Petty Chieftains:From the writings of Abul Fazal and other contemporary authors, it is clear that personal ownership of land was very old in India. The rights of ownership in land were being created all the time.The tradition was that anyone who first brought land under cultivation was considered its owner. There was plenty of cultivable wasteland (banjar) available in medieval times. It was not difficult for an enterprising group of people to settle a new village or to bring under cultivation the wastelands belonging to a village and become the owners of these lands.In addition to owning the lands they cultivated, a considerable section of the Zamindars had the hereditary right of collecting land revenue from a number of villages. This was called his talluqa or his zamindari.For collecting the land revenue, the zamindars received a share of the land revenue which could go up to 25 per cent in some areas. The zamindar was not the owner of all the lands comprising his zamindari.The peasants who actually cultivated the land could not be dispossessed as long as they paid the land revenue. Thus, the zamindars and the peasants had their own hereditary rights in land. The figures, perhaps also include the strength of the subordinate rajas.The zamindars generally had close connections on a caste, clan or tribal basis with the peasants settled in their zamindaris. They had considerable local information also about the productivity of land. The zamindars formed a very numerous and powerful class which was to be fund all over the country under different names such as deshmukh, patil, nayak, etc. Thus, it was not easy for any central authority to ignore or alienate them.It is difficult to say anything about the living standards of the zamindars. Compared to the nobles, their income was limited; the smaller ones may have lived more or less like the peasants. However, the living standards of the larger zamindars might have approached those of petty rajas or nobles. Most of the zamindars apparently lived in the countryside and formed a kind of loose, dispersed local gentry.It would not be correct to look upon the zamindars merely as those who fought for control over land and exploited the cultivators in the area they dominated. Many of the zamindars had close caste and kinship ties with the land-owning cultivating castes in their zamindari. These zamindars not only set social standard, they also proved capital and organization for settling new villages, or extending and improving cultivation. But the precise extents of such efforts have yet to be studied in detail.Cultivators and Non-cultivating Classes:During the 16th and 17th centuries, 85 per cent of Indias population lived in rural areas. The largest section in the village consisted of peasants or cultivators. There were three main classes of peasants.(1) Khud-kasht(riyayati):Those residential peasants living in their own village, owning their own land and implements, paying the land-revenue at a concessional rate, formed the governing body of the village community. Also called mirasdars in Maharashtra and gharu-hala in Rajasthan.(2) Pahi-kasht:These peasants were basically outsiders but cultivated the rented land in a village either by staying in the same village (residential pahi-kasht) or by staying in the neighbouring villages (non-residential pahi-kasht).(3) Muzarian (raiyatis):Those who belonged to the same village but who did not have either land or implements and hence were dependent on the Khud-kasht for their supply. They were divided into two groups; tenants-at-will and those who had hereditary tenant rights, called as paltis in Rajastan.Apart from the cultivators, there were labourers (majurs). In addition, there were the service people blacksmith, potter, washerman, etc. In Maharashtra, these service sectors were twelve in number who were called balutedars and received a prescribed share (baluta) from the village produce.The Indian peasantry in the Mughal Empire was highly stratified and there was considerable difference in the size of holdings, produce and resources of peasants within the same locality.India had a well diversified economy with the cultivation of a large variety of crops. Cotton, indigo, chay (red dye), sugarcane, oil seeds paid land revenue at a higher rate and had to be paid in cash hence, called cash crops or superior crops.The peasants not only shifted his cultivation from one crop to other but also adopted new crops. Tobacco and maize were introduced in the 17th century. The adoption of potato and red chilies followed during the 18th century.During this period, India also exported foodgrains, especially rice and sugar. The peasant was not disposed from his land as long as he paid the land revenue. Although the life of the peasant was hard, he had enough to eat and meet his simple requirements.Artisans:(1) Rural artisanswho were only part-time artisans and often indistinguishable from cultivators. These included oil-pressers, indigo and salt petre workers, etc. Their work was seasonal and often they had a small family plot of land for cultivation. They sold their surplus produce in the market.(2) Professional artisans were living in towns and villages. As trade and manufacture grew, the merchants extended their control over the professional artisans through the dadni or putting out system by giving those loans, providing raw material, etc. In such cases the artisans tended to become wage earners because the cost of the raw materials and their labour was prescribed by the trader.The master-craftsmen called ustads grew both economically and socially during this period. Abul Fazal called them artificiers and placed them in the second rank in the society (below the nobles). The artisans were generally organised on a case basis. The major industry where artisans were engaged the most were the textile industry and leather industry. The Indian artisans were not opposed to new techniques.The villages in India continued with the traditional crafts and also developed localised centres of production.The rural classes.The medieval Indian society was organized on a feudal basis. The emperor, as the absolute ruler, was the head of the social system. He claimed divine status and powers for the crown and asserted proprietary rights over the entire land in his capacity as the lord paramount of the country.Members of the royal family together with the blood relations, friends and favourites of the king enjoyed privileged position in the society while the imperial harem and the court acted as the trend-setters in social and cultural affairs. For instance, Nur Jahan, the First Lady of the Realm, set the standards in socio- cultural value for the aristocracy of her times. She was treated as a model of fashions.The Mughal nobility or the ruling elite, collectively styled as umara (pi. of amir), who belonged to the first category of the mansabdari system, and the feudatory chieftains, who owned allegiance to the Mughal crown, comprised the aristocracy of the land.The latter were also graded as mansabdars with a view to determining their dignity and status in the imperial court as well as in the society, of course, there was little honour or dignity outside the imperial service and every talented youth aspired to join it. The aristocracy was composed of Muslims as well as Hindus alike although the number of the latter was small because of the delayed entry into its fold and the slow process of Indianisation.Major Religious Groups:Although there were several other religious communities, such as, the Parsis in Gujarat and Bombay, Christians on our west coast especially in Cochin-Travancore, and foreign European trading communities in the several parts of the country, the sub-continent was mainly peopled by the indigenous Hindus and Indian and foreign Muslims, who were found living side by side and working together at the Mughal court, in the camp and the public offices.Religion permeated every aspect of the medieval Indian society. The country was dotted with mosques, temples, and other places of worship erected by the people belonging to various religious denominations: the whole of India from the Himalayan peaks to Kanyakumari in the south seemed to be a holy land.The foreigners who visited the country during the Mughal period were simply wonderstruck to see the passion of people for their creed who built their places of worship everywhere. The prices emptied their purses and the commoners poured out the entire savings of their lives to get them built while the poor and the destitute dedicated their whole lives in the construction of these holy places without remuneration.The Hindus thronged their places of pilgrimage in millions while the Muslims understood Ramzan (fast en masse) and went on Hay or pilgrimage to Mecca and Madina in hundreds.The Mercantile and Professional Classes:Nevertheless, trade and the traders continued to have a low social status. The influence of the merchants on political processes is a matter of controversy. Merchants in India were not without influence in the political quarters where their own interests were concerned. Thus, each community of merchants has its leader or nagarseth who could intercede with the local officials on their behalf. We do have instances of strikes (hartal) by merchants in Ahmedabad and elsewhere to stress their points of view. We have also noted the involvement of members of the Mughal royal family and prominent nobles, such as Mir Jumla, in trade.The trading community in India, especially in the port towns, included some of the richest merchants who are comparable in wealth and power to the merchant prices of Europe. Thus, Virji Vohra dominated the Surat trade for several decades. He owned a large fleet of ships and was reputed to be amongst the wealthiest men of his time.Abdul Ghafur Bohra left 55 lakh rupees in cash and goods and a fleet of 17 sea-going ships at the time of his death in 1718. Similarly, Malay Chetti of the Coromandal coast, Kashi Viranna and Sunca Rama Chetti were reputed to be extremely wealthy, and had extensive commercials dealings in India and abroad.There were many wealthy merchants at Agra, Delhi, Balasore (Orissa), and Bengal also. Some of these merchants, especially those living in the coastal towns, lived in an ostentatious manner and aped the manner of the nobles.European travellers mention the commodious and well-built houses in which the wealthy merchants of Agra and Delhi lived. But the ordinary sorts lived in houses above their shops. The trading community in India did not belong to one caste or religion.The Gujarat merchants included Hindus, Jains and Muslims who were mostly Bohras. In Rajasthan, Oswals, Maheshwaris and Agrawals began to be called Marwaris. Overland trade to Central Asia was in the hands of Multanis, Afghans and Khatris.The Marwaris spread out to Maharashtra and Bengal during the 18th century. The Chettis on the Coromandal coast and the Muslim merchants of Malabar both. It will thus be seen that Indias inter-regional trade was not in luxuries alone. The movement of these goods was made possible by a complex networks, linking wholesalers with merchants down to the regional and local levels through agents (gumashtas) and commission agents (dalals).The Dutch and English traders who came to Gujarat during the 17th century found the Indian traders to be active and alert. There was keen competition for inside information, and whenever there was demand for goods in one part of the country, it was rapidly made good

