reflectarea diversitatii in media

REFLECTING DIVERSITY IN THE MEDIA REFLECTAREA DIVERSITII N PRES

Chiinu 2005

DESCRIEREA CIP A CAMEREI NAIONALE A CRII: Reecting diversity in the media = Reectarea diversitii n pres = / Natalia Angheli-Zaicenco; trad.: Vladimir Kolteniuk, Iulian Robu . Ch. : Centrul Independent de Jurnalism, 2005 (Tipogr. T-Par SRL). p. 116 p. ISBN 9975-9599-2-X 200 ex.

NOT ASUPRA EDIIEI: Lucrarea reprezint o trecere n revist a principalelor informaii obinute n urma monitorizrii reectrii relaiilor interregionale i interetnice de ctre cinci ziare guvernamentale din Chiinu, Tiraspol i Comrat. Monitorizarea ziarelor Nezavisimaia Moldova i Moldova suveran (Chiinu), Pridnestrovie i Adevrul nistrean (Tiraspol), i Vesti Gagauzii (Comrat) a fost efectuat n perioada martie 2004 mai 2005. Raportul i propune s devin un instrument de lucru pentru cei interesai de problemele multiculturalismului i diversitii. *** LA REALIZAREA EDIIEI AU COLABORAT: Autor: Dr. Natalia ANGHELI-ZAICENCO, Centrul Independent de Jurnalism Recenzent: Dr. Snjezana MILIVOJEVIC, Universitatea din Belgrad (Serbia) Traducere: Vladimir KOLTENIUK, Iulian ROBU Redactare: Ludmila COSTIN, Mary LAMPHEAR, Natalia MACIULAN *** Natalia ANGHELI-ZAICENCO, text Centrul Independent de Jurnalism, proiect Mihai CATAN, design i machetare Lucrarea apare n cadrul Proiectului Crearea unui cadru de relaii panice n Republica Moldova (The Peace Building Framework Project), administrat de ctre secia DFID din cadrul Ambasadei Marii Britanii la Chiinu. Proiectul este nanat din Fondul Guvernului Marii Britanii pentru prevenirea conictelor n Rusia i statele CSI. Finanatorii nu subscriu i nu rspund pentru coninutul acestei publicaii. 070=111=135.1=161.1

REFLECTING DIVERSITY IN THE MEDIA Final Monitoring ReportMARCH 2004 MAY 2005

CONTENTSExecutive summary ............................................................................... 5 1. Introduction ...................................................................................... 7 2. Monitoring methodology ................................................................. 10 3. Background 3.1. Historical context ............................................................... 12 3.2. Demographics .................................................................... 13 4. General trends and paper specics 4.1. Key political,economic, other developments covered ........... 15 4.2. Coverage trends ................................................................. 16 4.3. Paper specics ..................................................................... 17 5. Nature of coverage 5.1. Article totals ...................................................................... 20 5.2. Story prominence, length and genre ................................. 22 5.3. Story focus, event importance and location ..................... 24 5.4. Representing the spectrum (social groups, nationalities, gender-bending) ................... 25 5.5. Issues highlighted or marginalized, coverage tone ............. 28 6. True multiculturalism and diversity? .............................................. 34 7. Recommendations ............................................................................. 38

EXECUTIVE SUMMARYThe monitoring of ve government-funded newspapers from Chisinau, Comrat and Tiraspol was carried out in the framework of the project Networking for Diversity in March 2004 May 2005. Coverage of interregional and inter-ethnic relations in the following newspapers was studied: Nezavisimaia Moldova and Moldova suverana (Chisinau), Pridnestrovie and Adevarul nistrean (Tiraspol), as well as Vesti Gagauzii (Comrat). The purpose was to establish to what extent various facets of these issues were highlighted, and whether there were signicant variations across these publications in the way who, what and how was represented in the stories. Relevant articles were studied to establish their prominence (page placement) in the newspaper, length, genre, focus, signicance and location of the event covered, ethnic groups specied, as well as actors, their voice, role, and the tone of coverage of actors activity. Throughout the monitoring period the following general trends were observed in the coverage of inter-ethnic and inter-regional relations by the ve monitored newspapers: Relevant issues enjoyed high prominence, with a third of the articles published on the front page; Throughout the analyzed period the coverage of inter-regional relations by far exceeded that of inter-ethnic relations; Straightforward news stories predominated in the coverage of relevant issues, and another signicant group was analyses/commentaries; Short stories made up more than half of the articles; Stories were predominantly framed around non-conict everyday events; One-source stories were an absolute majority; Authorities representatives predominated both as news sources and as story actors; For the majority of the monitored newspapers, governmental issues (i.e. activities of various public institutions, elections, or implementation of various legal acts) were the most frequent issues covered;

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Economic, lifestyle, and crime/justice issues remained largely underreported; Actors were predominantly represented as a group, not as sociallyactive individuals; when singled out individually, the overwhelming majority were male; Story actors were seldom given a voice, i.e. quoted directly or paraphrased, instead there was a distinctive tendency to speak for them; The tone of coverage of actors activities was overwhelmingly neutral. Despite their geographical and, sometimes, even ideological dierences, all the analyzed papers appear to adhere to similar journalism standards. Financial support from public coers seems to trigger a tacit obligation to provide priority coverage of the activities of political elites to the detriment of issues aecting everyday life of average citizens. The coverage was predominantly reactive there were very few cases when the monitored papers brought up issues to public attention, raised topics for public debate or demanded changes in relevant public policies. Under the circumstances, the watchdog role of these media outlets was signicantly reduced. They largely failed to promote diversity and multiculturalism. The quality of relevant stories can be improved and their potential impact on readers can be increased by applying the principles of constructive journalism and by engaging journalists in joint reporting projects with peers from dierent geographic and ethnic backgrounds.

1. INTRODUCTIONWhat is journalism for? In the modern media-savvy world most literate adults will have an opinion about it. Some would say journalists role is that of detached observer of events. Others would insist that they should be activist participants in major developments. There are also those who would be happy to see journalists simply as entertainers. The priorities of the media, public opinion and policy makers interact in complex ways and have multi-directional eects1. Many would even say that, in one way or another, the news media set the public agendas2. However, few are satised with the way this works. Members of our profession have been accused of being overly-simplistic, reactive, and of over-playing conict and violence. What is more, in ethnically diverse communities, the media are often said to reinforce the existing dierences. They can degenerate spirals of communication and in this way amplify communal division3. On the other hand, the news media can also serve as a condence-building tool. By covering a wide spectrum of voices, by increasing the range of sources and analyzing the agendas of people who do not belong to the elites, they can contribute to conict resolution and promote multiculturalism and diversity. In conditions when Moldovan media continue to depend on various forms of sponsorship for survival and journalists largely remain divided along political, linguistic and even geographical lines, there is a pressing need for activities aimed at bringing them together and enhancing their critical role as a fourth estate. The project titled Networking for Diversity was administered by the Independent Journalism Center (IJC) from January 2004 to June 2005.1.McQuails Mass Communication Theory. McQuail, Denis. Sage Publications, 2000, p. 456. 2. Agenda-setting theory is based on the premise that the media has the ability to lter and shape the reality in such a way so as to make the public perceive certain issues as more important than others. 3. The media election. Coverage of the 2003 Northern Ireland Assembly poll. Wilson, Robin and Fawcett, Liz. Democratic Dialogue. http://www.democraticdialogue.org , January 2004, p. 6.

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It aimed to promote professional cooperation among journalists from three conventional regions of Moldova Transnistria, Gagauzia, and the rest of the country. The major project components were as follows: Production of joint materials by mixed teams of journalists from Transnistria, Gagauzia, and other regions; Content analysis of the coverage of minority-majority relations by newspapers from Transnistria, Gagauzia, and other regions; Creation of a diversity network comprising journalists from dierent Moldovan regions to promote good practices in reporting about issues of multiculturalism. In the framework of the project more than 150 materials were published/broadcast in various news outlets from Transnistria, Gagauzia and other Moldovan regions. Six special newsletters featuring various aspects of diversity reporting and multiculturalism were produced by project participants, while an IJC research team analyzed the coverage of relevant issues in mainstream national and regional newspapers. The project was built on the premise that true multiculturalism and diversity can only be attained if adequate attention is given to all segments of society and the coverage focus is shifted from the comings and goings of the powers that be to bread-and-butter issues that are of real concern to the members of the general public. According to the project participants, its major achievement was opening of new topic horizons to them, i.e. reminding them that there is a whole range of issues to be covered beyond the spheres of politics and economics. Journalists reported positive feedback from the reading public to the civic journalism perspective that had been generated by the project activities. Participating news organizations have reported

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strong emotional reactions to materials that had been carried out in the framework of the project they received letters and phone calls from readers, and their media outlets registered a circulation increase4.

4.Reectarea diversitatii in mass-media. Evaluare de proiect (Reecting diversity in the media. A project evaluation). IMAS Inc., June 2005, p. 7.

2. MONITORING METHODOLOGYMedia monitoring was carried out in March 2004 May 2005 by a research team composed of Dr. Natalia Angheli-Zaicenco (methodology and data analysis), Diana Deres, Irina Gontea and Natalia Girleanu (coders). Prof. Dr. hab. Constantin Marin of Moldova State University and Dr. Snjezana Milivojevic from the University of Belgrade (Serbia) served as consultants on the project. The team looked at the way the mainstream national and regional newspapers covered the following issues: relations between three conventional regions Chisinau, Transnistria, and Gagauzia; relations between dierent ethnic groups inside the respective regions. The purpose was to establish to what extent various facets of inter-ethnic and inter-regional relations were highlighted, which themes were given prominence, and to determine whether there were signicant variations across the three regions in who, what and how received coverage. The following research hypothesis has been advanced: the coverage of inter-ethnic and inter-regional relations is sporadic; it lacks variety and depth; as a consequence, it fails to promote the principles of diversity and multiculturalism. Five mainstream newspapers from Chisinau, Transnistria and Gagauzia were selected for analysis, i.e.: Nezavisimaia Moldova Russian-language, Chisinau, print run ca. 14,300 copies Moldova suverana Romanian-language, Chisinau, print run ca. 15,000 copies

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Pridnestrovie Russian-language, Tiraspol, print run ca. 3,100 copies Adevarul nistrean Romanian-language, Tiraspol, print run 1,300 copies5 Vesti Gagauzii Russian-language, Comrat, print run ca. 5,000 copies At the time of the analysis, all ve papers were funded by the governments of the respective regions6, had region-wide circulation, and largely reected the ocial stance on major societal developments. Two issues per week of every newspaper were selected for analysis7. These issues were analyzed for the way ethnic groups inside these three regions were covered, as well as the character of the coverage of relations between these regions. Relevant articles were studied to establish their prominence (page placement) in the newspaper, length, genre, focus, signicance and location of the event covered, source of information, issues and character of the event covered, ethnic groups highlighted, actors, their voice, role, and the tone of coverage of actors activity.

