schemes bubbles and crashes
TRANSCRIPT
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Alex Clark
Schemes Bubbles And Crashes
12.5.15
The Future of the US Real Estate Market
Do investment bubbles end without disastrous repercussions? History tells us no. The 1860s
railway mania, the 1920s stock market boom and the dot com bubble tell the story of frenzied
speculative investment followed by periods of economic recession or even depression. History tells us
that economic success and misery are inextricably linked. Therefore, the recent boom of Chinese
investment in US real estate makes one ask, “when will the crash follow?” This mania cannot continue
indefinitely. However, its link with economic calamity cannot only be explained in terms of a bust
following a boom. In fact, the fear of economic disaster in China is a major catalyst of Chinese
investment in US real estate. In other words, a bust could be causing a boom. Moreover, unlike previous
real estate booms, much of the Chinese binge on US property is fueled by cash, not credit. Will this real
estate bubble have a different outcome compared to the credit-based Japanese speculation in US
property during the 1980s? Since the boom of Chinese investment in US real estate is ongoing, no
certainties exist on its future consequences. Despite future uncertainties, one concludes this current real
estate boom is both immense on scale and distinguishable from previous bubbles. Therefore, this story
adds another layer of nuance to the analysis of societal behavior in the speculative economy.
Chinese investment in high-end US real estate is lucrative enough to have a significant impact on
long-term US real estate trends. The statistics surrounding this group’s US investments are impressive to
say the least. In 2014, 80% of all new homebuyers in Irvine, California were Chinese (Durden 2015). This
demographic spent $28.6 billion on US real estate in the last fiscal year, making it the largest
demographic of foreign buyers in this market. For 14 homes in the United States that sold for $1 million
or above, one of those homes was sold to a Chinese buyer in 2014 (Searcley and Bradsher 2015). This
demographics’ contribution to the overall health of the US real estate market cannot be overlooked. For
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example, the Chinese are fueling a growing economy of affluence in San Francisco. Last month, the city
by the bay was ranked as the most sought after US real estate market (McIntyre 2015). San Francisco is
also the most popular destination for Chinese investors in US real estate. 20% of buyers of US real estate
in the region have a “Chinese connection.” One might claim that Silicon Valley tech giants have a far
greater impact on high end US real estate here. However, Chinese investors have one distinctive
advantage over this group. The Chinese usually buy in readily available cash whereas US tech giants have
much of their assets tied up in investment portfolios. In fact, 69% of all Chinese home purchases in the
US were in cash in the last fiscal year (CBS News 2015). Therefore, when a high end townhouse in San
Francisco is put on the market, a Chinese customer will be most appealing to the realtor. However, this
rapid transformation of the real estate market is not local or regional: it’s national. As wealthy Chinese
individuals buy up properties in America’s coastal cities, they are also expressing interest in middle
America. Chinese businessman, Zhang Long, is currently transforming Canyon Lake Ranch, a former
corporate retreat center, into a subdivision of 99 mini mansions catered toward Chinese buyers
(Searcley and Bradsher 2015). The US housing market has rebounded since the calamity of 2008 and real
estate booms in Dallas and San Francisco show that Chinese investors deserve some credit for this
transformation.
The influence of this wealthy demographic raises a concern familiar with most economic
bubbles. The common fear is that booming speculation conceals the true weaknesses and flaws of the
economy. In this case, the booming real estate market in the US is not indicative of the economic health
for the vast majority of the American people. When one sees new housing developments in Dallas or
expanding suburbs in Palo Alto, a false impression indicates that an era of prosperity is back in full swing
for the American people. On the contrary, US real estate lacks a significant base of middle-income
American homebuyers. The wallets of middle income households are becoming increasingly thin. From
2009 to 2014, the bottom 99% of income earners captured only 42% of all income growth (Ye Hee Lee
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2015). The disparities between the rich and poor become more striking in terms of wealth. The bottom
50% of US income earners own 2.5% of the Nation’s wealth while the top 1% owns 33.8% of it (Lubin
2015). These facts make a painful realization abundantly clear. The prospect of home ownership remains
a fantasy for a vast majority of the US population. This demographic lacks the assets to be part of a
vibrant home-owning class. Only the wealthy, of which Chinese investors are beginning to compose a
significant portion, can give the illusion of a vibrant and prosperous housing market. The current bubble
of high end Chinese real estate creates a mirage to hide lurking unease and concern, a feature common
in all speculative manias. For example, the growing housing market in 2008 foolishly made Americans
think they were richer than they truly were. Almost everyone could acquire the loan to buy a house, but
income inequality had steadily been rising since the 1970s. Only when the housing market crashed did
Americans realize they were living beyond their means in homes they couldn’t afford (Clark 2015). The
Chinese have pumped up high end US real estate, but this false optimism distracts from a recurring
problem of Americans lacking assets to be part of a prosperous housing market.