Cultural Life during the Mughal Period | Indian History

System of Education and Its Motivations:All the Mughal emperors were great patrons of learning and gave their full encouragement to the spread of education in their dominions. Babur was himself a great scholar and public works department (Shuhrat-i-Am) established by him, which, also continued to exist under later Mughal emperors, was on trusted along with other responsibilities to that of building the schools and colleges.His son, Humayan had great love for study of books especially in astronomy and geography. He constructed a Madarsa at Delhi and converted the pleasure-house built by Sher Shah in Qila Kohana also called Purana Qila into a library.The reign of Akbar, well known for improvement in various other domains, also constitutes a new epoch in the growth and improvement of education. He established a number of colleges for high learning at Agra and Fatehpur Sikri and also attempted to revise the curriculum of education.Abul Fazal writes, All civilized nations have schools for the education of youth; but Hindustan is particularly famous for its seminaries. Akbar also encouraged the Hindus to join the madarsa and learn Persian, the court language.Jahangir was himself a great scholar of Turki and Persian and had written his memories known as the Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri. It is stated that soon after his sitting on the throne, he got repaired many old madarsa, which had ceased to function for quite a long and filled them with pupils and their teachers.Towards the close of his reign, he also promulgated an order that if a rich person or traveller died without heirs, his property would escheat to the crown and be spent on the construction and maintenance of madarsa and monasteries, etc.Shah Jahan had great fascination for study of the Turkish language and had a regular habit of study at night for a short while. He repaired an old institution called Dar-ul-Boqa (Abode of Eternity) and found a new college at Delhi. His son, Dara Soukoh, also patronized every educational activity. Aurangzeb encouraged the education of the Muslims and founded colleges and schools (Keene).Education: A Private Affair:Dr. Srivastava writes, The Mughal government did not consider it to be its duty to educate the people. It had no department of education and did not allocate a portion of the public revenue for the spread of literacy. Education was thus in Mughal India a private affair, a hand-made of religion and if the Mughals took interest in it, it was to earn religious merit and not to advance the welfare of the people.The public made their own arrangements for the education of their children and considering the age and circumstances of the time, the arrangements were fairly satisfactory. Both the Hindus and the Muslims had their separate institutions for education of their children.The Hindus sent their children to the school usually at the age of five but the Muslims performed the maktab ceremony at the auspicious day of the child completing four years, four months and four days. The syllabi and curriculum of studies as well as the medium of instruction used by the communities were different. Obviously, their institutions of higher learning were also located separately and the subjects of their research and higher studies were also different.Hindu Education:The Hindus had their primary schools attached to the temples. These schools were maintained by grants or endowments and no fee was charged from the pupils. There were no printed books and the children wrote the alphabets on wooden boards or on dust of the ground with fingers.Classes were usually held under the shade of a tree. The students were taught the religious scriptures after they finished their alphabets and these were usually, according to Bernier, the Puranas. The centers of higher learning or universities were scattered all over the country, largely near the places of pilgrimage. These were Banaras, Nadia, Mithila, Mathura, Tirhut, Paithan, Karhad, Thatte, Sirhind and Multan.Bernier states, Banaras is kind of university; but it has no college or regular classes as in our universities, but resembles rather the school of the ancients, the masters being spread over different parts of the town in private houses. Nadia was the second great centre of Hindu learning after Banaras.Vasudeva Sarvabhauma founded a school of Nyaya there in the sixteenth century which even out rivalled Mithila. The University of Mithila, however, continued to be a prominent centre of learning during the Mughal period. Mathura was another famous centre of learning with its specialization in Hindu philosophy and there were more than ten thousand students.Thatte was equally important and had, according to Hamilton, four hundred colleges. The subjects of theology, philology and politics were taught there. Multan was well known as a centre of specialization in astronomy, astrology, medicine and mathematics. Sirhind had an important school of medicine.The subjects of study in all these Hindu centers of study were grammar, logic, philosophy, history, poetry, astronomy, astrology, medicine including veterinary science and mathematics also including study of physics and chemistry.Muslim Education: Madarsah and Maktabs:The Muslims sent their children to Maktabs located in the mosque and these schools, according to the Italian traveller Delia Valle, existed in every town and village. The basic course of study at the primary standard was the Quran which every child had to learn by rote. After completing their study of Quran, the pupils were taught Gulistan and Bostan of Sheikh Sadi and poems of Firdausi.The institutions of Higher learning called Madarsahs where at Agra, Delhi, Lahore, Jaunpur, Gujarat, Sialkot and Ahmedabad. Agra was the biggest centre of learning were there were numerous Madarsahs including the college of Jesuits. Delhi was the second largest centre of education.It had also a number of madarsah, the prominent being Humayuns madarsah, Maham Anagas madarsah, called Khair-ul- Manzil and Darul Bana built by Shah Jahan. The Khan-ul-Manzil was big residential college where students lived in the rooms of both the storeys and classes were conducted in the main hall.Jaunpur as a great centre of learning was known as the Shiraz of India, where students came from far and wide. The Madarsah Faiz Safa and Langar-i-Den/vazda Imam (now called Bara Imam ka Kotla) located in Gujarat and Ahmedabad respectively were reputable centers of learning in the Western India.Lahore as an important centre of education attained its eminence during the reign of Aurangzeb. Kashmir was also a place of attraction for scholars because of its pleasant climate and beautiful environment.Among other places of education, Gwalior, Sialkot, Ambala and Thaneswar were quite famous. The courses of study in these institutions of learning consisted of grammar, rhetoric, logic, theology, metaphysics, jurisprudence and literature. Mathematics, medicine and astronomy were also studied under the impact of Hindu scholars. The medium of instruction usually was Persian or Arabic.The Aim of Education:The aim of education writes Prof. S.M. Jaffar, was to bring out the latent faculties of students, to discipline the forces of their intellect and to develop their character, to equip them with all that was required for their material as well as moral improvement. Education was regarded as a preparation for life and for life after death and hence it was that religion was at the root of all study.The education thus did not equip a student only to obtain his employment under the state but attempted at the development of his faculties of head and heart. These were no regular examinations for a student to be promoted to the next standard and the teacher was the sole judge to ascertain his suitability for promotion to the higher class.The educational institutions also did not award certificates or degree and it was enough for a student to have been taught at a reputed school or by a well known learned teacher. This made the admission to the reputed institutions a big burden and according to Dr. P.N. Chopra, it was with great difficulty that Mullah Shah Badakshi agreed to take Jahan Ara as his pupil.Course Content and Libraries:It cannot be said with certainty as to whether the duration of the courses in all the educational institutions was fixed according to a standard pattern. It seems that the study for ten to sixteen years was considered enough for education of a person equivalent to the degree examination in own universities.All those who wanted to adopt teaching profession or otherwise desired to pursue higher studies were placed under the specialists. There students also visited the other centers of learning both in the country and abroad as a part of their curriculum. There were big libraries for use of these students in every madarsa but certain libraries like that Madars Feiz Safa were highly reputed.The biggest library was, however, the Imperial library containing the Emperors collection of books. The Mughal princesses Salima Sultana and Zib-un-Nisa had built their own libraries. The high nobles and other courtiers also attempted to work on the royal work on the royal example. Faizi had a collection of 4,600 books in his library.Abdur Rahim Khan Khana employed ninety five persons to take care of his collection of books and rare manuscripts. The library of Maharaja Jai Singh contained all books on astronomy used by the Hindu Scholars. Bernier saw a big hall at Banaras University, which was full of books on philosophy, medicine, religion and history etc.Women Education:Along with the education of men, the education of the women did not obtain proper priority during the Mughal period. Most of the women did not get an opportunity to read beyond the primary standard and it was only the few nobles and rich people who were able to engage private tutors for education of their daughters at home.The institutions of education of females were, however, absent. According to Dr. Datta, regular training was given to the ladies of the royal household during the reign of Akbar. The ladies of the royal blood thus excelled themselves in education and statecraft.Gulbadan Begam, Salim Sultana, Zeb-un-Nisa and Zinat-un-Nisa excelled themselves in the literary field where Nur Jahan and Jahanara played an important part in politics.Literature:Persian:During this period Akbar brought Persian at the level of state language, which helped in the growth of its literature. Besides, all Mughal emperors, except Akbar, were well-educated and patronized learning. Babur was a scholar.He