depicting biological processes. Astronomy draws upon nuclear physics and general relativity for stellar and galactic processes. Earth science draws upon physics for geological and environmental systems processes.

This sharing of intellectual resources across disciplines is due to a common paradigm of Mechanism which all the disciplines use.

The integration across disciplines in science occurs when there is a sharing of intellectual resources based upon a common paradigm used in all disciplines.

One can raise this issue of integration about the disciplines of the social sciences. What common paradigm shared by all the social science disciplines can provide social science integration?

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RESEARCH METHODS IN SOCIAL SCIENCE

We have used most of the illustrations for research methodology from the scientific disciplines of the physical and biological sciences.

The reason for this is that these disciplines are the most well-developed and sophisticated about research methodology in all of modern science. They have most extensively and completely used scientific method to create empirically-grounded theory.

This level of extensive and complete use of method to create empirically-grounded theory has not yet been attained by the social sciences. Not all social science theory is fully empirically grounded.

What kind of research methods are necessary in the social sciences to create empirically-grounded and integrated social science theory?

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The principle methodological challenge in the social sciences is scientific integration across the social sciences. The world of nature -- as social nature,-- as a society -- is a single thing, integrated sets of social actions.

Yet the social science disciplines viewing the social world see only partial perspectives (narrow intellectual slices) through the whole thing -- an economics perspective, a sociological perspective, an anthropological perspective, a psychological perspective, a political perspective, a management perspective. From which perspective could a scientist observe a whole society? This is the challenge for a social science, integrated across social science disciplines.

By this I do not mean to abolish the social science disciplines, as scientific disciplines are valuable intellectual perspectives for observing nature in depth, narrowly but deeply.

The methodological challenge is not to abolish social science disciplines but translate scientific knowledge across them from one discipline to another. This is how the physical and biological disciplines are integrated -- not collapsed but made coherent with one another in shared scientific paradigms.

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1. PARADIGM INTEGRATION

2. SOCIETAL MODEL

3. EMPIRICAL OBSERVATION

4. SOCIAL THEORY

5. OBJECTIVITY

6. SOCIAL LAWS

METHODOLOGICAL ISSUES IN THE SOCIAL SCIENCES

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MODELS AND SCIENTIFIC PROGRESS

In the history of science, scientific attempts to model a whole system of a natural phenomenon have resulted in significant scientific progress.

Examples are:

1. Newton’s quantitative model of the Copernican Solar System.

2. Bohr’s quantum model of the Rutherford atom.

3. Watson’s and Crick’s double-helix model of DNA.

4. Human genome project to model human DNA.

In this lecture, we will explore how an attempt to model a whole society might provide significant progress in integrating the social science disciplines.

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Max Weber classified all social relationships as being of two types of dichotomies: (1) utility or identity and (2) reciprocity or authority.

In any societal interaction, each party to the interaction will anticipate either:

(1) Utility, a useful value for a participant in the interaction (such as buying or selling goods):

(2) Identity in the interaction through an identification of one party with the other party as belonging to some same group and sharing the values of the group (such as belonging to the same church or same political party).

Also in any societal interaction, each party will also anticipate as a basis for the interaction either:

(1) Reciprocity in the relationship as a mutual and equal advantage for each party in the relationship, or

(2) Authority by one of the parties in the relationship for making decisions about the relationship (such one being a judge and the other a plaintiff or one being a mayor of a city and the other a citizen.

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RECIPROCITY

AUTHORITY

UTILITY IDENTITY

TAXONOMY OF SOCIETAL SYSTEMS

ECONOMIC SYSTEM

CULTURAL SYSTEM

POLITICAL SYSTEM

TECHNOLOGICALSYSTEM

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1. PARADIGM INTEGRATION

2. SOCIETAL MODEL

3. EMPIRICAL OBSERVATION

4. SOCIAL THEORY

5. OBJECTIVITY

6. SOCIAL LAWS

METHODOLOGICAL ISSUES IN THE SOCIAL SCIENCES

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Weber described what is observable: "From our viewpoint, 'purpose' (as observed in a social action) is the conception of an effect which becomes a cause of action (as observed). . . . Its specific significance (observation of action) consists in the fact that we not only observe human conduct but can and desire to understand it." (Weber, 1897)

Observation of social phenomenon can see not only the action by an actor in a social phenomenon but see the motivation of the actor.