Chinese investment in US real estate hides not only economic well-being of the middle class but
also the economic well-being of the nation as a whole. The American dream of rising from poverty to
success is an engine of idealism that fuels American capitalism. Ironically, to achieve the American
dream one might be better of being Chinese than American. While the United States prides itself as a
nation where any immigrant can arrive to achieve prosperity, doesn’t it also pride itself as a nation
where her poorest citizens can make a proud living? If the new housing developments in Dallas and Palo
Alto were the fruits of both Chinese investment and American middle class labor, the American dream
would be a universal reality for Americans and foreigners alike. The truth is that economic prosperity
exists in America, but Americans themselves are highly unlikely to achieve it. The Chinese speculative
bubble in US real estate is a story of globalism in the 21st century. This ideology allows a wealthy
businessman in Beijing to transfer his assets with ease into San Francisco penthouse. This potential of
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globalism creates the false image of a strong nation state yielding prosperity to its own people. On
economic and political terms, the Chinese speculative bubble enforces the idea that a boom’s prosperity
is deceptive. In terms of globalism and income inequality, the Chinese speculative bubble is a flashpoint
of debate for the world’s future path.
When will the deception surrounding this speculative real estate bubble come to an end? As
stated, such deception is typically realized during the bust. Indeed, Americans only realized their
investment in real estate was a waste as their home values collapsed in 2008. When will the bust in
Chinese investment occur? To answer this question, one must examine the causes of this mania and
how likely such causes are to sustain future economic growth. While this speculative binge creates a
false economic deception in America, it is the result of harsh economic realizations in China. The
atmosphere of growth and optimism that transformed China into the superpower of the 21st century is
beginning to turn sour. Wealthy Chinese investors no longer see their nation as welcome place to store
their assets. The Chinese economy has not experienced annual gdp growth rates of over 10% since 2010.
This statistic is daunting considering that Chinese gdp grew by 14% in 2007. The Chinese Government
already recognizes that the country will need to make a transition to an economy no longer defined by
breakneck growth rates. Finance Minister Lo Ji Wei said in an official statement on the People’s Bank of
China website, that an annual gdp growth rate of 7% is “the new normal” (The Market Mogul 2015).
China’s economy is at a markedly slower pace of growth. The easy question to ask is why.
Wei’s assessment of “the new normal” recognizes an uncomfortable truth pointed out
by economic anthropologists like Richard Robbins. Indefinite high rate economic growth is impossible. A
society has limited resources that gradually become depleted to maintain economic growth. Forests are
cleared for infrastructure, Coal is mined to fuel electricity grids and land becomes cultivated for
agriculture. Growth depends on finite resources of the commons. At the same time, such growth is
necessary to pay off debts. For example, a factory owner is motivated to buy more factory equipment to
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create higher outputs of product and thus be free of his or her burdensome bank loan. The factory
owner also has to take out another loan to buy equipment that can yield higher production outputs. The
enterprise can only expand through an accumulation of capital. Such capital is obtained through
extracting the commons’ limited resources and debt. Once people like the aforementioned factory
owner cannot obtain further capital to expand, debt becomes unpayable. Then, the factory owner must
give up assets and wealth to pay off debt. The parable of the factory owner is a microcosm of economic
contraction resulting from society’s inability to perpetuate debt due to the limited commons which
serve as the foundation for economic capital.