wrote his biography, Tuzuki-i-Babri, in Turki language and it was so beautifully written that it was translated into Persian three times. He also wrote poems both in Turki and Persian and his collection of poems Diwan (Turki) became quite famous. Humayun had good command over both Turki and Persian. Besides, he had sufficient knowledge of philosophy, mathematics and astronomy.He patronized scholars of all subjects. Akbar himself was not educated but he created those circumstances which helped in the growth of literature during the period of his rule. He gave encouragement to Persian language and famous works of different languages like Sanskrit, Arabic, Turki, Greek, etc., were translated into it. He established a separate department for this purpose. Many scholars rose to eminence under his patronage. Jahangir was also well-educated.He wrote his biography, Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri himself by for the first seventeen years of his rule and got prepared the rest of it Mautmid Khan. Not much was done concerning translation work but a few original works of repute were written during the period of his rule. Shah Jahan also gave projection to scholars.His son Dara Shukoh was also well-educated and arranged for the translation of many Sanskrit texts in Persian. Aurangzeb was also a scholar though he hated writings of verses and books on history. During the period of the later Mughals, Persian remained the court-language till the rule of Muhammad Shah. Afterwards, it was replaced by Urdu. Yet, good works produced by many scholars in Persian even afterwards. Thus, Persian got the maximum incentive to grow during the rule of the Mughals and, therefore, made very good progress.Largest numbers of good books written in Persian were either autobiographies or books on history. Among writings on history, Tuzuk-i-Babri written by emperor Babur, Humayuna Nama of Gulbadan Begum, Akbarnama and Ain-i-Akbari of Abdul Fazl, Tabkhat-i-Akbari of Nizamuddin Ahmad, Tazkirautal-waqiat of Jauhar, Tauja-i-Akbarshahi alias Tarikh-i-Sher Shah of Abbas Sarwani, Tarikh-i- Alfi which covers nearly one thousand years of history of the Islam and was written by the combined efforts of many scholars.Muntkhba-ut-Twarikh of Badayuni, Tarikh-i-Salatin-Afghana of Ahmad Yadgar, Tarikh-i-Humayun of Bayaqzid Sultan and Akbarnama of Faizi Sarhindi were written during the period of the rule of Akbar except the first. Jahangir wrote his biography Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri.Mautmid Khan completed it and also wrote Ikbalanama-i-Jahangiri.Massara Jahangir of Khawja Kamgar Makazzam- i-Afghani of Niamatullah, Tarikh-i-Farishta of Muhammad Kasim Farishta and Massare-i-Rahini of Mulla Nanvandi were also written during the period of Jahangir. Among the famous work written during the period of reign of Shah Jahan were Padshahnama of Aminai Qazvini, Shahjahanama of Inayat Khan and Alam-i-Saleh of Muhammad Saleh. Aurangzeb discouraged writings of history.Yet a few good works were produced during his rule. Among them, the most famous ones were Muntkhab-ul- Lubab of Khafi Khan, Alamgirnama of Mirza Muhammad Qazim, Nuike-Dilkusha of Muhammad Saki, Fatuhat-i-Alamgiri of Iswar Das and Khulasa-ut-Tawarikh of Sujan Rai.Historical works were written under the patronage of the later Mughals as well as provincial ruler. Among them, the most reputed were Sidrul-Mutkharin of Gulam Hussain, Tawarikh-i-Muzaffari of Muhammad Aliand Tawarikh-Cahar- Gulzar-i-Suzai of Harcharan Das.Besides original work, books in other languages were translated into Persian. Among the Sanskrit text, Mahabharat was translated by the joint efforts of Naki Khan, Badayni, Abdul Fazal, Faizi etc.Badayuni translated Ramayana into Persian. He also started translating Atharvaveda while it was completed by Haji Ibrahim Sarhindi. Faizi translated Lilavati, Shah Muhammad Sahabadi translated Rajtarangini, Abul Fazl translated Kaliya Daman, Faizi translated Nal Damyanti and Maulana Sheri translated Hari-Vansha.All these works were translated during the period of rule of Akbar. During the reign of Shah Jahan, his eldest son, Dara Shukoh provided incentive to this work and got translated Upanishads, Bhagvata Gita and Yogavasistha.He himself wrote an original treatise titled Manjul- Bahreen in which he described that Islam and Hinduism were simply the two paths to achieve the same God. Many texts written in Arabic, Turki and Greek were also translated into Persian during the rule of the Mughal emperors. Bible was translated in it. Aurangzeb with the help of many Arabic texts got prepared a book of law and justice in Persian which was titled Fatwah-i-Alamgiri.Poems in Persian were also written during this period though this type of work could not achieve the standard of prose-writing. Humayun wrote a few verses. Abul Fazl named fifty nine poets at the court of Akbar. Among them Faizi, Gizali and Urfi were quite famous. Hahangir and Nur Jahan were also interested in poetry. Jahan Ara daughter of Shah Jahan and Jebunnisa, daughters of Aurangzeb were also poetesses.The letters written by the emperors and nobles also occupy important place in the Persian literature of that time. Among them, letter written by Aurangzeb, Abul Fazl, Munir, Raja Jai Singh, Afzal Khan, Sadulla Khan, etc. have been regarded as good literary value.Sanskrit:Original good works in Sanskrit could not be produced during the rule of the Mughals. Yet as compared to the age of the Delhi sultanate, Sanskrit literature made good progress during the period. Akbar gave recognition to scholars of Sanskrit. Abul Fazal has named many scholars of Sanskrit who received the patronage of the emperor. A dictionary of Persian Sanskrit titled Farsi- Prakash was prepared during his rule.Besides many Hindu and Jaina scholars wrote their treatises outside the patronage of the court of the emperor. Mahesh Thakur wrote the history of the reign of Akbar, the Jain scholar Padma Sundar wrote Akbarshahi-Srangar-Darpan and the Jain Acharya Siddhachandra Upaddaya wrote Bhanuchandra Charita. Deva Vimal and many other also wrote their treatises in Sanskrit.Jahangir and Shah Jahan maintained the tradition of Akbar and gave protection to scholars of Sanskrit. Kavindra Acharya Saraswati received patronage of Shah Jahan and Jagannath Pandit who wrote Rasa Gangadhar and Ganga Lahri was also at his court. Aurangzeb stopped court protection to scholars of Sanskrit. Of course, Sanskrit continued to receive patronage from Hindu rulers, yet, its progress was checked later on.Regional Languages:During this period, regional languages were developed due to the patronage extended to them by local and regional rulers. They acquired stability and maturity and some of the finest lyrical poetry was produced during this period.The dalliance of Krishna with Radha and the milkmaids, pranks of the child Krishna and stories from Bhagwat figure largely in lyrical poetry in Bengali, Oriya, Hindi, Rajasthani and Gujarati during this period. Many devotional hymns to Rama were also composed and the Ramayana and the Mahabharata translated into the regional languages, especially if they had not been translated earlier.A few translations and adaptations from Persian were also made. Both Hindus and Muslims contributed in this. Thus, Alaol composed in Bengali and also translated from Persian. In Hindi, the Padmavat, the story written by the Sufi saint, Malik Muhammad Jaisi, used the attack of Alaudddin Khilji on Chittor as an allegory to expound Sufi ideas on the relations of soul with God, along with Hindu ideas about maya.Medieval Hindi in the Brij form, that is the dialect spoken in the neighbourhood of Agra, was also patronised by the Mughal emperors and Hindu rulers. From the time of Akbar, Hindi poets began to be attached to the Mughal court.A leading Mughal noble, Abdur Rahim Khan-i-Khanan, produced a fine blend of Bhakti poetry with Persian ideas of life and human relations. Thus, the Persian and the Hindi literary traditions began to influence each other. But the most influential Hindi poet was Tulsidas whose hero was Rama and who used a dialect of Hindi spoken in the eastern parts of Uttar Pradesh. Pleading for a modified caste system based not on birth but on individual qualities, Tulsi was essentially a humanistic poet who upheld family ideals and complete devotion to Rama as a way of salvation open to all, irrespective of caste.In south India, Malayalam started its literary career as a separate language in its own right. Marathi reached its apogee at the hands of Eknath and Tukaram. Asserting the importance of Marathi, Eknath exclaims: If Sanskrit was made by God, was Prakrit born of thieves and knaves? Let these earrings of vanity alone. God is no partisan of tongues. To Him Prakrit and Sanskrit are alike. My language Marathi is worthy of expressing the highest sentiments and is rich, laden with the fruits of divine knowledge.Fine Arts:Major Schools of Painting:Mughal period was the golden period for the development of painting in India. This period practiced the arts of different schools of painting which are as follows:1. School of Old Tradition:Here old tradition is referred to the ancient style of painting which was flourished in India before sultanate period. After the eighth century, the tradition seems to have decayed, but palm-leaf manuscripts and illustrated Jain texts from the thirteenth century onwards show that the tradition had not died. Apart from the Jains, some of the provincial kingdom, such as Malwa and Gujarat extended their patronage to painting during the fifteenth century.2. Mughal Painting (School from Persian Influence):This school had been developed during the period of Akbar. Jaswantand Dasawan were two of the famous painters of Akbars court. The school developed centre of production. Apart from illustrating Persian books of fables, the painters were soon assigned the task of illustrating the Persian text of the Mahabharata, the historical work Akbar Nama and others.Indian themes and Indian scenes and landscapes, thus, came in vogue and helped to free the school from Persian influence. Indian colours, such as peacock blue, the Indian red, etc., began to be used. Above all, the somewhat flat effect of the Persian style began to be replaced by the roundedness of the Indian brush, giving the pictures a three-dimensional effect.Mughal painting reached a climax under Jahangir who had a very discriminating eye. It was a fashion in the Mughal school for the faces, bodies and feet of the people in a single picture to be painted by different artists. Jahangir claims that he could distinguish the work of each artist in a picture.Apart from painting hunting, battle and court scenes, under Jahangir, special progress were made in portrait painting and paintings of animals. Mansur was the great name in this field. Portrait painting also became fashionable.3. European Painting:Under Akbar, European painting was introduced at the court by the Portuguese priests. Under their influence, the principles of fore-shortening, whereby near and distant people and things