References

1. M. Fortes and E. E. Evans-Pritchard, African Political Systems (1940) pp. 17-18. This view is challenged by Peter Lloyd in his essay 'The Political Structure of African Kingdoms' pub­lished in A.S.A. Monographs 2: Political Systems and the Distributio1n of Power, ed. Michael Banton (1965). Lloyd accepts that 'in African kingdoms permanent opposition groups within the political elite are not found', but argues that African societies do exist where 'individuals and/or groups are not seeking identical ends but different ones; each has its own concept of an ideal society which differs from that of its rivals' and 'each is prepared to use means of obtaining these ends which its rivals may consider to be illegitimate'. The ex­ample he gives, however- 'the contest between commoner chiefs and royal princes or palace servants for positions closest to the king' (pp. 78-80) - seems to be an example of a conflict of interest rather than a conflict of ends. The commoner chiefs are rejecting not the ideology of the ruling elite (if indeed one can be said to exist) but their own exclusion from the circle of advisers (p. xos).

2. See Max Gluckman, Politics, Law and Ritual ~n Tribal Society (1965) p. 137.

3. S. G. Bailey discusses the impact on the Konds of western Orissa, India, of the loss of land, migration, conflict with the Oriya people and the coming of the British administration in Comparative Political Systems: Studies in the Politics of Pre­Industrial Societies, ed. Ronald Cohen and John Middleton (New York, 1963~.

4. John Beattie, 'The Abuse of Political Authority in African States', ibid.

5. K. Oberg, 'The Kingdom of Ankole in Uganda', in Fortes and Evans-Pritchard, African Political Systems.

6. See for example Gabriel A. Almond and G. Bingham Powell, Comparative Politics: A Developmental Approach, chap. ii, 'An Overview'.

7. See R. S. Weinert, 'Violence in Pre-Modem Societies: Rural

71

Colombia', American Political Science Review, L Qune 1966), and Orlando Fals Borda, 'Violence and the Break-up of Tradi­tion in Colombia', in Obstacles to Change in Latin America, ed. Claudio Veliz (1965).

8. Harry Eckstein, 'On the Etiology of Internal Wars', History and Theory, IV, 2 (1965), quoted and discussed by Merle King, 'Violence and Politics in Latin America', Sociological Review Monographs, n (Latin American Social Studies (1967), reprinted in Latin American Radicalism, ed. I. L.

Horowitz, Josue de Castro and John Gerassi (1969). 9. 'The Institutionalisation of Opposition' is perceptively dis­

cussed in chap. ii of Opposition by Ghita Ionescu and Isabel de Madariaga (1968).

10. While the events of May 1968 in France seem to provide a counter-example to this hypothesis, in my view the threat to the French system was more apparent than real. The May Revolution was an expression of opposition and protest by diverse groups on a wide range of different issues which suf­fered both from a lack of leadership and a surfeit of self-styled leaders. The only body which might have been capable of leading the revolt, the Communist Party, had become com­pletely unfitted for such a task. Moreover it recognised that what its supporters on the streets wanted was not a different society but a bigger share in the proceeds of the existing one. For two very different views see Raymond Aron, The Elusive Revolution: Anatomy of a Stude,nt Revolt (1969), and Gabriel and Daniel Cohn-Bendit, Obsolete Communism: The Left­Wing Alternative (Penguin Books, 1969).

11. See S. E. Finer, The Man on Horseback: The Role of the Military in Politics (1962) pp. 90-9, for a discussion of this point.

12. See D. Von Eschen, J. Kirk and M. Pinard, 'The Contribution of Direct Action in a Demand Society', Western Political Quar­terly (U.S.A.), XXII (June 1969).

13. Commentary on the Sentences of Peter Lombard, bk n, Dist. 44, Quest. 2, Art. 2, in Aquinas: Selected Political Writing, ed. with an introduction by A. P. D'Entreves and trans. J. 0. Dawson (1959) pp. 180-5.