China’s response to the inevitability of halting economic growth is frightening. The
government has set a new target growth rate of 7% and it is stretching the economy’s resources thin.
The Chinese government is currently infusing the most massive stimulus into the economy since the
2008 financial crisis to meet this growth objective. The stimulus is a government expenditure of 10
trillion yuan or $1.57 million over the next two to three years (Bloomberg: 2015). The prevailing hope is
that economic growth will result from the government’s growing debts. For example, more
infrastructure will be built from this stimulus. This investment hopefully leads to more commerce being
conducted, more citizens participating in the economic marketplace and more shared prosperity. That
prosperity hopefully creates tax revenue to pay of the government’s debts. Massive stimulus and debt
shows even modest 7% annual gdp growth remains a difficult objective for the Chinese government. If
the stimulus cannot achieve such growth, economic contraction and unpayable debts will ensue. This
massive expenditure will at most create modest growth. Such growth cannot pay back massive debts
incurred through one of China’s most ambitious stimulus programs to date. Although “the new normal”
is an ongoing economic policy with uncertainties remaining over its success and failure, this policy
illustrates that the Chinese economy faces a long term problem of growth not paying for debt.
Chinese investors recognize the government’s difficulty of
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alleviating faltering growth rates. These wealthy citizens have responded by moving their assets out of
the country. "They want a safe place to park their assets," Wei Min Tan, a real estate broker in New
York, said. "A lot of my clients were not expecting the Chinese economy to be strong indefinitely. A lot of
them started moving assets to safer countries a few years ago” (CBS News 2015). For the wealthy
Chinese, the matter of economic bust is now an inevitability in their country. As long as these feelings of
unease persist in China, the high- end US real estate market only stands to gain further investment from
abroad. Once again, the motif of prosperity concealing economic despair is prevalent in this speculative
bubble. This time, a new twist has emerged. The sequence is no longer boom and bust, but rather bust
and boom. Unlike 2008, US real estate benefits from the collapse in a housing bubble since it will take
place in a different country: China. Globalism allows wealthy Chinese to transfer their assets with ease
which in turn allows an economic crisis in one part of the world to create economic prosperity in
another. On the contrary, if China maintains a smooth transition to a new economic model then
speculative bubble in high end US real estate will begin to deflate as Chinese investors gain confidence
in their own economy. Given a long term problem of growing, unpayable debt, “the new normal” may
fail to bring long-term economic security to China, making wealthy Chinese investors more afraid of
their nation’s economic health. Moreover, as some wealthy individuals stop investing domestically,
businesses fail to grow. Therefore, more investors will be afraid of keeping their assets in faltering
Chinese companies. A negative feedback loop could ensue as capital flight of some investors causes
capital flight of more investors. This domino effect of panic in a weakening economic bubble could be
very powerful in causing wealthy Chinese to move their assets to the currently stable American real
estate market. Of course, the success or failure of “the new normal” remains to be seen, but its impact
will help determine the fate of the Chinese speculative bubble in US real estate. As of now, wealthy
Chinese investors are ill at ease over the state of their economy. Therefore, one can expect a
continuation of Chinese investment in expensive US real estate in at least the short term.
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Uncertainties remain as to
when the Chinese speculative bubble in US real estate will end. As stated, the future of this bubble is in
large part dependent on the ambiguous future of the Chinese economy. However, it will end as all
speculative bubbles do. In the late 1980s, Japanese real estate investment was running rampant in the
US as Chinese investment is today. However, flow of investment capital ceased following the collapse of
the Japanese economy in 1991. In the late 1980s, low interest rates and low tax rates fueled real estate
speculation in Japan. Land at the Ginza 4 Chome intersection in Tokyo traded at ¥90,000,000 per square
meter or $750,000. In fact, value of the Japanese Imperial palace allegedly exceeded the value of all land
in California (Housing Japan 2011). With such high real estate values at home, Japanese investors
overestimated real estate values abroad. In 1989, Mitsubishi purchased Rockefeller Center and 14 large
office buildings in New York as an extension of its real estate practices in Tokyo where it owned and
leased several properties very successfully. Mitsubishi and other unit trust owners of Rockefeller center
carried a $1.3 billion mortgage for the property. To Mitsubishi, this cost was inexpensive compared to
properties in Japan. Furthermore, these investors predicted Rockefeller Center would be the American
Ginza 4 Chome where real estate values seemed to be ceaselessly rising. Such assumptions doomed
Mitsubishi’s investment in Rockefeller center. In 1994, real estate values in New York fell by 40%. The
Japanese failed to attract a sufficient revenue stream of tenants as demand began to sour. When the
lease came for renewal, Mitsubishi had a gap of $460 million between rental income and mortgage
payments. In 1995, Mitsubishi entered bankruptcy and eventually foreclosed (Farrell 2008: 424-5).