could be placed in perspective was quietly adopted.4. Rajasthan School of Painting:The Rajasthan style of painting combined the themes and earlier traditions of western India or Jain school of painting with Mughal forms and styles. Thus, in addition to hunting and court scenes, it had paintings on mythological themes, such as the dalliance of Krishna with Radha, or the Barah-masa, that is, the seasons, Ragas (melodies).5. Pahari School of Painting:The Pahari School continued the Rajasthani styles and played an important role in its development.Music:During Mughal Period music was the sole medium of Hindu-Muslim unity. Akbar patronized Tansen of Gwalior who is credited with composing many new melodies (ragas). Jahangir and Shah Jahan as well as many Mughal nobles followed this example. There are many apocryphal stories about the burial of music by the orthodox Aurangzeb.Recent research shows that Aurangzeb banished singing from his court, but not playing of musical instruments. In fact, Aurangzeb himself was an accomplished veena player. Music in all forms continued to be patronized by Aurangzebs queens in the harem and by the nobles.That is why the largest number of books on classical Indian music in Persian were written during Aurangzebs reign. But some of the most important developments in the field of music took place later on in the eighteenth century during the reign of Muhammad Shah (1720-48).Architectural Developments during Mughal Era:Mughal period was the period of glory in the field of architecture. They also laid out many formal gardens with running water. In fact, use of running water even in their palaces and pleasure resorts was a special feature of the Mughals.Babur:Babur was very fond of gardens and laid out a few in the neighbourhood of Agra and Lahore. Some of the Mughal gardens, such as the Nishal Bagh in Kashmir, the Shalimar at Lahore, the Pinjore garden in the Punjab foothills, etc., have survived to this day.A new impetus to architecture was given by Sher Shah. His famour mausoleum at Sasaram (Bihar) and his mosque in the old fort at Delhi are considered architectural marvels. They form the climax of the pre-Mughal style of architecture, and the starting point for the new.Akbar:Akbar was the first Mughal ruler who had the time and means to undertake construction on a large scale. He built a series of forts, the most famous of which is the fort at Agra. Built in red sandstone, this massive fort had many magnificent gates. The climax of fort building was reached at Delhi where Shah Jahan built his famous Red Fort.In 1572, Akbar commenced a paiace-cum-fort complex at Fatehpur Sikri, 36 kilometres from Agra, which he completed in eight years. Built atop a hill, along with a large artificial lake, it included many buildings in the style of Gujarat and Bengal. These included deep caves, balconies, and fanciful kiosks.In the Panch Mahal built for taking the air, all the types of pillars used in various temples were employed to support flat roofs. The Gujarat style of architecture is used most widely in the palace built probably for his Rajput wife or wives. Buildings of a similar type were also built in the fort at Agra, though only a few of them have survived. Akbar took a close personal interest in the work of construction both at Agra and Fatehpur Sikri.Persian or Central Asian influence can be seen in the glazed blue tiles used for decoration in the walls or for tiling the roofs. But the most magnificent building was the mosque and the gateway to it called the Buland Darwaza or the Lofty Gate, built to commemorate Akbars victory in Gujarat. The gate is in the style of what is called a half-dome portal.What was done was to slice a dome into half. The sliced portion provided the massive outward faade of the gate, while smaller doors could be floor meet. This devise, borrowed from Iran, became feature in Mughal buildings later.Jahangir:With the consolidation of the empire, the Mughal architecture reached its climax. Towards the end of Jahangirs reign began the practice of putting up building entirely of marble and decorating the walls with floral designs made of semi-precious stones. This method of decoration, called pietra dura, became even more popular under Shah Jahan who used it on a large scale in the Taj Mahal, justly regarded as a jewel of the builder art.Shah Jahan:The Taj Mahal brought together in a pleasing manner all the architectural forms developed by the Mughals. Humayuns tomb built at Delhi towards the beginning of Akbars reign, and which had a massive dome of marbles, may be considered a precursor of the Taj. The double dome was another feature of this building.This devise enabled a bigger dome to be built with a smaller one inside. The chief glory of the Taj is the massive dome and the four slender minarets linking the platform to the main building. The decorations are kept to a minimum, delicate marble screens, pietra dura inlay work and kiosks (chhatris) adding to the effect. The building gains by being placed in the midst of a formal garden.Mosque-building also reached its climax under Shah Jahan, the two most noteworthy ones being the Moti Masjid in the Agra fort built like the Taj entirely in marble, and the other the Jama Masjid in the Agra fort built like the Taj entirely in marble, and the other the Jama Masjid at Delhi built in red sandstone. A lofty gate, tall, slender minarets, and a series of domes are a feature of the Jama Masjid.Aurangzeb:Although not many buildings were put up by Aurangzeb who was economic-minded, the Mughal architectural traditions based on a combination of Hindu and Turko-lranian forms and decorative designs, continued without a break into the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries.Thus, Mughal traditions influenced the palaces and forts of many provincial and local kingdoms. Even the Harmandir of the Sikhs, called the Golden Temple at Amritsar which was rebuilt several times during the period was built on the arch and dome principle incorporated many features of the Mughal traditions of architecture.Short Essay on the role of Zamindars during Mughal period

In the Mughal official records the term zamindar was used in a very wide sense. It covered petty landholders in the villages, descendants of old ruling families who retained small portions of their ancestral lands as well as the Rajput and other chiefs who exercised autonomous administrative authority in their principalities.The zamindars had hereditary rights of collecting land revenue from a number of villages which were called his talluqa or zamindari. For the collection of land revenue they used to get a share of revenues which could go up to 25 per cent of the revenue. In Bengal the zamindars paid the state a fixed sum as the revenue of a village, making collection from the individual peasants at rates fixed by custom or by himself.The difference between his collections and the amount he paid to the state was his personal income. Where the state demand reached the maximum that the peasant could pay, a deduction of 10 per cent was made from the total amount of revenue and paid to the jzamindars as malikana either in cash or in the form of revenue-free land.The zamindar was not the owner of the land of his zamindari and peasants could not be dispossessed of land as long as they paid land revenue. The zamindars served the state as an agency for collection of revenue and exercised considerable local influence in administrative and social affairs.They often commanded armed forces and had fortresses. According to Abul Fazl, their combined troops exceeded 44 lakhs. Sometimes the state had to use military force against recalcitrant zamindars for the realisation of revenue.The general attitude of the Mughal ruling class towards zamindars was unfriendly, if not hostile. Writing in Aurangzeb's reign Munucci says: "Usually there is some rebellion of rajas and zamindars going on in the Moghul kingdom". The zamindars were a very powerful class and were to be found all over the Mughal Empire under different names, such as deshmukhs, patils, nayaks, etc.In some respects of zamindars and the peasants were natural allies in any struggle against the Mughal government. The higher class of zamindars, i.e. tributary chiefs, also rendered military service to the Mughal government. Hereditary succession to zamindari was the general rule.Zamindari was divisible among legal heirs and could also be freely bought and sold. Normally in the Mughal Empire villages were divided into zamindari and raiyati (non-zamin- dari) areas.Background: Babur, Humayun And The RajputsWith the decline of Jaunpur and the weakening of Malwa towards the endof the 15th century, a new situation developed in North India. There was thecontest flanked by Rana Sanga of Mewar and the Lodis for domination inexcess of eastern Rajasthan and Malwa. Sanga feared the strengthening ofLodi power and so opened negotiations with Babur against the Lodis. AsBabur progressed in accordance with the agreement, Sanga retraced his steps.He had not envisaged Baburs arrival in the Gangetic valley. His plan was todetain Babur in the Punjab while he confronted the Lodis in the Gangeticvalley. The ascendancy of Babur in the Gangetic valley took Sanga throughsurprise. These developments led to the formation of an alliance flanked bythe Afghans, Rana Sanga and a host of other Rajput princes. The aim was tohold back the advance of Babur towards Delhi and the nearby areas. So distantno Rajput ruler had been successful in mustering support of such disparategroups as Rajputs and Afghans. The disagreement flanked by Sangascoalition and Babur at Khanwa was not a contest flanked by Hindus andMuslims. This is amply borne out through the very nature of the compositionof Sangas coalition. Babur condemned the Afghan chieftains whocollaborated with Sanga as kafirs infidels and mulhids and also proclaimed thecontest against Sanga as jihad. These actions do not suggest religious zeal butreflect the effort to meet the challenge through appealing to the religioussentiments of his soldiers. Later on, Babur concentrated more on counteringthe Afghan danger than fighting the Rajputs. He tried to secure his control inexcess of the region adjoining Delhi-Agra zone. Outposts such as Bayana,Dholpur, Gwalior were firmly brought under control. Mewat and Chanderi inMalwa were taken. The death of Rana Sanga settled the problem as distant asRajasthan was concerned.Babur wished to follow a forward policy in Mewar and Malwa but hispractical understanding prevented him from taking up this policy till theAfghan problem in the east had been solved. Throughout Baburs time, therelations flanked by the Mughals and Rajputs did not develop beside definiteand positive lines, rather it was in consonance with the political needs. WhenHumayun ascended the throne, the political scene in Malwa and Rajasthan hadchanged considerably. Bahadur Shah, the ruler of Gujarat, had capturedMalwa after defeating its ruler Mahmud Khalji II. Rana Ratan Singh of Mewarhad sided with Bahadur Shah against Malwa for which he was