5. Despite such a marked dierence in their print runs, both Pridnestrovie and Adevarul nistrean have the Transnistrian presidency and parliament as founders. Russian remains the most frequently used language, even though the equality of Russian, Ukrainian and Moldovan (Romanian) languages is proclaimed in Transnistrian constitution. Moldovan (Romanian)-language media are in demand largely in Moldovan (Romanian)-language villages and a few educational establishments throughout the region. 6. In May-June 2005, the Moldovan government ocially withdrew as the founder of Nezavisimaia Moldova and Moldova suverana. No immediate changes in the format or content of the respective papers ensued. 7. Since Adevarul nistrean comes out only once a week, every issue of this publication was analyzed.

3. BACKGROUND3.1 Historical contextMoldovas emancipation from the Soviet rule brought about the revival of the national awareness of ethnic Moldovans. As part of this movement, a Law on the Functioning of Languages on the Territory of Moldovan Soviet Socialist Republic (RSSM) was adopted in 1989. Under the law, Moldovan (Romanian) gained the status of the official language, and Russian was declared the language of communication among nations 8. While raising the status of Moldovan (Romanian), the law also stipulated the use of Ukrainian, Bulgarian, Hebrew, Yiddish, Roma languages, etc. to meet the needs of various ethnic groups living in Moldova.9 The law also stipulated the use of the Latin alphabet for Moldovan (Romanian). However, the drive for the revival of Moldovan culture and language, and especially the adoption of the language law, was perceived as a threat by some representatives of ethnic minorities. Their strongest fear was that Moldova would eventually reunite with neighboring Romania (of which it was part before 1940). Fierce protests ensued in the region east of the river Dniester, which was populated largely by Ukrainians and Russians. Thus, the self-proclaimed Moldovan Trans-Dniestrian Republic (Transnistria) was created in September 1990. The 1991 referendum to preserve the Soviet Union, boycotted in most of Moldova, was widely hailed here. The Transnistrian parliament abolished the 1989 language law and reintroduced the use of the Cyrillic alphabet for the Moldovan language. The regions constitution declares Moldovan, Russian and Ukrainian as the regions ocial languages.10 Relations between central authorities and Transnistrian separatists reached a nadir in late 1991, and several hundred lives were lost in ghting over the next seven months.8. Article 3 of the Law on the Functioning of Languages on the Territory of RSSM . 9. Article 4 of the Law on the Functioning of Languages on the Territory of RSSM. 10. Article 12 of the Constitution of the Moldovan Trans-Dniestrian Republic.


The situation has remained tense, and years of negotiations between the central authorities and Transnistrian leaders brokered by the OSCE have not resulted in any signicant breakthrough. In the south of Moldova, the fears of ethnic Gagauz (a Christian Orthodox Turkic people) of losing their rights as a result of Moldovas independence were allayed when the autonomous region of Gagauz Yeri (Gagauzia) was created. The 1994 Law on the Special Legal Status of Gagauz Yeri gave them the right to independently settle issues relating to the political, economic and cultural development of the region. Under the law, the ocial languages of Gagauz-Yeri are Moldovan (Romanian), Gagauz and Russian. However, the predominant means of communication in the region are Russian and Gagauz. Gagauzia has its own parliament, while the regions governor (baskan) is a member of the Moldovan Cabinet.

3.2 DemographicsAccording to preliminary data of the 2004 census, the population of Moldova (without Transnistria) comprises 3,388,071 people. Moldovans (and Romanians) are the largest ethnic group making up 78.2%. They are followed by Ukrainians - 8.4%, Russians - 5.8%, Gagauz - 4.4%, Bulgarians - 1.9%. Representatives of other ethnic groups number 1.3%.11 According to the census, 155,587 persons lived in Gagauzia in 2004. The ethnic composition of the region was as follows: Moldovans 4.6%, Ukrainians 3%, Russians 3.7%, Gagauz 82.6%, Bulgarians 5.1%, and representatives of other nationalities - 0.9%.12

11. Recensamintul 2004. (2004 population census). Biroul national de Statistica al Republicii Moldova (National Statistics Bureau of Moldova). http://www.statistica.md/recensamint.php 12. Ibid.

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The Transnistrian authorities did not participate in the national Moldovan census, but organized their own population count instead. According to the local census, 555,500 people lived in the region in 2004. Moldovans made up 31.9%, Russians 30.3% and Ukrainians - 28.8%, whereas representatives of other nationalities comprised 9%.13

13. . (Preliminary results of census in Transnistria have been announced). . . http://www.narodru.ru/news3447.html , 09 June 2005

4. GENERAL TRENDS AND PAPER SPECIFICS4.1 Key political, economic and other developments coveredThe period under analysis was marked by a variety of regional, national and international events which had an impact on the coverage of relevant issues in the ve monitored newspapers. In the summer and early autumn of 2004, tensions between central Moldovan authorities and Transnistrian leaders grew signicantly. Six Romanian-language schools were closed down by the Transnistrian administration in late July, and the Tighina (Bendery) segment of the Moldovan railway was taken over by the local law-enforcement ocers. As a result, negotiations on the future status of Transnistria were suspended, and President Vladimir Voronin imposed economic sanctions against the region. In September 2004, Dinu Mija, a cameraman of Moldovan public television, was arrested by Transnistrian authorities and spent one week in a local jail. The crisis has received ample coverage in most of the monitored papers. In autumn 2004, the Moldovan parliament passed a law on privatization in Transnistria which was severely criticized by the regions authorities. Instead, Transnistrian leaders launched the idea to hold a referendum on formal independence from Moldova (by June 2005, the referendum had not been organized). Tensions started to subside in late autumn of 2004, and OSCEmediated talks between authorities in Chisinau and Tiraspol resumed. After months of protests, students of Romanian-language Transnistrian schools returned to the classrooms. Nevertheless, by the end of the year the Transnistrian authorities created a new political movement Respublica aimed at strengthening the regions statehood. In January March 2005, the coverage in the monitored papers was largely dominated by the campaign for parliamentary elections in Moldova


and the local elections in Transnistria. Inter-regional relations, as well as aspects of inter-ethnic relations, were largely viewed through the election perspective. In April 2005, Vladimir Voronin was re-elected as the countrys president, and Moldova hosted a summit of GUUAM.14 The major highlight of the summit was the proposal on the solution of the Transnistrian dispute made by the Ukrainian President Victor Iuscenco. This initiative was discussed at length in most of the monitored papers. Throughout the monitoring period, inter-regional and inter-ethnic relations were also covered in the context of various anniversaries: the 10th anniversary of the Moldovan Constitution ( July 2004); the 500th anniversary of the death of Moldovan ruler Stefan cel Mare ( July 2004); the 10th anniversary of Adevarul nistrean (September 2004); the 10th anniversary of Gagauz autonomy (December 2004); the 60th anniversary of Soviet Army victory in World War II.

4.2 Coverage trendsIn March 2004 - May 2005, the following general trends were observed in the coverage of inter-ethnic and inter-regional relations in the papers under analysis: Relevant issues enjoyed high prominence, with a third of the articles published on the front page; Throughout the analyzed period the coverage of inter-regional relations by far exceeded that of inter-ethnic relations;14. GUUAM (Georgia, Ukraine, Uzbekistan, Azerbaijan and Moldova) Group was formally founded in 2000 as a political, economic and strategic alliance designed to strengthen the independence and sovereignty of these former Soviet Union republics. In 2005, Uzbekistan withdrew its membership. Since then the organization has been known as GUAM.


Straightforward news stories predominated in the coverage of relevant issues, and another signicant group were analyses/commentaries; Short stories made up more than half of the articles; Stories were predominantly framed around non-conict everyday events; One-source stories were an absolute majority; Authorities representatives predominated both as news sources and as story actors; For the majority of the monitored newspapers governmental issues (i.e. activities of various public institutions, elections or implementation of various legal acts) were the most frequent issues covered; Economic, lifestyle, and crime/justice issues remained largely underreported; Actors were predominantly represented as a group, not as sociallyactive individuals; when singled out individually, the overwhelming majority were male; Story actors were seldom given a voice, i.e. quoted directly or paraphrased, instead there was a distinctive tendency to speak for them; The tone of coverage of actors activities was overwhelmingly neutral.