Mitsubishi’s story encapsulates the boom and bust of Japanese real estate investment in the US during
the 1980s. Understanding the Japanese speculative
bubble can help us gage the long term economic fallout of Chinese investment in US real estate.
Japanese economic success of the 1980s made an expansion of overseas investment possible. Japanese
banks enthusiastically provided credit to finance such ventures. EIE International, a Tokyo-based
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electronics corporation went into massive debt by becoming the largest Japanese real estate owner in
Oceana. Its holdings were valued at $15 billion. EIE international hoped the value of its foreign property
would increase to the point where debt could be paid off and the property could be sold to new
investors for a profit. However, the overseas properties did not rise in value and the Japanese banks that
financed EIE suffered a major loss (Farrell 2008: 426-7). The contrast between Japanese credit and
Chinese cash illustrates the contrast between optimism and pessimism. Chinese investors need to move
their cash out of China and store it in a sanctuary immune from domestic woes. A stable US real estate
market and a less frightening government make our nation a safe place for Chinese investors fleeing a
dire economic prospects. In the 1980s, Japanese banks had seen unprecedented economic success at
home and they wanted to expand on that success by diversifying investment portfolios . Companies such
as EIE International presented the perfect opportunity for such expansion on behalf of Japanese
financial institutions. Once international property did not meet expectations both the banks and the
economy suffered. In other words, Chinese Pessimism will prove less disastrous than Japanese
optimism. While wealthy Chinese can suffer real estate losses, the effect for the most part will not ripple
to financial institutions. As stated, 69% of Chinese investors purchase US real estate with cash (CBS
News 2015). Japanese banks proved too optimistic in fueling an overseas real estate boom so that the
fallout went beyond individual investors. As Japanese overseas investments suffered, the domestic
repercussions were severe. Banks such as the Long Term Credit Bank dissolved due to staking excessive
credit in risky real estate. In 1989, the Long Term Credit Bank of Japan was the 9 th largest company in the
world. As its various domestic and foreign investments lost value, the bank failed (Knufken 2009). In
short, while the Chinese bubble will burst as the Japanese bubble did, its fallout will be less severe given.
Chinese investment is occurring predominately on an individual level whereas 1980s Japanese
investment occurred on an institutional level. The story of Japanese speculation in US real estate bodes
both a positive and negative outlook for current Chinese investors. It provides a warning to Chinese
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investors in teaching that speculation booms must come to an end. It also teaches that cash puts less
economic actors at risk and manages the negative impacts of a speculative bust. Of
course, the future of China’s speculative boom in US real estate remains uncertain in numerous aspects.
The failure of “the new normal” economic policy could heighten anxieties of wealthy Chinese investors,
driving more of them to US real estate. However, the Chinese economy could possibly regain strength
thus dissuading foreign investment. Moreover, the US real estate market could lose value and become
less appealing to Chinese consumers. This outcome drew away Japanese investors from US real estate
during the early 1990s. Despite current uncertainties, the Chinese investment bubble embodies an
uneasy tension between economic prosperity and economic misfortune. On the surface, one sees
expanding affluence in places like Dallas as Chinese investors buy up mini mansions. One also sees a
current of unease in China driving such economic expansion in America. Additionally, this bubble helps
conceal the persistent societal ill of income inequality in the US. Understanding the present day
speculative economy involves discovering economic sickness behind supposed economic health. The
Chinese craze for US real estate gives one to understand the underlying persistent economic woes facing
China, the United States and the global economy.
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