generouslyrewarded. This was an act of political expediency. Though, a rupture flankedby Rana Vikramjit of Mewar and Bahadur Shah led to siege of Chittor throughthe later. Though Humayun was aware of the threat posed through theaugmentation of the power of Bahadur Shah in Malwa and Rajasthan, he washesitant to get involved in the disagreement with Bahadur Shah till the Afghanthreat had been sorted out. Humayuns stance as regards Rajasthan wasessentially defence oriented: an offensive policy was postponed for a laterdate. He also realized that due to internecine warfare in Mewar its power waswaning. So, for Humayun, its military importance as an ally was inadequate.Humayun who joined the thrash about on Chittors side had not anticipatedthe power of Gujarat artillery and had overestimated the military strength ofChittor in the wake of the siege. Bahadur Shah, on the other hand, had notexpected Humayun to counter him in a contest against a Hindu ruler. Chittorwas devastated but Bahadur Shahs success was short-lived. Babur andHumayuns relations with Rajputs should be viewed in the Afghan problemwhich deterred them from creation friendly overtures to the Rajput rulers.Akbars Relations With The RajputsWe can perceive three stages in the shaping of Akbars Rajput policy.Throughout the first stage, which ended in 1569-70, Akbar sustained with thepolicy followed through the Delhi Sultans; in the second stage, Akbar tried todevelop and extend the alliance with Rajputs but certain components of theearlier policy were retained; the third and last stage is marked through Akbarsbreak with Muslim orthodoxy.The First StageThere has been a lot of debate on Akbars relations with the Rajputs. Someargue that his policy initiated a system in which there would be nodiscrimination on the basis of religion in public appointments. Others hold thatit was a deliberate effort to exploit the martial attributes of the Rajputs for theexpansion of the Empire and also to play them against each other therebyensuring that they would not united pose a threat to the Empire. It is alsostated that Akbars Rajput policy was a part of a broad policy of wooing thezamindars and martial classes which incorporated the Rajputs and Afghans.Majority of the zamindars were Hindus and specially Rajputs.It is pointed out that the policy was aimed at using the Rajputs to counterthe power of the Uzbegs and other disaffected nobles. Faithfulness of Rajputswas legendary. They could serve as significant buttresses both within the courtand outside. Rajputs had made an impression on Akbars mind method back in1557 when a Rajput contingent under Bhara Mal, the ruler of Amber, haddemonstrated its loyalty to Akbar. This led to a matrimonial alliance flankedby Bhara Mals daughter and Akbar in 1562. But this matrimonial alliancewas not unique and such alliances were a common characteristic beforeAkbars time also. These marriages were in the nature of political compromiseand did not imply conversion to Islam and break with Hindu traditions. BharaMal had submitted to Akbar through personally paying homage to him in1562. Through encouraging this practice, Akbar was trying to establishintimate relations with those chieftains who submitted to him personally. Apersonal relationship, it was felt, would best ensure political allegiance.Akbars period therefore ushered in an era of personal fidelity. Matrimonialalliances did not lead to any type of special bond flanked by Rajputs andMughals. Nor were these alliances with Rajputs planned to be aimed atcountering recalcitrant elements or using the Rajputs for military gains. Thefact that Rajputs did participate in Mughal wars against their compatriots wasnot unprecedented. The liberal events such as abolition of jiziya, remission ofpilgrim taxes, etc. which Akbar introduced flanked by 1562-64, strengthenedpeoples faith in Akbar as a liberal ruler. But these events did not make anatmosphere of total peace flanked by the Mughals and Rajputs. The war withChittor, is an apt instance. The Rajputs offered firm resistance despite theattendance of Bhagwant Singh with Akbar. Akbar on the other handproclaimed the disagreement as jihad and martyrs as ghazis giving the wholeaffair a religious colour. He ascribed his victory to Gods will, therebyemphasizing the religious dimension of the disagreement.In the first stage, Akbars attitude towards Rajputs softened and RaoDalpat Rai, the governor (hakim) of Ranthambhor, was accepted in theimperial service and given jagir. Akbar married Bhagwant Singhs(Kachhawaha prince) sister. That Bhara Mal became a close confidant ofAkbar is apparent from the fact that when Akbar proceeded on the Gujaratcampaign, Agra was placed under his charge a gesture shown for the first timeto a Hindu Prince. Though, Akbars religious views his public policies andattitude towards Rajputs developed beside separate lines and coincided only ata later stage.The Second StageTowards the end of 1570, the relations with Rajputs were furtherrecognized. Rai Kalyan Mal of Bikanar submitted to Akbar through payinghomage personally beside with his son. Rawal Har Rai of Jaiselmer andKalyan Mais daughters were married to Akbar. Both rajas were firmlyentrenched in their principalities and enrolled in the Imperial service. TheGujarat expedition of Akbar was an significant landmark in the evolution ofMughal-Rajput relations. The Rajputs were enlisted as soldiers systematicallyand their salaries were fixed for the first time. Therefore , the Rajputs weredeployed outside Rajasthan for the first time and were given importantassignments and posts. Throughout the Gujarat insurrection of the Mirzas,Akbar depended largely or Rajputs(Kachawahas) Man Singh and BhagwantSingh. Akbar also had to deal with the Mewar problem. The Rana of Mewardid not. agree to personal submission and wanted to regain Chittor. Akbarremained firm on the principle of personal homage. In the meantime Marwarwas subdued through Akbar.The battle of Haldighati flanked by the Rana of Mewar and Akbar was nota thrash about flanked by Hindus and Muslims. As significant groups from inthe middle of the Rajputs sided with the Mughals, this thrash about cannot betermed as a thrash about for independence from foreign rule. It can to someextent be characterized as the pronouncement of the ideal of regionalindependence. In the 16th century India, the feelings of local and regionalloyalty were very powerful which could be further strengthened throughemphasis on conventions and traditions. Though, this catchword could not bevery helpful in the long run since there was no supreme regional poweramongst the Rajput states. They were vulnerable to internecine warfare and itsdisastrous consequences. The states located beside the borders of Mewarsubmitted to Akbar and entered into matrimonial alliances. These states hadclose relations with Mewar but had always pursued a practical policy ofallying with whosoever was the dominant power in the area. The ruler ofBundi and Marwar, who were in league with the Rana, were subdued.Therefore , the Ranas power suffered a severe jolt and Rajputs weretransformed from mere collaborators into allies of the Mughals.Till the end of the second stage, Akbars Rajput policy had not acquired aform which would be disapproved through the Muslim orthodox religiouselements or which would be a threat to the Muslim character of the state. Orelse why an orthodox person like Badauni commended the Mewar campaign?The Third StageThe reimposition of jiziya through Akbar in 1575, which was a step inpreparation for war with Mewar, shows that Akbar had to rely on religion forserving political ends. The fall from power of the chief sadr Abdun Nabi andthe proclamation of the mahzar are significant events which constitute thestarting point of Akbars break with orthodoxy.Throughout the invasion on Punjab through Akbars brother Mirza Hakim(the ruler of Kabul) in 1580, Akbar relied upon Rajputs such as Man Singhand Bhagwant Singh who displayed considerable valour throughout the siegeand successfully resisted it. Akbar rewarded them through creation BhagwantDas the governor of Lahore and Man Singh the commander of the Indusregion. An significant consequence of Mirza Hakims invasion was that fromnow onwards the Rajputs became the sword-arm of the Empire and becameactively involved in Mughal administration.A group in the middle of the nobility displayed fear in excess of theascendancy of Rajputs. Though Akbar was strong enough to brush aside suchfeelings and sustained to rely on the Rajputs. Akbar tried to forge closerelations with the Rajput ruling houses. The Kachhawaha family occupied aspecial position in the gamut of Mughal-Rajput relations. In 1580, Mani Bai,the daughter of Bhagwant Das, was married to Prince Salim. In 1583, Jodhpur,which was a part of khalisa was bestowed upon Mota Raja Udai Singh(Marwar) and his daughter was married to Salim. Rai Kalyan Singh's(Bikaner) daughter and Rawal Bhims (Jaisalmer) daughters were also marriedto Salim. Prince Daniyal was married to a daughter of Raimal of Jodhpur.These marriages reveal Akbars desire to compel his successor to thethrone to carry on the policy of maintaining close relationship with theRajputs. In 1583-84, Akbar initiated a new policy of selecting loyal Muslimand Hindu nobles for performing administrative tasks. Therefore , the son ofBhara Mal and Rai Lonkaran Shekhawat were look: after armour and roads;household management was placed under Raisal Darbari (Kachhawaha); RajaAskaran Kachhawaha of Narwan was assigned the task of supervising theproperty of minors; Jagmal Panwar, associated with Raja Bhagwant Das andMan Singh, was incharge of the department of jewels and other minerals; RaiDurga Sisodia of Rampura and Raja Todar Mal were assigned administrativetasks in the revenue department and Rai Surjan Hada was to bring mattersrelating to religion and faith to Prince Daniyal. Raja Birbal was a closeassociate of Akbar and was responsible for justice. It cannot be said withcertainty to what extent this policy of deploying Rajputs for carrying outadministrative tasks was successful. Abul Fazl provides the impression that itwas not properly implemented.The year 1585-86 marks an significant landmark in the administrativesphere when the subas were given an administrative form. Each suba was tohave two amirs or sipahsalars as well as a diwan and a bakhshi. TheKachhawahas got the largest share of appointments in the middle of Rajputs.Lahore, was given to Raja Bhagwant Das and Rai Singh of Bikaner, Kabul toMan Singh, Agra to Raja Askaran Shekhawat, Ajmer to Jagannath (son ofBhara Mal). The Rathors and Sisodias were also employed in theadministrative set up but not on a very large level.Through 1585-86, Akbars Rajput policy had become fully developed. Thealliance with Rajputs had become steady and stable. The Rajputs were nownot only allies but were partners in the Empire. Disagreement with the Rana ofMewar did not lead to bitterness in relations with other Rajput states ofRajasthan. Finally, the dispute with the Rana was settled and he spent the restof his life in Chawand in South