This is a form of the scientific paradigm of Function. In Weber's view of social science empiricism, the social scientist can observe in social phenomena) not only the action but also the intention of the actor. In effect, Weber was identifying the paradigm of Function as a fundamental paradigm in social science.

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From Weber’s Fundamental Concepts of Sociology:

(1) "Sociology seeks to formulate type concepts and generalized uniformities of empirical processes." -- (System paradigm)

(2) "Action is social when, by virtue of the subjective meaning attached to it by the acting individuals, it takes account of the behavior of others and is thereby guided." -- (Function paradigm)

(3)"Types of social action include:

(a) rational orientation to a system of discrete individual ends;

(b) rational orientation to an absolute value;

(c) affectional orientation;

(d) traditional orientation." -- (Logic paradigm)

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Social scientists can empirically describe:

(1) The action and purpose (Function) of social participants,

(2) The rational rules (Logic)

(3) In their organized activities (System).

What the participant is doing and why the participant is doing it and how the participants decide to cooperate to do it.

This is all empirical -- observing society participants in their behavior, reason, and organization.

Social science empiricism is based upon a description of social nature as ‘Function' in participants' actions in a society.

Social science empiricism is also based upon a description of social nature as ‘System' and ‘Logic'.

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1. PARADIGM INTEGRATION

2. SOCIETAL MODEL

3. EMPIRICAL OBSERVATION

4. SOCIAL THEORY

5. OBJECTIVITY

6. SOCIAL LAWS

METHODOLOGICAL ISSUES IN THE SOCIAL SCIENCES

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Weber’s Ideal-type social theory: "We have in abstract economic theory an illustration of those synthetic constructs which have been designated as 'ideas' of historical phenomena. It offers us an 'ideal picture' of events on the commodity-market under conditions of a society organized on the principles of an exchange economy, free competition and rigorously rational conduct" (Weber, 1897)

For Weber, an 'ideal type' in social theory is an abstraction of the principles of an organized society (e.g., the economic principles for a commodity-market).

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An ideal-type in Weberian social theory is a descriptive abstraction of the principles-of-order in an empirically-observable social situation.

It is not just an empirical description of what people are doing in a society but why they think they are doing that. For Weber, social science tries to empirically observe not only what people do by why they think are dong it.

An economic 'commodity-market' as an 'ideal type' explains the why of economic exchanges in a market-organized society -- as perceived by its participants.

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In Weber’s theoretical perspective of ‘ideal-types’, a philosopher of political science, Paul Diesing once undertook a survey of the theoretical literatures of the social sciences to see where and how the idea of 'reason' appears in each social science discipline.

It was an empirical study of the appearance of ideal-type theories in the social science, and Diesing called his book, Reason in Society.

He described how the different disciplines of the social sciences used the concept of 'rationality' in their descriptions of the different aspects of society -- economics, sociology, anthropology, socio-psychology, political science, and law.

And the idea of 'rationality' was also essential to Max Weber's view of social science -- an abstraction of the principles of an organized society

Diesing’s study was of a theory of theories – a logical meta-regression – a study of the paradigm of Logic in the social sciences.

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Paul Diesing received a doctorate in political philosophy from the University of Chicago. He became a professor in the Department of Political Science at the University of Illinois in Urbana, where he finished his study on societal rationality.

Then he went to the State University of New York at Buffalo, where he continued to teach until his retirement as a professor emeritus in the Department of Political Science.

He wrote about social science research methodology and political philosophy. After publication of (1) Reason in Society (1962), Diesing continued to publish: (2) Patterns of Discovery in the Social Sciences (1972); (3) Conflict Among Nations: Bargaining, Decision Making, and System Structure in International Crises (1977); (4) Science and Ideology in the Policy Sciences (1982); (5) How Does Social Science Work?: Reflections on Practice (1992); (6) Hegel's Dialectical Political Economy: A Contemporary Application (1999).

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Diesing identified five different kinds of rational systems in a society: (1) technical system, (2) economic system, (3) social system, (4) legal system, (5) political system.

Each system performed with a different kind of rationality in the societal interaction in the system: (1) technical rationality, (2) economic rationality, (3) social rationality, (5) legal rationality, (6) political rationality.

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Diesing had examined how decisions are made within the different social interactions in a society: "Decisions (rational decisions) are made according to principles and organized structures that embody principles of order." (Diesing, 1962)

By the term 'reason in society', Diesing meant that decisions are made:

(1) according to some principle-of-order in a logic of social interaction and

(2) that there exists in the society an organized-structure, a system which facilitates such decision-making.