4.3 Paper specicsIn Nezavisimaia Moldova and Moldova suverana relevant issues were largely covered in the context of various protocol events, i.e. highlevel meetings, visits, etc. Interest in dierent ethnic groups increased signicantly during trips of Moldovan authorities to the countries where these were titular nations (e.g. Bulgaria, Azerbaijan) or visits to Moldova by high-ranking ocials from these states. Aspects of relations between the regions were viewed primarily from the perspective of political elites from Chisinau. The Transnistrian stalemate was the dominant issue, and the general underlying message was that the local leaders are criminals who are interested in preserving the status quo (this position is very much in line


with the ocial stance on the problem). The coverage of relevant events in both newspapers was overwhelmingly concise, and the predominant journalistic genre was straightforward news. Since Nezavisimaia Moldova and Moldova suverana both have a nationwide circulation, it is not surprising that events of national importance predominated. A similar coverage trend was observed in Pridnestrovie. Here aspects of relations between Transnistrian and Moldovan authorities were the major highlight, and the stance of the regions authorities on relevant issues was always perceived as the right one. On the other hand, Moldovan policies towards Transnistria, and especially the agenda promoted by President Vladimir Voronin, came under close scrutiny and severe criticism. The keynote message throughout the monitoring period was that Moldovan leaders are inveterate liars. Therefore, their initiatives on resolving the Transnistrian dispute cannot be trusted. Similarly, Pridnestrovie frequently criticized the position of the Western nations and international organizations on the Transnistrian issue. Since Moldovan leaders, and especially Moldovan President Vladimir Voronin, were among the most frequent story actors, it is not surprising that the paper had the largest ratio of negative evaluations of actors activities and the largest number of stories in which relevant events were framed around verbal conicts. Analysis was the most favorite news genre used to cover aspects of relations with central Chisinau authorities, and Pridnestrovie carried the largest ratio of analysis/commentaries among the monitored papers. However, in the coverage of other issues analyses were not that frequent. Adevarul nistrean and Vesti Gagauzii devoted far more attention to highlighting various cultural issues, and in this way they diered from the other monitored papers. Traditions, history, and development of ethnic languages featured prominently in both papers, sometimes even in the shape of scientic research articles. For Adevarul nistrean, aspects of the life of ethnic Moldovans in the region were of primary interest. The key message in most articles was that


Transnistria is the only remaining bastion of Moldovenism in the world, i.e. the only place where Moldovans can develop their autochthonous language and culture. Stories of regional importance were an absolute majority. The paper carried the largest number of features as well as stories framed around festivities. The ratio of positive evaluations of actors activities was the highest among all monitored papers. On the other hand, Vesti Gagauzii had the largest ratio of stories in which actor activities were evaluated in a neutral way. Another distinctive feature of this publication was its extensive coverage of decisions taken by various national public administration bodies. Vesti Gagauzii carried the largest number of long and very long stories and had the highest ratio of articles framed around non-conict, everyday events. Most of the articles in the paper were published in Russian. However, throughout the monitoring period Vesti Gagauzii also carried a regular insert in the Gagauz language.

5. NATURE OF COVERAGE5.1 Article totalsOver the 15-month monitoring period 3,057 articles highlighting aspects of inter-regional and inter-ethnic relations were identied. Vesti Gagauzii carried the largest number of stories on the issues analyzed (744), whereas the number of relevant materials in other monitored newspapers ranged between 570 and 598 (see the percentage ratio in diagram 1):

Diagram Diagram 11

23%

19%

23% 19% 19%

Nezavisim aia Moldova Moldova suverana Diagram 1 Pridnestrovie 20% Adevarul nistrean 19% Vesti Gagauzii Nezavisim aia Moldova

Moldova suverana Pridnestrovie 20% Adevarul nistrean Throughout this period, the ve newspapers focused mainly on 19% Gagauzii relations among the three conventional Vesti regions (Transnistria, Gagauzia, Diagram 2 19% and the rest of Moldova). As shown in diagram 2, the number of articles

on these30% issues by far exceeded the number of stories on aspects of interethnic relations:

Diagram 2 Inter-ethnic relationsDiagram 2 30% 70%

Inter-regional relations

Inter-regional relations Inter-ethnic relations Diagram 3 70%

300 250 200 150 100 300 50 250 0 20004 04 04 4 4 4

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Diagram 1 23% 19%Nezavisim aia Moldova Moldova suverana Pridnestrovie 20% Adevarul nistrean REFLECTING DIVERSITY Vesti Gagauzii

19% 19%

IN THE MEDIA 21

The coverage of issues within the scope of the present research was largely reactive. It appeared to be driven mainly by political developments in the country. Thus, the number Diagram of relevant articles increased at the time 2 of the Romanian-language schools crisis in August-October 2004, in the 30% run-up to the general and presidential Inter-regional elections of March-April 2005, and relations Inter-ethnic relations following the new initiatives on ways to resolve the Transnistrian stalemate in May 2005 (cf. data in diagram 3 ): 70%

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5.2 Story prominence, length and genreAspects of inter-regional and inter-ethnic relations were given a high prominence in the monitored papers. Throughout the 15 monitoring months 1,012 articles (33%) on these issues were placed on the front page. The number of front-page stories in the five newspapers ranged from 161 to 273. Traditionally, the Moldovan newspapers tend to carry political stories on their front pages, and this tendency was preserved in the coverage of inter-regional and inter-ethnic issues by the monitored newspapers. There appeared to be a direct link between story prominence and the general coverage trends in each of the five papers analyzed. As shown in diagram 4, the largest number of front-page articles on relevant issues were printed in Pridnestrovie (47% of all such articles published in that newspaper) and Moldova suverana (38%) both of which show a proclivity towards political and protocol events.


By comparison, the smallest number of front-page articles on interregional and inter-ethnic relations was carried by Adevarul nistrean and Vesti Gagauzii the papers that lean more towards the coverage of cultural developments:

Even though a fairly large number of stories on aspects of interethnic or inter-regional relations was registered during the monitoring period, these were largely short or medium-length articles.15 As shown in diagram 5, all five monitored newspapers tended towards a concise coverage of relevant issues rather than detailed, in-depth reporting:

15. An article, which was one-page long or longer, was considered as very long; an article, which was between half-page and full page in length as long; an article, which was between a quarter of page and half a page in length as medium-length; an article, which was less than a quarter of a page as short;.


Throughout the monitoring period, Vesti Gagauzii carried the largest number of long stories (116). These were largely excerpts from research papers on various aspects of history, culture and traditions of the Gagauz people. Pridnestrovie carried 81 long stories - mostly opinion pieces or analyses on aspects of Transnistrias relations with central Moldovan authorities. In terms of journalistic genres, there was little diversity in the monitored newspapers. Straightforward news made up the largest group - accounting for 40% of all stories on relevant issues. Editorials/ opinion pieces comprised the second largest group (32% of the total story number), while such newspaper genres as features and interviews were largely under-represented (cf. diagram 6):

In Moldova suverana the ratio of straightforward news was even higher - reaching 62%. On the other hand, in Pridnestrovie, news made up only 24.9% of all relevant stories. Here analysis/ commentary was the most popular genre in the coverage of aspects of inter-ethnic and inter-regional relations (45.9%). The only signicant dierence concerning the use of newspaper genres in the coverage of relevant issues was observed in Adevarul nistrean. Throughout the 15 monitored months this paper carried the largest number of feature articles (24.4% of the total articles on relevant issues published in the paper).


5.3 Story focus, event importance and locationIn the overwhelming majority of stories on inter-ethnic and interregional relations, relevant issues were tackled as primary topics. They were considered in a more general context or in connection with other topics in less than a quarter of cases (682 stories in all the monitored newspapers) and were briey mentioned in 476 relevant articles published in March 2004-May 2005 (cf. diagram 7):

More than two-thirds of relevant articles (67%) highlighted events of national importance. As shown in diagram 8, the only signicant dierence was the coverage in Adevarul nistrean, where issues of regional importance predominated:

With the exception of Vesti Gagauzii, all the monitored newspapers largely covered developments that occurred inside their respective regions.


The ratio of locally-based events was the highest in Adevarul nistrean (88% of all relevant stories covered by the paper during the 15-month period). (See diagram 9):

5.4 Representing the spectrum (social groups, nationalities, gender-bending)In terms of sources used, issues covered and actors featured, the coverage in the ve monitored newspapers lacked diversity. In March 2004-May 2005, one-source stories predominated in the coverage of inter-ethnic and interregional relations. Thus, only 3,404 sources were identied in 3,057 stories. The most frequent news triggers in the analyzed papers were statements by government newsmakers. Events were largely viewed through the perspective of political elites, and authorities predominated both as news sources and as story actors (cf. diagram 10):


By comparison, the number of arts/culture personalities, military representatives, economic and business leaders, sportsmen/sportswomen as story actors was signicantly smaller (see diagram 11):

The number of personalities from the eld of education, NGO representatives, health or social workers and law-enforcement ocers specied in the stories on inter-ethnic and inter-regional relations was even smaller: Education personalities 158 (4.4% of all story actors registered in the ve papers); NGO representatives 130 (3.6%); Law-enforcement ocers 62 (1.7%); Health workers 22 (0.6%); Social workers 7 (0.2%). Representatives of dierent ethnicities, too, received insucient individualized coverage. Not only were they mentioned in just 30% of all relevant stories, but they were also practically ignored as news sources (cf. diagram 12):


Many ethnic groups were mentioned only in the context of special events such as ethnic/national celebrations or the annual ethno-cultural festival organized by the Department of Inter-Cultural Relations. Representatives of ethnic minorities were sometimes specied in articles about high-level meetings with authorities of the respective countries (Bulgarians, Azeris, etc.). Little attention was paid to their everyday activities or concerns. As shown in diagram 13, throughout the monitoring period Moldovans were the most frequently mentioned ethnic group, whereas Bulgarians were identied most seldom:

The ratios of dierent ethnic groups mentioned in the monitored newspapers also depended on their editorial concept. Thus, Adevarul


nistrean considers itself as a newspaper that promotes the interests of ethnic Moldovans and has the following slogan on its masthead: Moldovans, preserve your language! Throughout the monitoring period it mentioned Moldovan nationality most frequently. In a similar vein, Vesti Gagauzii had the largest ratio of stories in which ethnic Gagauz were specied (cf. diagram 14):

In general, minorities as a whole represented but a fraction of all story actors (3.7%). Actors were represented predominantly as group entities, and not as socially-active individuals (groups made up 68.8% of all actors registered in relevant stories). In all the analyzed papers group actors largely represented the population of the respective region. As shown in diagram 15, when singled out individually the overwhelming majority of actors were male:

Actors were seldom given a voice. In most of the cases (37.7%) they were not even specied. They were referred to but not quoted in


29.5% of cases, paraphrased in 10.4% and quoted directly in 22.4% of instances. As follows from diagram 16, this is a general trend for all ve monitored newspapers:

5.5 Issues highlighted or marginalized, coverage toneThroughout the monitoring period stories on relevant issues were seldom triggered by journalistic enterprise. Few were the cases when the monitored newspapers launched issues for public debate. Instead, most of them previewed, analyzed or interpreted news generated by officials or acknowledged special events or anniversaries. Thus, elections, activities of various public institutions, implementation of relevant provisions in the constitution and other legal acts, as well as developments in the military domain made up 40.5% of all topics covered in the five monitored newspapers. As seen from diagram 17 , this is a much higher ratio than that of stories on cultural, societal or other topics:


The only signicant dierence in the coverage of relevant events was registered in Adevarul nistrean. Here the ratio of articles on cultural issues (arts, traditions, history and language) was signicantly higher than in other monitored papers (see diagram 18):

In general, a predilection for political events has resulted in a number of important topic domains being marginalized, i.e. economics, crime and justice, lifestyles. Not only were bread-and-butter issues absent from the coverage of inter-regional and inter-ethnic relations by the monitored newspapers, but the perspective of the average citizen was under-represented as well. This was most noticeable in the way the monitored newspapers covered the campaign for general and presidential elections in Moldova in early 2005.