Mewar (his capital). For analysing therelations with Rajputs in Akbars reign, the year 1585-86 can be taken as aconvenient point. In the middle of the Rajputs enlisted in the Imperial Service,the Kachhawahas reigned supreme. In the mansabdari(ranking system) whichwas developed through Akbar the Kachhawahas held a dominant position. Inthe list of mansabdars, as given in the Ain-i Akbari of the 24 Rajputs 13 wereKachhawahas. In the middle of Kachhawahas only members of Bhara Malsfamily held ranks of 1500 zat or above. The only non-Kachhawaha Rajputwho held a high rank and significant posts was Rai Singh of Bikaner.A study of the state structure of the Rajputs is significant for understandingtheir relations with the Mughals. On the eve of the Mughal conquests, theadministrative structure was based on what is called bhaibant system. It was asort of a loose confederation in which a region was held through a clan orkhap through one or more family which had close kinship ties with the clan. Amember of the leading family was called rao/rairana. There was no definitelaw of succession both primogeniture and the will of the ruler prevailed. Butthe deciding factors were the support of Rajput sardars (chieftains) andmilitary might. A clan held a region relying on the support of Rajput warriors.The leading family of a clan held only a few parganas or mahals under directcontrol in a region and the rest were assigned in patta to individual membersof the family who erected their own fortresses or places of residence calledbasi or kothri. Holders of these fortresses were called dhani or thakur. Theseholdings were hereditary. In these circumstances the Rana tried to extend theholding at the expense of the thikanedars (clan brothers) whereas the clanattempted to gain at the cost of neighbouring clans.When a Rajput raja was enrolled in the Imperial service, he was given jagiragainst his mansab which consisted of mahals or tappas where the clanmembers existed. The mahals were a part of one or more parganas with a fortor garhi where the raja resided with his family. This region was the real watanof the raja though, occasionally, the term was extended to mean the wholetract held through the raja and his clansmen. Jahangir refers to this as riyasat.The term watan jagir came into vogue only at the end of Akbars reign. Jagirsin close proximity to watan were measured a part of the watan and were nottransferable except in case of rebellion, etc. These watan jagirs were grantedfor life within Rajasthan. Outside Rajasthan, jagirs were transferable. The termwatan jagir is not referred to through Abul Fazl and other modern historians.The first reference to this is contained in a farman of Akbar to Raja Rai Singhof Bikaner. The Rajput chronicles, for instance, Nainsi has a word utan whichcould be a corruption of watan.The change in the state structure of Rajasthan and the evolution of theconcept of watan jagir which replaced bhaibant is an motivating phenomena.Through Jahangirs time the concept of watan jagir was firmly entrenched.Areas held through clan members and other clans were brought under thecontrol of the raja. Watan jagirs allowed the rajas to consolidate their positionvis--vis the pattayats which was a step towards the evolution of a stable andcentralized state structure. Watan and riyasat at times overlapped.When a raja died all the parganas controlled through him as watan jagirwere not inevitably inherited through his successor. His successor was given afew parganas according to his mansab which was lower than that of hispredecessor. Therefore , jagir rights in a pargana were partitioned. This was ameans of exercising control in excess of the Rajput rajas. Dispute in themiddle of the Rajputs for control of certain territories was a problem in whichAkbar also got entangled. For instance, Pokharan was claimed through theBhatis of Jaisalmer and rulers of Bikaner and Jodhpur. Akbar had assigned itto Mota Raja and later to Suraj Singh, but the Bhatis sustained to resist anddispute could not be settled in Akbars time.The Mughals did not try to make dissensions in the middle of the Rajputsbut they were aware of dissensions in the middle of the Rajputs on the basis ofclan and personal holdings and took advantage of these differences for theirown ends. For instance, they transferred disputed parganas from one toanother. The Mughal control in excess of an autonomous raja was determinedthrough the Mughal concept of paramountcy, attitudes of traditional rulingelites and political expediency. In Akbars time Chittor and Ranthambhor fortswere under Mughal appointees. The rajas assessed and composed land revenueaccording to their custom and norms, but imposition of certain taxes wasdisallowed. Though, there was no machinery to enforce these prohibitionswhich were often ignored through small rajas. Marwar was under directMughal rule from 1563 to 1583. Parts of Mewar were directly controlledthrough the Mughals from 1568 to the early years of Jahangirs reign.The Rajput rajas were granted jagirs outside their watan in neighbouringsubas or in subas where they served. The jagirs were situated either inproductive areas or in zortalab (rebellious) areas. The proportion of jagirsgranted in Rajasthan and outside differed from case to case. Additional incomefrom jagirs outside traditional holdings was significant. Jagirs in Rajasthanwere a more attractive proposition for the Rajputs as they accepted a lot ofprestige and enabled them to maintain their links with the clan which was thefoundation of their power.The establishment of a sort of Pax Mughalica (Mughal peace) wassignificant if the Rajput rajas were to serve in dissimilar parts of the Empirewithout being bothered in relation to their homelands. This meant regulationof inter-state disputes and disputes in the middle of the Rajput rajas andsardars. The Mughal policy of conferring honor on anyone was a part of theprocess of weakening the aristocracy through instigating the middle and lowerstrata to assert their independence from aristocracy. So, the Mughals enlistedin the Imperial service several miner feudatories of the Rajput rajasThemselves.

resumed offensive against theMughals. Later, Prince Khurram forced Malik Ambar to surrender theAhmednagar fort and the districts of Balaghat. Though throughout 1619-1620,Malik Ambar recovered the lost territories.Malik Ambar was not only a successful military commander but a veryable administrator. He is credited with a number of effective eventsconcerning revenue and general administration. With his death in 1626,Ahmednagar seems to have lost all hopes. Now Marathas tried to helpAhmednagar against the Mughals under Shahjahan. Shahji Bhonsle enthroneda member of the royal family as Murtaza Nizam Shah III. Defying theMughals, he occupied a number of forts. But Shahjahan forced MuhammadAdil Shah to accept defeat in 1636. A settlement was made, according towhich, the Nizam Shahi kingdom came to an end. It was divided flanked bythe Mughals and Bijapur kingdom. It was settled that the forts of Parenda andSholapur with their adjoining districts, the province of Kalyani and the NizamShahi territory been the Bhima and Nira rivers would be taken through AdilShah of Bijapur and, in return, be would assist the Mughals to bring Shahji tosubmission. Abdullah Qutb Shah of Golkonda also signed a treaty with theMughals. Prince Aurangzeb was appointed the governor of the MughalDeccan. He conquered the Nizam Shahi forts of Udgir and Ausa whichcompleted the extinction of Ahmednagar kingdom. Shahji surrenderedMurtaza Nizam Shah III to the Mughals and himself fled to Bijapur. Murtazawas imprisoned in the Gwalior fort and, therefore , the Nizam Shahi kingdomcame to an end.BijapurThe independent state of Bijapur was also carved out from the Bahmanikingdom in 1490. Bijapur remained independent till 1686 when it wasannexed through the Mughal emperor Aurangzeb. Throughout this period ofapproximately 200 years, it was ruled through Adil Shahi kings. Its founder,Yusuf Adil Khan, of Persian descent, was the tarafdar (governor) of Bijapurprovince of the Bahmani kingdom. He declared his independence in 1490. Heenlarged his small territory through capturing Raichur, Goa, Dabhol, Gulbargaand Kalyani. But he lost Goa to the Portuguese in 1510. Throughout the periodof his successors, efforts were made to retain and keep adding new territories.Ismail Shah tried to capture Sholapur from Ahmednagar but failed. The majorsuccess of Ismail Shah was the capture of Bidar. Amir Barid of Bidar hadalways been intriguing against Bijapur. So, Ismail marched and captured himalive. Amir Barid had to cede Bidar to Bijapur and was enrolled in theBijapuri nobility.In 1530, Ismail in alliance with Alauddin Imad Shah recovered RaichurDoab and Mudgal from the Vijaynagar Empire. As a reward, Ismail gave backBidar to Amir Barid in return for Qandahar and Kalyani. But after his return toBidar, Amir Barid allied himself with Burhan and refused to provide Qandaharand Kalyani. Finally, Ismail attacked and defeated him. In 1534, Ismail madean abortive effort to take Kovilkonda and Golkonda from Sultan Quli QutbulMulk. After his return to Bijapur, he died the same year. He was succeededthrough the elder prince Mallu Adil Khan but, due to his licentious behavior,he was blinded and imprisoned through his grandmother Punji Khatun in1535. He died in captivity in 1535. He was succeeded through his youngerbrother Ibrahim. Ibrahim was forced to provide absent the ports of Salsette andBardez to the Portuguese because the latter had already occupied them in 1535as a price to keep the rebel prince Abdullah in check who had taken shelter inGoa.Ali Adil Shah I (1556-1580), the after that Sultan, captured the Vijaynagarforts of Adoni, Torgal, Dharwar and Bankapur and made an unsuccessfuleffort to capture Penukonda, the Vijaynagars new capital. Ali Adil Shah I wasassassinated in 1580. After him, his minor nephew Ibrahim ascended to thethrone; his aunt, Chand Bibi, took charge of him as his guardian. The courtpolitics led to the overthrow of three regents within a period of ten years. Thebiggest success of Ibrahim Adil Shah was the annexation of the kingdom ofBidar in 1619. Ibrahim was succeeded through Muhammad Adil Shah (1627-1656). He conquered Tivy, Barder, Sarzora and culture from the Portuguese.Throughout his reign the kingdom reached the zenith of its glory. At the timeof his death in 1656, the boundaries of the kingdom extended from theArabian sea to the Bay of Bengal and the tributes from the subdued nayakscompensated for the loss incurred through payments to the Mughals. AfterMohammed Adil Shahs death, his son Ali Shah II (1656-1672) succeededhim. Throughout this period, the Mughal and Maratha invasions weakened thekingdom. After his death, his four year old son Sikandar was declared theSultan (1672-1686). Throughout this period, factional fights, interferencethrough Golkonda and the Marathas and Mughal invasions shattered thekingdom. Finally, in 1686, the Mughal emperor Aurangzeb defeated the AdilShahi forces and annexed the kingdom to the Mughal Empire.