Reason operating at the level of a society requires both

• a 'principle-of-order' in the 'logic-of-decision-making‘ (Logic);

• an 'organized-structure' in a society (System) which facilitates that particular logic-of- decision-making.

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Diesing's Five Kinds of Reason in Society

(1) Technical rationality uses the logical principle of 'efficiency' of a means to attain a desired 'end' in a technical decision.

(2) Economical rationality uses the logical principles of 'exchange' and 'allocation' to effect distribution of utilities in economic decisions.

(3) Social rationality uses the logical principle of 'integrative action' and 'equilibrium' to effect cooperation and resolve conflicts in social decisions.

(4) Legal rationality uses the logical principles of 'public' and 'applying-law-to-an-individual-case' to resolve legal conflicts and protect rights of individuals.

(5)Political rationality uses the logical criteria of 'power' (respect and fear) and 'authority' in constructing and controlling of decision-making structures.

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Both Weber and Diesing saw that the methodology of social science can empirically observe both

(1) the organized-structures (systems) in a society and

(2) the principles-of-order (logic) in the decision-making within the organized structures.

Observations of both the rational structures and principles in societal systems are empirically observable and describable and explainable -- without making evaluative judgments on their operation. This distinguishes empiricism in social sciences from policy judgments.

What is 'empirically observable' in 'societal rationality' is how this can provide both (1) a 'logic' for decision-making and (2) an 'organized-structure' for discussions and decisions which use the logic.

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RECIPROCITY

AUTHORITY

UTILITY IDENTITY

SOCIETAL MODEL

ECONOMIC SYSTEM

(Exchange Rationality)

CULTURAL SYSTEM

(Integrative Rationality)

TECHNOLOGICALSYSTEM

(Technical Rationality)

POLITICAL SYSTEM

(Power Rationality)

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1. PARADIGM INTEGRATION

2. SOCIETAL MODEL

3. EMPIRICAL OBSERVATION

4. SOCIAL THEORY

5. OBJECTIVITY

6. SOCIAL LAWS

METHODOLOGICAL ISSUES IN THE SOCIAL SCIENCES

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"There is no absolutely 'objective' scientific analysis of culture . . . of ‘social phenomena' independent of special and 'one-sided' viewpoints according to which -- expressly or tacitly, consciously or unconsciously -- they are selected, analyzed and organized for expository purposes. . . . All knowledge of cultural reality . . . is always knowledge from particular points of view." (Weber, 1897)

". . . the naïve self-deception of the specialist, who is unaware that it is to the evaluative ideas with which he unconsciously approaches his subject matter, that he has selected form an absolute infinity a tiny portion with the study of which he concerns himself." (Weber, 1897)

Observer bias is inherent in social science empiricism, even in the selection of subject matter.

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"We all know that our science (social science). . . first arose in connection with practical considerations. Its most immediate and often sole purpose was the attainment of value-judgments concerning measures of State economic policy." (Weber, 1903)

The connection between social science empiricism and practice is an inherent methodological issue.

Empiricism and Practice are not completely separable in the social science.

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Weber’s concept of ‘ideal-types’ as social theory is critical to the issue of how does social science become objective. How can the formulation of 'generalized uniformities of a empirical process' produce social theory that is 'objective'?

Weber suggested that : "Between the 'historical' interest in a family chronicle and that in the development of the greatest conceivable cultural phenomena which were and are common to a nation or to mankind over long epochs, there exists an infinite gradation of 'significance' arranged in an order which differs for each of us. . . . But it obviously does not follow from this that research in the cultural sciences can only have results which are 'subjective' in the sense that they are valid for one person and not for others." (Weber, 1897)

Weber's methodological approach on how to deal with subjective bias in social science is to generalize over the ‘family chronicle’ of humanity being a whole family.

If one can generalize the evaluative idea in the selection of a research topic over a 'family chronicle' of all humanity ('nation or mankind'), then the empirical observations in the study can be relevant not just to a single perspective but over a common perspective of all humanity.

30INSEPARABILITY

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Many successful professors in leading business schools in the U.S. and Europe have often made more money from consulting (as a professional consultant) than from university teaching. In America and Europe, many professors in economics or in political science or in management science have established separate business-consulting firms, outside of their professorial responsibilities. Many have temporarily in government posts and then returned to their professorial positions in universities.

Michael Porter is a professor at Harvard University and has written several books on the business as a value-adding enterprise and on clustering of industries. With these publications, he established a successful business consulting firm.