At the time when election contenders could be expected to raise issues of concern to prospective voters, platforms published in the analyzed papers contained few references to ways interests of dierent ethnic groups could be safeguarded or how the Transnistrian dispute could be resolved. Instead, mutual suspicion and accusations thrived. Thus, Nezavisimaia Moldova and Moldova suverana regularly accused candidates from the opposition bloc Moldova Noastra Alliance of siding with the Transnistrian separatists or even of being on their payroll. Nezavisimaia Moldova also warned readers of acts of sabotage that could be carried out by Transnistrian authorities during elections.16 According to the paper, the Trasnistrian conict threatens inter-ethnic cooperation and tolerance in the country. Interestingly enough, similar warnings of possible acts of sabotage were carried by Transnistrian media. The only dierence was the possible perpetrator identied. Thus, Pridnestrovie quoted the regions leader Igor Smirnov as saying that Moldova could try and provoke a new armed conict during elections.17 The paper also accused the Moldovan incumbents of promoting nationalist policies, as well as of trying to oust Russians, Ukrainians and Belorussians from the country.18 Adevarul nistrean lashed out against Moldovan authorities for not having opened polling stations in the region and accused them of having adopted an irresponsible attitude towards prospective voters.19 The paper also repeatedly called on Moldovan citizens living in Transnistria not to vote for Communists.16. (The CE Council of ministers has been informed about mounting tensions in Transnistria). Nezavisimaia Moldova. 8 February 2005, p. 3. 17. : , . (We will do everything not to admit clashes on the Dniester). Pridnestrovie. 26 January 2005, p. 1. 18. .(A wolf remains a wolf even in sheeps clothing). Pridnestrovie. 18 January 2005, p. 2. 19. Moldova are o atitudine iresponsabila fata de cetatenii ei. (Moldova has an irresponsible attitude towards its citizens). Adevarul nistrean, 29 January. 2005, p. 2.


The key message in Vesti Gagauzii during the election campaign was that it was the Communists who had ensured a true language, ethnic and cultural diversity in Moldova.20 Moldova suverana maintained the same note in its coverage. According to the paper, it was the Communist governance that had created instruments for harmonious development of all ethnicities in Moldova. 21 Nevertheless, throughout the 15-month monitoring period, the dominating story-telling frame was non-conflict everyday events. 48.3% of stories in the five newspapers were built around it. Another commonly-used frame was festivities/important dates (22.8%). The ratio of stories covering verbal conflicts was significantly lower - they comprised 15.4% of relevant articles in the five monitored newspapers. A similar non-conict reporting trend was observed in the coverage of the activities of specic story actors. In all the papers analyzed the tone was predominantly neutral (see diagram 19):

20. .(The call of the Comrat bureau of the Socialist party to all

Moldovas voters). Vesti Gagauzii. 8 February 2005, p. 1. 21. Noua generatie nu trebuie sa e afectata de probleme lingvistice (The new generation should not be aected by language problems). Moldova suverana. 1 February 2005, p. 3.


Adevarul nistrean carried the largest number of stories in which actors activities were evaluated positively. These were largely activists of Moldovan ethnic organizations, personalities from the eld of arts, culture and education from Transnistria, or local veterans of World War II and the 1992 military operations. Pridnestrovie published the largest number of stories in which the activities of story actors were perceived in a negative way. Moldovan authorities, western countries (especially the US), as well as the OSCE, were regularly criticized for their stance on the Transnistrian dispute. Negative evaluations increased signicantly in most of the newspapers under analysis when relations between Moldova and Transnistria worsened in the summer-early autumn of 2004 (cf. diagram 20):

During this time Pridnestrovie repeatedly maintained that Romanian-language schools are Moldovas fth column, in which a negative attitude towards the Transnistrian state is cultivated.22 Chisinau authorities were accused of trying to perpetuate the image of the region as an enclave of bandits.23 Reminiscences of the 1992 conict were22. (When children become bargaining chips). Pridnestrovie.

16 July 2004, p. 1. 23. , (Chisinau has imposed an economic blockade against Eastern regions, but it is the Moldovan enterprises that suer). Pridnestrovie. 24 August 2004, p. 1.


frequent. According to the paper, there were a lot of similarities between the way the conict escalated in early 1992 and events in the summer of 2005. Moldova suverana also made reference to the early 1990s. The paper stated that Transnistrian authorities had declared a war on Romanian-language schools in 1991, i.e. when the regions struggle for independence gained momentum.24 The closure of the schools featured in the coverage of Nezavisimaia Moldova as well. Here the closure of the schools was called a barbaric act.25 The paper maintained that students of these schools had become hostages of evil policies of Transnistrian leaders.26 The coverage of these events in Adevarul nistrean was far more moderate. The keynote message was that the Transnistrian public was concerned about the mounting tensions and did not want the events of 1992 to happen again.27 Interestingly enough, Vesti Gagauzii practically ignored the issue. In the three months of the school war only one story highlighted the relevant events. As the tensions subsided, so did the ratio of negative evaluations of actors activities.

24. Smirnov a declarat razboi scolilor inca in 1991. (Smirnov declared the war on schools back in 1991). Moldova suverana. 17 August, 2004, p. 2. 25. (The reintegration minister qualies the actions of the Transnistrian authorities as barbaric). Nezavisimaia Moldova. 16 July 2004, p. 2. 26. (I am going home). Nezavisimaia Moldova. 23 July 2004, p. 6. 27. Obstimea nistreana e ingrijorata de escaladarea incordarii. (Transnistrian public is concerned about mounting tensions). Adevarul nistrean. 7 August, 2004, p. 2.

6. TRUE MULTICULTURALISM AND DIVERSITY?The major pitfall of Moldovan media, i.e. their general obsession with the comings and goings of political elites, has translated into a skewed coverage of inter-regional and inter-ethnic relations by the monitored newspapers: Reporting about these issues was largely driven by political developments, and authorities were the major newsmakers. Political stories predominated by receiving front-page coverage, and it was the perspective of the authorities on aspects of inter-ethnic and inter-regional relations that was largely presented. The stories were predominantly framed around the us-themdichotomy, and the monitored papers unswervingly lined up behind the authorities of the respective regions. The coverage was predominantly reactive there were very few cases when the monitored papers brought up issues to public attention, raised topics for public debate or demanded changes in relevant public policies. Issues aecting everyday life of average citizens were marginalized, and their opinions on socially-signicant problems were rarely solicited. Despite their geographical and, sometimes, even ideological dierences, all the analyzed papers appear to adhere to similar journalism standards. Financial support from the public coers seems to trigger a tacit obligation to provide priority coverage of the activities of top political gures rather than generate stories that would be of real interest to citizens. Under the circumstances, the watchdog role of these media outlets was substantially reduced. Throughout the monitoring period even Adevarul nistrean and Vesti Gagauzii, which proclaim the goal of preserving the language and culture of ethnic Moldovans and Gagauz on their mastheads, appeared to take their cues largely from the authorities.


The only exceptions were stories on sports. Throughout the 15 monitoring months the analyzed papers carried 163 articles about various sports competitions involving participants from the three conventional regions or proles of personalities from this domain. Activities of these story actors were evaluated in a neutral or positive way even when relations between authorities in Chisinau and Tiraspol reached a nadir in the summer of 2004. Usually, there was no reference to Transnistria, Gagauzia or the rest of Moldova in these stories. Instead, particular place names were mentioned. Several other uniting examples of coverage have been identied. Thus, on 19 February 2005, Adevarul nistrean carried an article entitled Noi toti am luptat dupa un singur riu (We all fought behind one river), which described the way veterans of the war in Afghanistan from the Transnistrian town of Dubasari marked the anniversary of the withdrawal of the Soviet troops from that country. As part of commemoration events, the veterans visited the grave of a soldier who had lost his life in Afghanistan and oered nancial help to his family that lives in the Moldovan enclave of Pohrebya. The keynote message of the article was that there are no articial borders for veterans of the war in Afghanistan, and former war buddies have remained united despite dissent on the political level.28 In late January 2005, Pridnestrovie and Adevarul nistrean carried front-page articles about the ceremony organized to honor laureates of the year 2004 in the eld of journalism. Along with Transnistrian journalists, winners also included two media professionals working for Chisinau-based media outlets.29 Nezavisimaia Moldova carried several articles featuring the main facets of the journalistic project Two banks of the river Dniester journalists28. Noi toti am luptat dupa un singur riu. (We all fought behind the same river). Adevarul nistrean, 19 February 2005, p. 3. 29. . (Accomplishments of our colleagues are recognized). Pridnestrovie. 25 January 2005, p. 1 and Laureatii anului 2004 in ziaristica (Laureates of the year 2004 in journalism). Adevarul nistrean, 29 January 2005, p. 1.


cooperate administered by reporters from the Chisinau-based, privatelyowned Timpul newspaper.30 Vesti Gagauzii and Adevarul nistrean also carried reports about successful, cross-regional projects of non-governmental organizations.31 Nevertheless, these examples were few and far between. Moreover, the predominantly neutral coverage of relevant issues in the monitored papers did not mean that problems were analyzed in a comprehensive and in-depth manner or that the perspective of the other side was oered. Therefore, a claim can be made that throughout the monitoring period the analyzed newspapers did not contribute to a better understanding among the residents of the three conventional regions and generally failed to promote diversity and multiculturalism.