MUGHAL ADMINISTRATION: MANSAB AND JAGIRMansabdari systemThe Mughal state had no division of its civil and military functions, and aMughal sepoy defended the international borders, manned the forts, andfought battles, but had also to perform a policeman's duties in times of peace.Government officials too were required to perform civil and military dutiessimultaneously. Akbar wanted to evolve a unique system of regulating theseimperial services, and the result was the promulgation of the MansabdariSystem in 1570. All the gazetted imperial officers of the state were styled asmansabdars. Initially, they were classified into sixty-six grades, from themansab of ten to ten-thousand, although, in practice, only thirty- three gradeswere constituted.The word 'mansab' is derived from the Arabic term mansib meaning a post,an office, rank or status; hence mansabdar means the holder of a rank, or anofficer. Some modern historians theories that Akbar was not the originator ofthe system because the practice of grading the military personnel through thegrant of mansabs had already been in vogue in several Muslim countries.Akbar took it from the system introduced through Khalifa Abba Said andaccepted through Chenghiz Khan and Timur. The rulers of the Delhi Sultanatetoo had adopted it to a certain extent. Balban's army was organized on thissystem while Sher Shah and Islam Shah practised it in a much better form.The mansabdari system was therefore not new to India; to Akbar, though, goesthe credit of perfecting it. He alone organized the mansabs of his imperialofficers, both civil and military, in a systematic form and so regulated thewhole structure of the services round the pivot of mansab that it becameassociated with his name.Under the mansabdari system, dissimilar numbers which could be dividedthrough ten were used for ranking officers. They were also meant for fixingthe salaries and allowances of officers. W. Irvine in The Army of the IndianMughals observes that the system determined the rank, pay-level and theposition of the imperial officer in the royal court in respect of othergovernment officers.Throughout Akbar's reign, initially, the lowest rank was that of number tenand the highest that of ten thousand. Mansabs above 5000 and later on that of7000 were given only to princes; the highest rank of ten thousand was givenexclusively to Salim, the crown prince. At a later stage, though, Akbar raisedthe highest rank to twelve thousand.(Throughout Jahangir and Shah Jahan's reign, mansabs of only 8000 weregiven to officers, while princes were given mansabs upto 40,000; the laterMughals gave mansabs upto the number of 50,000.) All officers below therank of the mansab of 500 were called mansabdars, the officers enjoying themansab from 500 to 2,500 were called amirs, and those ranked in excess of

2,500 were called amir-i-azam. The officer called khan-i-jahan was still higherin rank while the highest rank in the army was that of khan-i-khana.Although the mansabdari system had made military service the basicconsideration for the classification of all the imperial officers, it wasunderstood that all the mansabdars were not equally good military generalsnor were they expected to recruit and hold under their charge the number ofsoldiers as indicated through their mansab. or rank.For instance, a mansabdar of one thousand was not always a commanderof one thousand men. If employed in the revenue or judicial establishment, hemight not have had even a single soldier under him.The mansabdars of each category were subdivided further into three gradeson the basis of the actual number of soldiers commanded through them. AbulFazl writes: "An officer whose contingent comes up to his mansab is put intothe first class of his rank; if his contingent is one-half and upwards of the fixednumber, he is put into the second class; the third class contains those whosecontingents are still less."A mansabdar of one hundred belonged to the first class if he actuallyfurnished 100 soldiers; he was a second class mansabdar if the number ofsoldiers under his charge was fifty or more but less than 100; he was graded asa third class mansabdar if the number of soldiers manned through him was lessthan 50.JagirThe term 'jagir' commonly found in official papers of the seventeenthcentury to describe revenue assignment is not seen in any work compiledbefore Akbar. It apparently gained currency with the transition from the semipermanentterritorial assignments of the Lodi period to the revenueassignments of the Mughal empire.Through the end of the sixteenth century, the term came to be accepted asthe official term for a revenue assignment, having been derived from thePersian jaygir, meaning possessing, occupying a place, fixing a habitationcreation a settlement. It seems petty officials used it as a jargon in the earlyyears of Akbar, and it found its method in official papers only slowly. AbulFazl and Badauni tended to spell it as 'jaygir' and in the third volume ofAkbarnama, Abul Fazal substituted it for the expression 'iqta' presumablyshowing his disinclination to use a term of somewhat vulgar origin.It seems the varying frequency of the term jagir resulted due to thechanging nomenclature for dissimilar types of assignments in the originaldocuments referred to through the chroniclers. Assuming that the conditionsused through the chroniclers reflect the changing administrative jargon ofofficial papers, the inference drawn through Irfan Habib that initially the termwas meant to designate the petty assignees of revenue (and not thecommanders or nobles holding large charges) is validated.The year 1561 appears to mark a watershed in the evolution of the jagirsystem, because this was when a few important and distant-reaching changeswere introduced. In fact, these changes were the precursors of the eventsintroduced through Akbar in 1574- 5. The first of these changes, brought inrelation to thein 1561, concerned the manner in which the jagirs wereassigned.From this time on, as a conscious policy, the jagirs of great nobles came tobe assigned in fragments scattered in excess of a number of parganas locatedat considerable distances from each other. Synchronized with this change wasthe beginning o a new concept of assignment, which could be regarded as presanctionedincome determined in accordance with the status and obligations ofthe assignee.A consequence of the process of fragmentation of jagirs was that itseparated the jagirs from administrative jurisdiction, which, in turn, sloweddown the regional concentration of the jagirs of the nobles. Nonetheless, therewas also a definite policy of not allowing the clans to remain concentrated inscrupulous regions.Summing up, so, it may be said that the arrangement of jagirs throughoutthe first twenty years of Akbar's reign was an evolving process and theemerging system was a dissimilar type of arrangement from the military-cumrevenueassignments of Babar. It is also in order to suggest that the origin ofthe Mughal assignment system lay in the administrative policy of the Surdynasty, though the findings so distant in this regard are not quite conclusive.According to Abul Fazl, the division of the Mughal empire at the time ofHumayun's death into a number of military zones under the charge of seniornobles was as per a scheme thought of through Humayun in 1555, sometimebefore his demise. Professor Nurul Hassan called it a plan for thedecentralization of authority through delegating powers to the noblesadministering the military zones. Though, the assignments sanctionedthroughout the first four years of Akbar's reign seem to indicate that themilitary command which Humayun passed on to him was superimposed on arevenue system under the close control of the central government.The system in use after 1575 was conditioned through a new method ofrevenue assessment and collection as also through the introduction of anextensive military hierarchy and its obligations.Theoretically, the emperor was the sole claimant of the land-revenue andother taxes, Though, through using a system of temporary alienations of theclaim in specific areas, the jagirs, a small ruling elite was permitted to sharethe revenue in the middle of themselves. The ruling elite consisted of personswho were granted mansabs or ranks through the emperor.The mansabs were numerically expressed ranks which entitled the holderor mansabdar to a scrupulous amount of pay or talab. Normally, this could begiven in cash from the exchequer of the state, but more often it was thepractice to assign an area which was officially estimated to yield an equivalentamount of revenue.In order to ensure exactness in assigning jagirs, the standing estimates ofthe average annual income from revenues, recognized as jamas or jamadaniswere prepared for every administrative divisions right down to the villages.Khalisa or the land not assigned in jagirs was the main source of income of theking's treasury, and the king's officers were responsible for its collection. Thesize of the khalisa was not constant.Under Akbar, it amounted to 25 per cent of the total jama in at least threeof the provinces throughout the later years of his reign. (In Jahangir's times,it's proportion went down to one- twentieth, while Shahjahan raised it to oneseventh.)The rest of the country, comprising of the vast bulk of the territorieswere in the jagirs.This practice of assigning overwhelmingly large portion of land in jagirsmeant that a small number of people were in effect controlling almost all theagricultural surplus in the form of revenue of the country. In other words,much of the GNP of the country was in the hands of these small number ofpeople. In the middle of them, yet another small portion belonged to the classof the zamindars, for instance, the Rajput, Baluch and Ghakkar chiefs. Themajority of the jagirdars were immigrants, such as Turanis, Iranis, Afghans,etc., while a small number was from the local intelligentsia or pettybureaucrats like shaikhzadas, khatris and so on.The ranks or mansabs they held were usually not inheritable. Though,normally such ranks were conferred on sons and relations of nobles or highermansab holders, thereby creating approximately a dynasty of khanzfids whomade their living out of mansabs from generation to generation.Although the power and the possessions enjoyed through the ruling classeswere considerable, the mansabdar's dependence on the emperor's will wasquite important. This control in excess of the mansabdar was further increasedthrough giving the jagirs a purely temporary character.A mansabdar no doubt was entitled to a jagir; but not a specified piece ofland in jagir. and definitely not the same land in perpetuity, year after year.This principle was introduced deliberately, as mentioned earlier, and was anunavoidable consequence of the working of the mansabdari system.Promotions and demotions from time to time required revisions of themansabs and each such alteration in mansab required a change in themansabdar's jagir. Though, this was not possible without changing the othermansab holder's assignments. Likewise, officials were transferred from oneprovince to another, when in such instance, a place had to be allocated for thejagir of the official in the new province. This again required adjustments ofjagirs."The result was that no one could be sure of how long he would remain inpossession of a scrupulous area. The average period of term would bemanifestly impossible to work out; but the fact that Sehwan in Sindh, forinstance, was transferred no less than 17 