Henry Kissinger was a former political science professor at Harvard University. From 1964-1972, Henry Kissinger became secretary of state of the U.S. government under President Richard Nixon. After government service, Kissinger set up a successful international consulting firm, advising companies and foreign governments on international policy issues and situations.

Robert Reich was a Harvard economics professor and served as Secretary of Labor in the U.S. government under President William Clinton from 1993-2001, and then returned to academia.

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In a societal model as an 'ideal-type', consulting practices can test the extent to which the principles-of-order (logic) in a given historical epoch from which the model was abstracted is useful to future decision-making by participants in future times and different places of society.

This future-application of societal logics provides a means of social science to generalize its empiricism over the 'Family of Humanity'. Thus the differences between empirical judgments and normative judgments may be resolved over the empirical observation of historical epochs of societies and future application of principles-of-order as reason-in-society.

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EMPIRICISM – PRACTICE – UNIVERSALITY

It is this kind of methodological partial-separation of empiricism from normative judgment that makes the kinds of business and policy and practitioner operations of social science professors useful to their clients (e.g. Porter's consultancy or Kissinger's consultancy).

In the empirical description of what a client is doing (action) and in thinking what the action is accomplishing (purpose) may occur an unintended consequence for the client (unintended by the client's own intentions) and also unrecognized by the client.

This is to say that, empirically a client's action may not be attaining what the client thinks it is attaining.

Thus the empirically-observed ‘reason-in-society’ from a historical epoch of a society can be tested for universality -- by application of its ‘logic’ to another society at another time.

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1. PARADIGM INTEGRATION

2. SOCIETAL MODEL

3. EMPIRICAL OBSERVATION

4. SOCIAL THEORY

5. OBJECTIVITY

6. SOCIAL LAWS

METHODOLOGICAL ISSUES IN THE SOCIAL SCIENCES

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MODALITY OF RELATIONSHIPS IN SCIENCE

RELATIONSHP NECESSITY SUFFICIENCY

CAUSAL NECESSARY (N) & SUFFICIENT(S)

PRESCRIPTIVE NECESSARY (N) & NOT-SUFFICIENT (S)

ACCIDENTAL NOT-NECESSARY (N) & SUFFICIENT (S)

THEMATIC NOT-NECESSARY (N) & NOT-SUFFICIENT(S)

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The paradigm of Mechanism uses the causal relationship (N&S) between physical objects.

The paradigm of Function uses the prescriptive relationship of (N&S) between functional objects.

For prescriptive relationships (N&S), the context of the relationship must provide sufficiency in explanation.

All social science laws are prescriptive.

All social science theory is contextually dependent for validity in any particular empirical situation.

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Economic rationality in the current global economic system of the oil market is constrained by the system contexts of: (1) the organized-structures of the technological systems and (2) the organized-structures of political systems.

Oil is obtained from fossil deposits; and these were finite. Oil exploration technologies improved dramatically in the 1980s and 1990s, using seismic sounding of geological structures and computer-aided graphics to visualize geological structures. But the efficient exploration techniques and exploration searches for oil over the last decades of the twentieth century had not found major new big deposits of oil. When the twenty-first century began in the economic market of oil, oil was seen in the oil-market as a finite natural resource. In quantity, global production of oil had peaked in the 1990s -- technology as a context of economics.

In 2008, seventy percent of the world's oil resources were controlled by 'sovereign' companies -- national oil companies. These were oil companies by national governments, such as in Russia, Saudi Arabia, Nigeria, Kuwait, Iran, Libya, Iran, Nigeria, Venezuela, etc. In the 1970s, many of these governments had formed a political organization (OPEC) to operate as a consensual monopoly (organized-structure) for decisions by members through setting national targets for oil production.

Thus economic rationality in the global economic system of the oil market then was constrained by the two contexts of technology and politics.

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SOCIETAL MODEL -- SYSTEMS INTERACTIONS

ECONOMY CULTURE

TECHNOLOGY POLITICAL

One can empirically observe the conflicts in value that can occur in decisions across the different societal systems, such as:

- Between technological and political rationalities -- truth versus loyalty;

- Between technological and social rationalities -- truth versus unity;

- Between technological and economic rationalities -- truth versus profits;

- Between economic and political rationalities -- profits versus loyalty;

- Between economic and social rationalities -- profits versus unity;

- Between social and political rationalities -- unity versus loyalty.