30. For example, . (We write history in dierent letters). Nezavisimaia Moldova, 12 April 2005, p. 3. 31. .(Contact NGO will carry out analysis of community development). Vesti Gagauzii. 17 May 2005, p. 2 and Viata vine in intimpinarea celui care ii iese in intimpinare. (Life meets half-way those who make their half of the way). Adevarul nistrean. 24 May 2005, p. 4.

7. RECOMMENDATIONSExamples provided in the present study highlight the major challenges facing the ve monitored media outlets. Priority given to the top political dogs at the expense of other societal voices and reducing complex issues to an us-them confrontation signicantly hamper the ability of the media to inform and engage the public in an eective manner. A dierent approach to news reporting might prove useful one that focuses on complexity and seeks common ground. This kind of journalism covers a wide spectrum of voices in any conict instead of simply reducing the number of parties to two. It increases the range of sources and analyses the agendas of people who do not belong to the elites. Along with providing facts, it also discusses the process by which some facts are selected and others are suppressed. Among other terms, this kind of journalism is known as constructive reporting. The key dierences between the traditional and constructive journalism frameworks are mapped in the table below:32TRADITIONAL JOURNALISM

Watchdog Commentator Independent of issues covered Observer Debate Dierence Polemic

Journalists role

CONSTRUCTIVE JOURNALISM

Style/Stories

Enabler Communicator Independent yet interdependent In the boat

Dialogue Common ground and dierence Discussion

32. Based on Peace journalism how to do it. McGoldrick, Annabel; Lynch, Jake. October 2000, p. 28.


Approach to reporting Seeks simplicity Explores complexity Event-based reporting Process-based reporting Balance means covering both sides Balance means representing both equally (quantity) sides and perceptions (quality) Approach to audiences Newsroom sets the agenda The public has a role in setting the agenda Leaders/experts know best Ordinary people need to be consulted In fact, there is nothing dramatically new in this approach. It is based on traditional journalistic values, and it sets the goal of holding the powers that be accountable. It is, however, far less sensational and much more creative and analytical than the journalism products that we regularly consume. It does not mean that reporters are expected to get soft and conceal violence and conict. Actually, this approach requires a signicant amount of critical thinking, sound judgment, knowledge and style. This, obviously, requires a considerable investment of time and eort on the part of journalists. A number of specic requirements for media professionals result from this framework: Be aware of own prejudices and stereotypes and make sure they do not penetrate into the story; Illuminate the story in detail from all sides; Be careful to draw from diverse sources; do not overuse elites as sources, but make use of dierent experts; Oer sensible and well-written reports about ordinary people; Supply more background reports;


Be committed to producing work that is as error-free as possible; Exercise professional responsibility, i.e. high reporting standards and good taste in the choice of language. Adhering to these principles would signicantly improve the quality of stories and their potential impact on the readers. Finally, an eective way to improve the coverage of inter-regional and inter-ethnic relations is by involving journalists of dierent ethnic and geographical backgrounds in joint reporting projects. Day-to-day activities aimed at achieving a common goal could help them overcome personal prejudices and stereotypes and facilitate a more comprehensive and indepth coverage of relevant issues. This is likely to lead to a decrease in the ratio of stories framed around the us-them perspective, which picture them as the problem and our leaders as having the right solutions.

REFLECTAREA DIVERSITII N PRES RAPORT FINAL AL MONITORIZRIIMARTIE 2004MAI 2005

CUPRINSRaport sumar ....................................................................................... 43 1. Introducere ....................................................................................... 45 2. Metodologia monitorizrii .............................................................. 48 3. Fundal 3.1. Contextul istoric ............................................................... 50 3.2. Demograa ....................................................................... 51 4. Tendine generale i specicul ecrui ziar 4.1. Relatarea principalelor evenimente politice, economice .a .............................................................. 53 4.2. Tendine n reectare ......................................................... 54 4.3. Specicul ziarelor n particular ............................................ 55 5. Caracterul reectrii problemelor analizate 5.1. Totalitatea articolelor ....................................................... 58 5.2. Amplasarea, volumul i genul articolelor ............................ 59 5.3. Accentele articolelor, importana i locul evenimentelor .. 61 5.4. Reprezentarea spectrului social (grupuri sociale, naionaliti, gender) ........................ 63 5.5 Probleme de interes sporit sau marginalizate, tonalitatea reectrii ............................ 67 6. Un adevrat multiculturalism i diversitate? ................................. 73 7. Recomandri .................................................................................... 76

RAPORT SUMARMonitorizarea a cinci ziare guvernamentale din Chiinu, Comrat i Tiraspol s-a efectuat n cadrul proiectului Reflectarea diversitii n mass-media, n perioada martie 2004 - mai 2005. Reflectarea relaiilor interregionale i interetnice a fost studiat conform materialelor din urmtoarele ziare: Nezavisimaia Moldova i Moldova suveran (Chiinu), Pridnestrovie i Adevrul nistrean (Tiraspol), i Vesti Gagauzii (Comrat). Scopul studiului: a) determinarea nivelului de elucidare a acestor probleme; b) diferena de relatare a evenimentelor, personajelor i aciunilor lor n ziarele amintite. Au fost studiate articole adecvate, analizndu-se amplasarea lor n pagini, lungimea, genul i accentele materialelor, semnificaia i aria geografic a evenimentelor reflectate, personajele i grupurile etnice implicate, opinia i rolul lor n contextul acelor evenimente; tonalitatea n care au fost descrise activitile lor. n perioada monitorizri celor cinci ziare au fost observate urmtoarele tendine generale n modul de reflectare a relaiilor interregionale i interetnice: Problemele corespunztoare s-au bucurat de atenie sporit, o treime din articole fiind publicate pe prima pagin; n perioada analizat reflectarea relaiilor interregionale a depit cu mult pe cele interetnice; n reflectarea problemelor relevante au predominat tirile clasice, precum i analizele/comentariile; Circa jumtate din materialele studiate au fost cuprinse n articole scurte; Subiectele fceau parte preponderent din categoria evenimentelor cotidiene neconflictuale; n majoritatea covritoare a articolelor era consultat o singur surs; n marea majoritate a articolelor reprezentanii autoritilor figurau ca personaje sau n calitate de surs de informaie; Activitatea diverselor instituii publice i de stat, alegerile sau funcionarea legilor a fost frecvent reflectat n ziarele analizate;

44 REFLECTAREA DIVERSITII N PRES

Problemele economice, sociale i de jurispruden au fost abordate mult prea insuficient; Eroii materialelor au fost reprezentai mai mult ca un grup, i nu ca actori sociali individuali. n cazurile n care personajele erau individualizate, cea mai mare parte a acestora erau de genul masculin; n multe cazuri personajele erau lipsite de voce, adic rareori erau citate direct sau parafrazate. Majoritatea absolut a personajelor din articolele corespunztoare au fost prezentate neutru. Dei aria geografic i ideologic a ziarelor analizate este divers, toate par s respecte standarde jurnalistice asemntoare. S-ar prea c dependena financiar de autoritile publice locale a mass-media examinat impune o regul nescris de a da prioritate reflectrii activitii elitelor politice n defavoarea problemelor cotidiene ale ceteanului simplu. Subiectele privind problemele respective rareori erau abordate din iniiativ jurnalistic. n puine cazuri ziarele monitorizate au lansat probleme n atenia publicului. N-au fost provocate dezbateri publice pe cele mai controversate teme, nu s-au auzit apeluri la schimbarea politicii de stat. Prin urmare ziarele monitorizate nu i-au ndeplinit rolul de cine de paz al societii. n general, nu s-a reuit promovarea diversitii i multiculturalismului n societate. Calitatea materialelor poate fi mbuntit, iar impactul lor asupra cititorilor poate fi sporit prin aplicarea principiilor jurnalismului constructiv i prin antrenarea reporterilor de diferite etnii i din localiti geografice diferite n proiecte jurnalistice comune.

1. INTRODUCERELa ce servete jurnalismul? n lumea modern, contient de mecanismele de funcionare a presei, aproape orice om citit i are opinia sa asupra unui subiect. Cineva ar spune c rolul jurnalitilor este de a fi observatori detaai ai evenimentelor. Alii ar insista c acetia trebuie s fie participani activi la evenimentele importante. Mai sunt o categorie de ceteni care i-ar dori ca ziaritii s nu fie dect simpli ageni de divertisment. Prioritile presei, opiniei publice i ale clasei politice interacioneaz complex i produc efecte pe mai multe direcii.1 Am putea afirma c presa este n stare s fac schimbri de importan social n agenda public.2 Totodat, puini sunt acei care se simt satisfcui de modul n care funcioneaz aceste mecanisme. Unii reprezentani ai profesiei noastre au fost acuzai de simplism, pasivitate i atenie exagerat situaiilor de conflict i violenei. Mai mult ca att, se spune c presa adncete contradiciile existente n comunitile caracterizate de o diversitate etnic. Aceasta ar duce la obstrucionarea spirale de comunicare, ceea ce ar amplifica dezbinrile deja existente n societate.3 n alt sens, presa ar putea contribui la edificarea ncrederii reciproce ntre prile conflictuale. Prin lrgirea spectrului de opinii, de surse i analiza activitii cetenilor simpli, presa ar contribui la soluionarea conflictelor, la promovarea multiculturalismului i diversitii. n condiiile n care presa din Moldova continu s depind de diverse forme de sponsorizare, iar jurnalitii sunt divizai pe criterii politice, lingvistice i chiar geografice, este imperios necesar de a desfura activiti ce ar avea drept scop apropierea i sporirea rolului lor, n calitate de puterea a patra.1. McQuails Mass Communication Theory. McQuail, Denis. Sage Publications, 2000, p. 456. 2. Teoria de stabilire a agendei se sprijin pe premisa c presa are capacitatea de a ltra i modela realitatea astfel nct s determine publicul s perceap unele probleme ca ind mai importante dect altele. 3. The media election. Coverage of the 2003 Northern Ireland Assembly poll. (Alegeerea mass-media. Reectarea alegerilor parlamentare din Irlanda de Nord din 2003). Wilson, Robin and Fawcett, Liz. Democratic Dialogue. http://www.democraticdialogue.org , ianuarie 2004, p. 6.