times in a period of 43 years (1591-1634), lends point to general statements such as that jagirs were transferredyearly or half yearly, or every two or three years".The jagirdar's assignment was therefore not permanent and hisremuneration was limited to the authorized land-revenue and taxes. It wasnecessary for him to keep a copy of every revenue paper with the permanentstate official or qanungo, from whose record he had to draw his revenueassignments.He was not empowered with any judicial powers; the qazi appointedthrough the emperor dispensed justice. He had no police force either; thefaujdar, again an appointee of the emperor, was the one who maintained suchforces. The faujdar was also a person of some consequence.These were, though, of theoretical importance; in practice, the jagirdar'spowers were not that limited. Especially if he was a big jagirdar enjoyingfaujdari or police jurisdiction as well. Actually, the larger portions of thecountry's territories lay within the jagirs of such satraps.It has been figured out that in 1646, 36.6 per cent of the total jama wasunder the control of 68 princes and nobles, while the after that categorycomprising of 587 officials held 25 per cent of the territories. The still lowerrank of mansabdars numbering 7555 shared in the middle of themselvesflanked by twenty-five to thirty-three per cent of the revenues.Even after taking into account the fact that some of them got their salariesin cash, these proportions would still indicate the high concentration of jagirholdings in a few hands. The bigger jagirdars had large establishments foradministrative purposes (sarkar) to collect revenues in their places ofassignment. They maintained a large military force, and, due to their powerand prestige, they were somewhat immune to complaints made against them inthe imperial court.The jagirdars were quite well-known for their enormous clout and therewas a saying that the hakim (jagirdar) for a day could remove a zamindar offive hundred years tradition, installing there a destitute since birth. It waswithin his authority to detain his peasants and to bring them back if they ranabsent. Consequently, it was widely whispered that the jagirdars were allinclined to treat their peasants with severe oppression.There was also a cause for this unusual severity. As they were not quitesure of the time they would continue in the jagirs, they tried to extract as muchmoney as possible within the shortest period regardless of its baneful effectson long term revenue collection. No doubt, the Mughal administration tried toput a curb on the excesses committed through the jagirdars, but such effortsdid not appear to be particularly successful.Incidentally, there was a small but quite vocal section enjoying some smallshare of the empire's revenue possessions. They were the people who weregranted madad-i-muash, also recognized as sayurghal, through the emperor.These awards entitled them to collect revenues from specified lands, usuallyfor life. When the awardee died, the award was usually confirmed upon hissuccessor under certain circumstances.These people belonged usually to Muslim scholarly and theological classesand incorporated retired government officials, widows and women of familiesof some social eminence. Though, the revenue given absent through suchawards was not very large.In 1595, the revenue so distributed amounted to four per cent in Agra subaand to five per cent in Allahabad suba. As their assignments were more or lesspermanent, the assignees tried to acquire zamindari rights in the assigned areasand elsewhere. In this manner, some of them transformed themselves intosmall zamindars. Separately from this, they had no effect on the agrarianeconomy of the country.MUGHAL ADMINISTRATION: CENTRAL, PROVINCIAL ANDLOCALAdministration Under Sher ShahIn the process of evolution of Mughal administrative machinery, theAfghan interlude (1540-1555) was important. Under Sher Shah Suri theexperiment in the formation of a bureaucracy under a centralised despotismhad taken place. Akbar gave it a definite form. Therefore , we can say thatSher Shah anticipated Akbar. Let us first study the administrative events ofSher Shah.We get very little information in relation to the working of centraladministration under Sher Shah. But he was an autocrat and kept everythingunder his direct control and supervision. So, things went well so long as hewas alive: his successors were no match to him. The village was the smallestunit of administration. A group of villages constituted a pargana and a fewparganas a shiqq which was equivalent to Mughal sarkar. Though, in fewareas, such as Punjab, Bengal, Malwa, etc. many shiqqs were placed under anofficer whom we can equate with the Mughal subadar. The village-head wasrecognized as muqaddam who worked as the sole link flanked by thegovernment and the village. Though he was not the government servant,nonetheless he was responsible for maintaining and order in his village. Afterthat comes the patwari, a village record- keeper. He was also not an employeeof the state but of the village community.The shiqqdar was incharge of the pargana. His chief function was tocollect the revenue at pargana stage. He was regularly transferred under SherShah. He was assisted through two karkuns (clerks) who kept the records bothin Hindi and Persian. The munsif was responsible for measuring the land, etc.Both (shiqqdar and munsif) were directly appointed through the government.The qanungo maintained the records at pargana stage. He was a hereditarysemi-official. The fotadar was entrusted with the treasury of the pargana. Anumber of parganas shaped a sarkar (shiqq), headed through shiqqdar-ishiqqdaran. He was the supervisor and executive officer in excess of theshiqqdars of all the parganas in a sarkar (shiqq). The munsif-i munsifanperformed the duties of amin (created later through the Mughals) at sarkar(shiqq) stage. There were 66 sarkars (shiqqs) in Sher Shahs Empire.Sher Shah attached great importance to the administration of justice. Civilcases of the Muslims were taken care of through the qazi, while the criminalcases were tried through the shiqqdar. The largest responsibility for detectingcrimes rested upon muqaddams. If the muqaddam of the village, where thecrime was committed, failed to capture the culprit, he was liable to severepunishment.Central Administration: Its EvolutionThe Mughal Empire had pan-Indian character. Babur and Humayun forcauses of their brief reign and that of being busy in military matters could notconcentrate on establishing a definite system or pattern in administration.Through the end of Akbars reign, we discover establishment of elaborateoffices with assigned functions to the heads of offices. The rules andregulations guiding both their public and private conduct had all been fixed sothat the officers were converted into' what can be termed the Tools of theEmpire.The EmperorThe ancient Indian traditions had always supported a strong ruler. TheMuslim jurists and writers also held the same view. Therefore , the concept ofdivine origin of monarchy could easily discover credence in the middle of theIndian people. It is not surprising that the Mughals publicised their jharokhadarshan with great deal of pomp and illustrate in which the Irrigation. Emperorappeared at an appointed hour before the general public, the myth being that amere look of his majesty would redress their grievances. With such popularperception of the ruler, it is obvious that all officers in Mughal administrationowed their position and power to the Emperor. Their appointment, promotion,demotion, and termination were subject to the rulers personal preference andwhims.Wakil and WazirThe institution of wizarat (or wikalat since both were usedinterchangeably), according to some accounts, can be traced back to theAbbasi Caliphs. Under the Delhi Sultans, the wazir enjoyed both civil andmilitary powers. But under Balban his powers woe reduced when thfe Sultanbifurcated the military powers under diwanarz. As for Sher Shah, this officeremained approximately in abeyance under the Afghans. The position of thewazir revived under the early Mughals. Baburs wazir NizamuddinMuhammad Khalifa enjoyed both the civil and military powers. Humayunswazir Hindu Beg also virtually enjoyed great powers.The period of Bairam Khans regency (1556-60) saw the rise of the wakilwazirwith unlimited powers under Bairam Khan. In the 8th regnal year (1564-65), Akbar took absent the financial powers of the wakil and entrusted it intothe hands of the diwan kul (Finance Minister). Separation of finance gave ajolt to the wakils power. Though, the wakil sustained to enjoy the highestplace in the Mughal bureaucratic hierarchy despite reduction in his powers.Diwani KulWe have already seen how Akbar strengthened the office of the diwanthrough entrusting the revenue powers to the diwan. The chief diwan (diwanikul) was made responsible for revenue and finances. His primary duty was tosupervise the imperial treasury and check all accounts. He personallyinspected all transactions and payments in all departments. He maintaineddirect contact with the provincial diwans and their functioning was put underhis vigil. His seal and signatures were necessary for the validation of allofficial papers involving revenue. The whole revenue collection andexpenditure machinery of the Empire was under his charge. No fresh order ofappointment or promotion could be affected without his seal. To check thediwans power, the Mughal Emperor asked the diwan to submit the report onstate finances daily. .The central revenue ministry was divided into may departments to lookafter the specific needs of the Empire. For instance: diwani khalisa, diwani tan(for cash salary), diwani jagir, diwani buyutat (royal household), etc. Eachbranch was further subdivided into many sections manned through a secretary,superintendents and clerks. The mustaufi was the auditor, and the mushrif wasthe chief accountant The khazanadar looked after the Imperial treasury. Mir BakhshiThe mirarz of Delhi Sultante changed its nomenclature to mir bakhshiunder the Mughals. All orders of appointments of mansabdars and their salarypapers were endorsed and passed through him. He personally supervised thebranding of the horses (dagh) and checked the muster-roll (chehra) of thesoldiers. On the basis of his verification, the amount of the salary wascertified. Only then the diwan made entry in his records and placed it beforethe king. Mir bakhshi placed all matters pertaining to the military departmentbefore the Emperor. The new entrants, seeking service, were presented beforethe Emperor through the mir bakhshi. He dealt directly with provincialbakhshis and waqainavis. He accompanied the Emperor on tours, pleasuretrips, hunting expeditions, battlefield, etc. His duty was to check whetherproper places were allotted to the mansabdars according to their rank at thecourt. His darbar duties considerably added to his prestige and power. -The mir bakhshi was assisted through other bakhshis at central stage. Thefirst three were recognized as 1st, 2nd and 3rd bak-hshi. Besides, there wereseparate bakhshis for the ahadis (special imperial troopers) and domesticservants of the royal household (bakhshi-i shagird pesha).Mir SamanThe mir saman was the officer incharge of the royal karkhanas. He wasalso recognized as khan saman. He was the chief executive officer responsiblefor the purchase of all types of articles and their storage for the royalhousehold. Another significant duty was to supervise the