Proiectul intitulat Reflectarea diversitii n mass-media a fost administrat de Centrul Independent de Jurnalism (CIJ) din luna ianuarie 2004 pn n iunie 2005. Scopul propus a fost de a promova cooperarea profesional i apropierea dintre jurnalitii celor trei regiuni convenionale ale Moldovei Transnistria, Gguzia i restul rii. Componentele de baz ale proiectului au fost urmtoarele: Elaborarea de materiale comune n cadrul unor echipe mixte de ziariti din Transnistria, Gguzia i alte regiuni; Analiza coninutului materialelor despre relaiile majoritateminoritate, publicate de ziarele din Transnistria, Gguzia i alte regiuni; Crearea unei reele de colaborare n numele diversitii, care ar ncropi jurnaliti din diferite regiuni ale Moldovei, ntru promovarea bunelor practici n reflectarea multiculturalismului. n cadrul proiectului, au fost publicate mai bine de 150 de materiale de ctre diferite organizaii de pres din Transnistria, Gguzia i alte regiuni ale Moldovei. Participanii la proiect au realizat ase buletine speciale, dedicate diverselor aspecte ale reflectrii diversitii i multiculturalismului, n timp ce o echip de cercetare de la CIJ a analizat reflectarea problemelor corespunztoare n principalele ziare naionale i regionale. Proiectul s-a sprijinit pe premisa c adevratul multiculturalism i diversitatea pot fi obinute atunci cnd se acord atenie sporit tuturor segmentelor societii, iar relatrile jurnalistice deplaseaz accentele de la micrile i aciunile puterii spre problemele cotidiene ale ceteanului simplu. Conform opiniei participanilor la proiect, realizarea cea mai important a fost deschiderea noilor orizonturi tematice n faa participanilor, cu alte cuvinte proiectul le-a amintit despre multitudinea de probleme ale societii

REFLECTAREA DIVERSITII N PRES 47

(n afar de tradiionalele politic i economie) ce necesit o abordare i reflectare complex n mass-media. Jurnalitii au menionat aprecierile pozitive din partea publicului cititor asupra concepiei jurnalismului civic care a stat la baza activitilor proiectului. Participanii la proiect au consemnat o serie de reacii emoionale puternice la materialele publicate n cadrul proiectului s-au primit scrisori i telefoane din partea cititorilor, ziarele respective realiznd i o cretere a tirajului.4

4. Reectarea diversitii n mass-media. Evaluare de proiect. IMAS, iunie 2005, p. 7

2. METODOLOGIA MONITORIZRIIMonitorizarea presei a fost efectuat n perioada martie 2004 - mai 2005 de ctre o echip de cercetare compus din Dr. Natalia AngheliZaicenco (metodologia i analiza datelor), Diana Dere, Irina Gontea i Natalia Grleanu (operatori). Consultani ai proiectului avndu-i pe Prof. Dr. hab. Constantin Marin de la Universitatea de Stat din Moldova i Dr. Snjezana Milivojevic de la Universitatea din Belgrad (Serbia). Echipa a examinat modalitatea n care principalele ziare regionale i naionale au reectat urmtoarele subiecte: raportul dintre cele trei regiuni convenionale Chiinu, Transnistria i Gguzia; raportul dintre diverse grupuri etnice ce locuiesc n regiunile respective. Scopul monitorizrii a fost determinarea gradului de elucidare i reectare a relaiilor interregionale i interetnice; cror teme li se acord prioritate, diferena de relatare a evenimentelor, personajelor i activitilor lor n ziarele din cele trei regiuni consemnate. Pentru cercetare a fost lansat urmtoarea ipotez: reectarea relaiilor interetnice i interregionale este sporadic; reectarea duce lips de diversitate i profunzime; drept consecin, nu se promoveaz principiile multiculturalismului. Pentru examinare au fost selectate urmtoarele cinci ziare din Chiinu, Transnistria i Gguzia: Nezavisimaia Moldova de limb rus, Chiinu, tiraj cca. 14.300 exemplare Moldova suveran de limb romn, Chiinu, tiraj cca. 15.000 exemplare Pridnestrovie de limb rus, Tiraspol, tiraj cca. 3.100 exemplare


Adevrul nistrean de limb romn, Tiraspol, tiraj 1.300 exemplare5 Vesti Gagauzii de limb rus, Comrat, tiraj cca. 5.000 exemplare La momentul analizei, cele cinci ziare erau nanate de ctre guvernele regiunilor respective6, pe teritoriul crora erau difuzate i care reectau, n esen, poziia ocial asupra evoluiilor sociale principale. Pentru sintez, sptmnal, erau selectate cte dou numere curente7. Ziarele erau analizate n vederea determinrii gradului de reectare att a grupurilor etnice, ct i a raportului dintre regiuni. Se studia ponderea articolului, amplasarea n pagin dup importan, volumul, genul lui, accentele puse, semnicaia i locaia evenimentului, sursele de informaii, problematica i caracterul evenimentului reectat, grupurile etnice implicate, personajele, opiniile i rolul lor, tonalitatea reectrii.

5. n ciuda acestei diferene substaniale de tiraj, att Pridnestrovie ct i Adevrul nistrean au fost fondate de preedinia i parlamentul autoproclamat de la Tiraspol. Rusa este n continuare limba cea mai larg folosit, dei constituia transnistrean proclam egalitatea limbilor rus, ucrainean i moldoveneasc (romn). Presa de limb moldoveneasc (romn) este citit mai mult n satele moldoveneti (romneti), ct i n unele instituii de nvmnt din regiune. 6. n lunile mai-iunie 2005 guvernul Moldovei a renunat n mod ocial la calitatea sa de fondator al ziarelor Nezavisimaia Moldova i Moldova suveran, ns n perioada imediat urmtoare nu s-a nregistrat nici o schimbare n formatul sau coninutul ziarelor respective. 7. Deoarece Adevrul nistrean apare doar o dat pe sptmn, a fost analizat ecare numr al acestui ziar.

3. FUNDAL3.1 Contextul istoricnclzirea climatului politic n fosta URSS n epoca gorbaciovist (Perestroika) a permis fostelor republici unionale s-i reconstituie trecutul i prezentul lor ca naiuni, ceea ce a adus dup sine renaterea contiinei naionale a populaiei majoritare (moldovenii) i n RSSM. n rezultatul acestei micri a fost adoptat Legea cu privire la funcionarea limbilor pe teritoriul RSSM, votat la 31 august 1989. Conform acestei legi, limba moldoveneasc (romn) a obinut statut de limb ocial, iar limba rus a fost declarat limb de comunicare ntre naiuni.8 Sporind statutul limbii moldoveneti (romne), legea stipula n acelai timp condiiile de aplicare a limbilor ucrainean, bulgar, ebraic, idi, rrom etc. pentru satisfacerea necesitilor naional-culturale ale diverselor grupuri etnice care conlocuiesc n Moldova.9 Conform aceleiai legi s-a trecut la alfabetul latin pentru scrisul n limba moldoveneasc (romn). ns micarea de renatere naional i mai cu seam adoptarea legii privind funcionarea limbilor, au fost percepute ca o ameninare de ctre unii reprezentani ai minoritilor naionale. Argumentul forte ind eventualitatea reunicrii Moldovei cu Romnia (din care fcuse parte pn la 1940). Aceasta a dus la proteste n regiunea din partea de est a Nistrului regiune populat masiv de ucraineni i rui. Astfel, n septembrie 1990, a fost creat autoproclamata Republic Moldoveneasc Nistrean (Transnistria). Referendumul din 1991, pentru pstrarea Uniunii Sovietice, boicotat n cea mai mare parte a Moldovei, a fost primit cu mult entuziasm n Transnistria. Parlamentul transnistrean anuleaz legea cu privire la funcionarea limbilor, adoptat n 1989, i reintroduce alfabetul chirilic n cazul limbii moldoveneti. Constituia autoproclamatei regiuni declar limbile moldoveneasc, rus i ucrainean8. Articolul 3 al Legii cu privire la funcionarea limbilor pe teritoriul RSSM. 9. Articolul 4 al Legii cu privire la funcionarea limbilor pe teritoriul RSSM. 10. Articolul 12 al Constituiei Republicii Moldoveneti Nistrene.


drept limbi ociale ale regiunii.10 Relaiile dintre autoritile moldovene i separatitii transnistreni atingnd cota minim la sfritul anului 1991, iar n rzboiul ce s-a dus n urmtoarele apte luni au fost pierdute mai multe sute de viei omeneti. Situaia rmne tensionat i la ziua de azi, iar negocierile purtate ntre autoritile centrale i cele autoproclamate, cu medierea OSCE, iat deja mai mult de zece ani, nu au dus la nici un progres semnicativ n rezolvarea conictului. La sudul Moldovei, temerile etnicilor gguzi (o populaie turcic de religie cretin-ortodox) de a-i pierde drepturile ca rezultat al renaterii naionale a populaiei majoritate au fost calmate atunci cnd a fost creat regiunea autonom Gagauz Yeri (Gguzia). Legea privind Statutul Juridic Special al Gagauz Yeri din 1994 a oferit dreptul gguzilor de a-i soluiona de sine stttor problemele de ordin politic, economic i cultural din regiune. Conform acestei Legi, limbile ociale n Gagauz Yeri sunt moldoveneasca (romna), gguza i rusa. Dei, n comunicare predomin limbile rus i gguz. Gguzia i are propriul parlament, iar guvernatorul regiunii (bacanul) este membru al Guvernului Republicii Moldova.

3.2 DemograaConform rezultatelor preliminare ale recensmntului din 2004, populaia Moldovei (fr Transnistria) reprezint 3.388.071 persoane. Moldovenii (romnii) reprezint grupul etnic cel mai numeros, cu 78,2%. Urmeaz ucrainenii 8,4%, ruii 5,8%, gguzii 4,4%, bulgarii 1,9%. Reprezentanii altor etnii ocup 1,3% din total.11 Conform recensmntului, n 2004, n Gguzia locuiau 155.587 persoane. Componena etnic a regiunii era urmtoarea: moldoveni 4,6%, ucraineni 3%, rui 3,7%, gguzi 82,6%, bulgari 5,1% i reprezentani ai altor naionaliti 0,9%.1211. Recensmntul 2004. Biroul naional de Statistic al Republicii Moldova. http://www.statistica.md/recensamint.php 12. Ibidem.


Autoritile transnistrene nu au participat la recensmntul naional din R. Moldova, organizndu-i propriul recensmnt. Conform rezultatelor acestuia, n 2004, n Transnistria locuiau 555.500 persoane. Moldovenii reprezentau 31,9%, ruii 30,3%, iar ucrainenii 28,8% i 9% erau reprezentate de alte naionaliti.13

13. . (Au fost anunate rezultatele preliminare ale recensmntului din Transnistria). . . http://www.narodru.ru/news3447.html , 09 iunie 2005

4. TENDINE GENERALE I SPECIFICUL FIECRUI ZIAR4.1 Relatarea principalelor evenimente politice, economice .aPerioada supus analizei a fost marcat de un ir de evenimente regionale, naionale i internaionale, care au inuenat modul de reectare a problemelor nominalizate n cele cinci ziare supuse monitorizrii. n vara-toamna timpurie a anului 2004, tensiunile dintre autoritile centrale moldovene i liderii transnistreni au sporit semnicativ. La sfritul lunii iulie, administraia transnistrean a nchis ase coli cu predare n limba romn, iar segmentul Tighina (Bender) al cii ferate moldoveneti a fost acaparat i trecut sub jurisdicia organelor de drept locale. n consecin, au fost suspendate negocierile privind viitorul statut al Transnistriei, iar Preedintele Vladimir Voronin a impus regiunii sanciuni economice. n septembrie 2004, Dinu Mija, cameraman al televiziunii publice din R.Moldova, a fost arestat de ctre autoritile separatiste, andu-se timp o sptmn ntr-o nchisoare din regiune. Aceast criz a fost pe larg reectat de ctre majoritatea ziarelor monitorizate. n toamna lui 2004, parlamentul moldovean a adoptat Legea cu privire la privatizare n Transnistria, care a fost aspru criticat de ctre autoritile regiunii. Acestea din urm au lansat ideea unui referendum privind separarea formal de R. Moldova (referendumul nu fusese nc organizat pn n iulie 2005). Tensiunile au nceput s slbeasc abia la sfritul toamnei 2004, iar negocierile dintre autoritile de la Chiinu i Tiraspol, mediate de OSCE, au fost reluate. Dup luni ntregi de proteste, elevii colilor cu predare n limba romn din Transnistria au revenit n slile de clas. Cu toate acestea, ctre sfritul anului, autoritile transnistrene au ninat o nou micare politic, Respublika, care avea drept scop consolidarea statalitii regiunii.


n ianuarie-martie 2005, articolele din ziarele monitorizate erau dedicate alegerilor parlamentare din R. Moldova i alegerilor locale din Transnistria. Att relaiile interregionale, ct i cele interetnice erau privite prin prisma electoral. n aprilie 2005, Vladimir Voronin este reales n funcia de preedinte al rii, iar R. Moldova a fost gazda summit-ului GUUAM.14 Evenimentul principal al summit-ului a fost propunerea privind soluionarea diferendului transnistrean iniiat de preedintele ucrainean Viktor Iucenco. Iniiativa dat a fost pe larg discutat n majoritatea ziarelor monitorizate. Pe parcursul perioadei de monitorizare, relaiile interregionale i interetnice au fost reectate i n contextul mai multor aniversri: aniversarea a 10-ea a Constituiei R. Moldova (iulie 2004); a 500-a aniversare de la moartea domnitorului Moldovei tefan cel Mare i Sfnt (iulie 2004); a 10-ea aniversare de la ninarea Adevrului nistrean (septembrie 2004); a 10-ea aniversare de la proclamarea autonomiei gguze (decembrie 2004); a 60-ea aniversare a victoriei Armatei Sovietice n cel de-al doilea rzboi mondial.

4.2 Tendine n reectaren perioada martie 2004-mai 2005, au fost observate urmtoarele tendine generale n reectarea raporturilor interetnice i interregionale pe paginile ziarelor supuse analizei:14. Grupul GUUAM (Georgia, Ucraina, Uzbekistan, Azerbaidjan i Moldova) a fost ninat n 2000 ca o alian politic, economic i strategic scopul creia este de a consolida independena i suveranitatea acestor foste republici sovietice. n anul 2005 Uzbekistanul s-a retras din acest grup. De atunci organizaia poart denumirea de GUAM.


Cele mai relevante probleme s-au bucurat de atenie sporit i mediatizare ampl, o treime din articole ind publicate pe prima pagin; Pe parcursul perioadei supuse analizei reectarea relaiilor interregionale a depit cu mult pe cea a relaiilor interetnice; n reectarea problemelor corespunztoare au predominat tirile, un alt grup semnicativ de articole ind analizele i comentariile; Majoritatea articolelor au fost scurte; Materialele s-au ncadrat preponderent n contextul evenimentelor cotidiene neconictuale; n majoritatea covritoare a articolelor era consultat o singur surs; Att n calitate de surs de informaie, ct i de personaje ale articolelor gurau, de regul, diferii funcionari; Activitatea diverselor instituii publice i de stat a fost cel mai frecvent reectat n majoritatea ziarelor analizate; Problemele economice, sociale i de jurispruden au fost mai puin abordate; Eroii articolelor erau prezentai n grupuri, foarte rar ca indivizi activi din punct de vedere social (i acetia n majoritatea lor covritoare ind brbai); n multe cazuri personajele erau lipsite de voce, adic rareori erau citate direct sau parafrazate. Tonalitatea cu care era descris activitatea personajelor a fost de cele mai multe ori neutr.

4.3 Specicul ziarelor n particularn Nezavisimaia Moldova i Moldova suveran problemele relevante au fost reectate, de regul, n contextul diverselor evenimente de protocol, adic ntruniri la nivel nalt, vizite etc. Interesul fa de diverse grupuri etnice cretea semnicativ n timpul vizitelor efectuate de ocialii moldoveni n rile unde acestea erau naiunea titular, sau n timpul vizitelor efectuate n Moldova de ctre nali ociali ai acestor


state. Relaiile dintre regiuni au fost privite mai mult prin prisma elitelor politice de la Chiinu. Impasul transnistrean a fost problema dominant, mesajul principal ind c liderii locali sunt nite criminali interesai n pstrarea status quo al regiunii (aceast poziie corespunde ntocmai poziiei ociale asupra problemei). Reectarea evenimentelor respective n ambele ziare a fost concis i a predominat tirea clasic. Fiind dat faptul c Nezavisimaia Moldova i Moldova suveran sunt difuzate la scar naional, nu este deloc surprinztor c au predominat evenimentele de importan naional. Aceeai tendin a fost observat i n materialele ziarului Pridnestrovie. n cazul acestei publicaii, relaiile dintre autoritile transnistrene i cele moldovene au reprezentat punctul principal de interes, iar poziia autoritilor din regiune asupra problemelor respective n toate cazurile a fost perceput ca cea corect. Pe de alt parte, politicile promovate de Moldova fa de Transnistria, i mai ales de ctre preedintele Vladimir Voronin, au fost supuse unei examinri minuioase i critici severe. Mesajul de baz n perioada monitorizrii a fost c liderii moldoveni sunt nite mincinoi incorigibili i iniiativele acestora n vederea soluionrii diferendului transnistrean nu trebuie crezute. Similar, Pridnestrovie a criticat vehement poziia Occidentului i a organismelor internaionale fa de problema transnistrean. Fiind dat faptul c liderii moldoveni, i n special preedintele moldovean Vladimir Voronin, erau printre personajele cel mai frecvent prezente n articole, nu este surprinztor faptul c ziarul respectiv a avut proporia cea mai mare de evaluri negative ale activitilor personajelor, ct i numrul cel mai mare de articole n care evenimentele respective erau prezentate n contextul unor conicte verbale. Analizele au reprezentat genul de actualiti preferat pentru reectarea relaiilor cu autoritile centrale de la Chiinu, Pridnestrovie avnd i proporia cea mai mare de analize i comentarii printre ziarele monitorizate. Pe de alt parte, n reectarea altor probleme, analizele nu au constituit genul cel mai frecvent. Adevrul nistrean i Vesti Gagauzii au acordat o atenie sporit actualizrii


unor probleme culturale, fcnd aceste publicaii s difere de celelalte ziare monitorizate. Tradiiile, istoria, dezvoltarea limbilor etniilor vizate erau subiectele reectate masiv n ambele ziare, uneori chiar sub form de materiale de cercetare tiinic. n cazul Adevrului nistrean, aspectele ce in de viaa etnicilor moldoveni din regiune au fost de interes primordial. Mesajul cheie, observat n majoritatea articolelor, era c Transnistria este ultimul bastion al moldovenismului din lume, unde moldovenii i pot dezvolta limba i cultura lor autohton. Articolele de importan regional au reprezentat majoritatea absolut. Ziarul a publicat cel mai mare numr de schie i articole de actualiti plasate n contextul festivitilor. Proporia aprecierilor pozitive date aciunilor personajelor a fost cea mai nalt dintre toate ziarele monitorizate. Pe de alt parte, Vesti Gagauzii a publicat cel mai mare numr de articole n care activitile personajelor erau descrise n mod neutru. O alt caracteristic deosebit a acestei publicaii a fost reectarea pe larg a deciziilor organelor administraiei publice centrale. Vesti Gagauzii a avut cel mai mare numr de articole voluminoase, avnd i cea mai mare proporie de articole ce reectau evenimente cotidiene neconictuale. Majoritatea articolelor erau n limba rus. Dei, n perioada monitorizrii, Vesti Gagauzii a publicat sistematic i un insert n limba gguz.

5.CARACTERUL REFLECTRII PROBLEMELOR ANALIZATE5.1 Totalitatea articolelorn perioada de monitorizare, ce a durat 15 luni, au fost selectate 3.057 articole ce tratau aspecte ale relaiilor interregionale i interetnice. Vesti Gagauzii a avut cel mai mare numr de articole privind problemele analizate (744), n timp ce n celelalte ziare supuse monitorizrii numrul lor a variat ntre 570 i 598 (vezi raportul procentual n diagrama 1).

Pe parcursul acestei perioade, cele cinci ziare s-au concentrat preponderent asupra relaiilor dintre cele trei regiuni convenionale (Transnistria, Gguzia i restul R. Moldova). Dup cum se vede n diagrama 2, numrul articolelor la aceast tem depete cu mult numrul celor ce privesc relaiile interetnice.


Reectarea chestiunilor incluse n cercul de interes al acestui studiu a fost mai mult o reacie pasiv la evenimentele politice din ar. Astfel, numrul articolelor a crescut n perioada crizei colilor cu predare n limba romn din august-octombrie 2004, n perioada electoral din martie-aprilie 2005, i n urma lansrii noilor iniiative privind cile de soluionare a impasului transnistrean din mai 2005 (vezi diagrama 3).

5.2 Amplasarea, volumul i genul articolelorn ziarele supuse monitorizrii, relaiilor interregionale i interetnice li s-a acordat o importan major. Pe parcursul celor 15 luni de monitorizare, pe prima pagin de ziar au fost plasate 1.012 articole (33%) la aceast tem. Numrul de articole pe prima pagin a variat n cele cinci ziare ntre 161 i 273. n mod tradiional, ziarele din R. Moldova public articole politice pe prima pagin, aceast tendin ind respectat i n reectarea problemelor interregionale i interetnice. S-ar prea c exist o legtur direct ntre importana articolelor i tendinele generale de reectare manifestate de cele cinci ziare analizate. Dup cum este ilustrat n diagrama 4, cel mai mare numr de articole publicate pe prima pagin au fost n Pridnestrovie (47% de articolele de acest fel) i Moldova suveran (38%) ambele and o predilecie pentru evenimentele politice i de protocol. Pentru comparaie, cel mai mic numr de articole de prima pagin despre relaiile interregionale i interetnice a aprut n Adevrul nistrean i Vesti Gagauzii ziare ce prefer s consemneze evenimentele culturale.


Dei n perioada monitorizat a fost nregistrat un numr destul de mare de articole despre relaiile interregionale i interetnice, ele au fost, de regul, mici sau medii.15 Dup cum se vede n diagrama 5, toate cele cinci ziare supuse monitorizrii au nclinat spre o reectare concis, fr a recurge la consemnri detaliate i profunde:

Pe parcursul perioadei de monitorizare, Vesti Gagauzii a avut cel mai mare numr de articole lungi (116). Acestea ind, de fapt, extrase din studii tiinice asupra diverselor aspecte ale istoriei, culturii i tradiiilor poporului gguz. Pridnestrovie a avut 81 de articole lungi n majoritatea lor articole de opinie sau analiz privind relaiile dintre autoproclamata rmn i autoritile moldovene.15. Un articol de o pagin sau mai mult era considerat ca ind foarte lung; un articol cu lungimea de la jumtate de pagin pn la o pagin ntreag lung; un articol care avea lungimea ntre un sfert i o jumtate de pagin mediu; un articol care era mai mic dect un sfert de pagin scurt; un rezumat sau un articol care coninea doar cteva rnduri era considerat ca ind foarte scurt.


n ceea ce privete genurile jurnalistice, ziarele monitorizate nu au oferit o diversitate n acest sens. tirile clasice au reprezentat grupul cel mai numeros 40% din articole privind problemele respective. Editorialele/articolele de opinie au cuprins al doilea dup mrime grup (32% din numrul total al articolelor), n timp ce astfel de genuri gazetreti, cum ar schiele i interviurile, au fost n general puin utilizate (vezi diagrama 6).

n Moldova suveran proporia de tiri clasice a fost i mai mare, atingnd 62%. Pe de alt parte, n ziarul Pridnestrovie, tirile au reprezentat numai 24,9% din toate materialele relevante. n acest caz analizele/comentariile a fost genul preferat pentru reectarea relaiilor interregionale i interetnice (45,9%). Singura diferen impuntoare n ceea ce privete utilizarea genurilor gazetreti pentru reectarea problemelor respective a fost observat n cazul Adevrului nistrean. Pe parcursul a 15 luni acest ziar a publicat numrul cel mai mare de schie (24,4% din totalul articolelor la tema corespunztoare, publicate de acest ziar).

5.3 Accentele articolelor, importana i locul evenimentelorn majoritatea covritoare a articolelor privind relaiile interetnice i interregionale, problemele respective au fost tratate ca subiecte primare. Ele au fost abordate n context general sau n legtur cu alte teme n mai puin dintr-un sfert de articole (682 articole n total) i au


fost menionate pe scurt n 476 articole publicate n perioada martie 2004-mai 2005 (vezi diagrama 7).

Mai bine de dou-treimi din articolele respective (67%) s-au concentrat pe evenimente de importan naional. Dup cum se observ din diagrama 8, singura diferen semnicativ a fost reectarea din Adevrul nistrean, unde au predominat subiectele de importan regional:

Cu excepia ziarului Vesti Gagauzii, toate ziarele monitorizate au reectat n general evenimente ce au avut loc n regiunile respective. Proporia evenimentelor de ordin local a fost cea mai nalt n cazul Adevrului nistrean (88% din toate articolele relevante publicate de acest ziar n perioada de 15 luni) (vezi diagrama 9):


5.4 Reprezentarea spectrului social (grupuri sociale, naionaliti, gender)Din punct de vedere al surselor utilizate, problemelor reectate i personajelor incluse, materialele celor cinci ziare monitorizate nu s-au remarcat prin diversitate. n reectarea relaiilor interetnice i interregionale au prevalat articole n care a fost consultat o singur surs. Astfel, numai 3.404 surse au fost identicate n 3.057 articole. Declaraiile oficialilor guvernamentali a fost informaia cea mai atractiv care a strnit interesul jurnalitilor. Evenimentele au fost privite n general prin prisma elitelor politice, autoritile predominnd att ca surse pentru tiri, ct i ca personaje ale articolelor (vezi diagrama 10):


Pentru comparaie, numrul personalitilor din domeniul culturii i artei, forelor armate, economiei i businessului, sportului a fost innit mai mic (vezi diagrama 11):

Diagrama 11

Diagrama 11

Numrul personalitilor din domeniul educaiei, reprezentanilor ONG-urilor, asistenei sociale sau din domeniul sntii, reprezentanilor organelor de drept nominalizai n articolele privind relaiile interregionale i interetnice a fost i mai mic: Personaliti din domeniul educaiei 158 (4,4% din toate personajele de articole identicate n cele cinci ziare); Reprezentani ai ONG-urilor 130 (3,6%); Reprezentani ai organelor de drept 62 (1,7%); Lucrtori n domeniul sntii 22 (0,6%); Asisteni sociali 7 (0,2%). Nici reprezentanii diferitelor etnii nu au fost inclui, n mod individualizat, n articole n msur sucient. Ei nu numai c au fost menionai n doar 30% din toate articolele relevante, ci au fost practic ignorai ca surse de informaie (vezi diagrama 12):


Diagrama 11

Multe grupuri etnice au fost menionate numai n contextul unor evenimente speciale cum ar fi festiviti etnice/naionale sau festivalul etno-cultural anual organizat de ctre Departamentul pentru Relaii Interetnice. Reprezentanii diferitelor etnii au fost uneori nominalizai n articole privind ntrunirile la nivel nalt cu reprezentanii rilor n care acetia sunt naiunea titular. ns activitilor sau problemelor lor cotidiene li s-a acordat puin atenie. Dup cum este ilustrat n diagrama 13, n perioada de monitorizare, moldovenii au fost grupul etnic menionat cel mai frecvent, n timp ce bulgarii au fost nominalizai cel mai rar.


Proporiile diverselor grupuri etnice menionate n ziarele monitorizate au depins i de concepia editorial. Astfel, Adevrul nistrean se consider drept un ziar ce promoveaz interesele moldovenilor i aeaz urmtorul slogan pe prima pagin: Moldoveni, pstrai-v limba! n perioada monitorizat acest ziar a menionat naionalitatea moldoveneasc cel mai frecvent. n mod similar, Vesti Gagauzii a avut cea mai considerabil proporie de articole n care au fost menionai gguzii (vezi diagrama 14):

Minoritile n ntregime au constituit doar o mic parte a personajelor din articole (3,7%). Eroii materialelor au fost reprezentai mai mult ca grupuri, nu ca i indivizi activi ai societii (grupurile au reprezentat 68% din toate personajele nregistrate

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