14. Summa Theologica, Prima Secundae, Qu. 96, 'The Power of Human Law' (ibid., pp. 133-41), and Secunda Secundae, Qu. 104, 'Obedience' (ibid., pp. 174-9).

15. Summa Theologica, Secunda Secundae, Qu. 42, Art 2, 'The Right to Resist Tyrannical Government' (ibid., p. 161).

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16. Summa Theologica, Qu. 10, Arts. 8, 10 and 11; Qu. 11, Art. 3; Qu. 12, Art. 2 (ibid., pp. 152-9).

17. The Bogomils were strongly anti-authoritarian and preached passive resistance against all masters, while the Cathars preached chastity and condemned wars, crusades and capital punishment. Spiritually they saw Satan as the creator of the earth and of flesh of man and denied Christ's humanity.

18. The Anabaptists are of considerable interest in that they adopted a hostile attitude towards the coercive nature of the state. They sought to opt out of organised society by refusing to accept any civil office, to pay taxes or to go to law or war, and they sought to establish small self-governing communities of the elect reborn in Christ through adult baptism.

19. Thomas Hobbes, Leviathan (Everyman ed.) p. 116, chap xxi. 20. Thomas Hill Green, Lectures on the Principles of Political

Obligation (1921) para. 100.

21. Henry David Thoreau, Civil Disobedience, reprinted in Peter Meyer (ed.), The Pacifist Conscience (Penguin Books, 1966) p. 150.

22. Leo Tolstoy, The Law of Love and the Law of Violence (1909) trans. Mary K. Tolstoy (1970) p. 60.

23. Ibid., p. 96. 24. Leo Tolstoy, The Kingdom of God and Peace Essays, trans.

with an introduction by Aylmer Maude (World's Classics, 1936) p. 330.

25. 'The Doctrine of the Sword', Young India, 11 Aug 1920, re­printed in Meyer (ed.), The Pacifist Conscience, pp. 216-19.

26. See The Essential Gandhi: An A1nthology, ed. Louis Fischer (1963) chap. 22, 'Blue-print for a Better Life'.

27. The Salt satyagraha of 1931 is discussed in detail in Joan Bondurant, Conquest of Violence (1958) pp. 88-102.

28. F. Engels to G. ,Trier, 18 Dec 1889, inK. Marx, F. Engels and V. I. Lenin on Sciemtific Communism (Moscow, 1967) p. 199.

29. See V.I. Lenin, The Proletarian Revolution and the Renegade Kautsky (1918) esp. section 1, 'How Kautsky Transformed Marx into a Common or Garden Liberal', in The Essentials of Lentin, 2 vols (London, 1947).

30. The Proletarian Revolution and Khrushchev's Revisionism by the Editorial Departments of People's Daily and Red Flag (Peking, 1964).

31. Mao Tse-tung's closing remarks to the Sixth Plenum of the

73

Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party, Novem­ber 1938, quoted in Stuart R. Schram, The Political Thought of Mao Tse-tung (1963) p. 209- since published in Penguin Books.

32. Frantz Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth (1961; Penguin ed., 1967) p. 47. For a sympathetic discussion of Fanon, see David Caute, Fano.n (1970) esp. chap 6, 'On Revolution and Violence' (Fontana Modern Masters Series).

33. Debray's best-known piece is Revolution ~n the Revolution?, first printed in Havana in January 1967 and now available in Penguin Books in the Monthly Review Press translation of Bobbys Ortiz. It should be supplemented with the essays 'Cas­troism : The Long March in Latin America' and 'Problems of Revolutionary Strategy in Latin America' in the collection Strategy for Revolution by Regis Debray (1970), ed. and with a useful introduction by Robin Blackburn.

34. Che Guevara's own writings are of much less theoretical inter­est than those of Debray. The former's most important work, Guerrilla Warfare (1961), is available in Penguin Books (1969).

35. In 'Castroism: The Long March in Latin America', Debray acknowledges that in countries like Argentina where half the population lives in three cities, the 'rural foco can only have a subordinate role in relation to urban struggle' (p. 44). Debray discusses the problem facing urban guerrillas and argues that since it is impossible to create a permanent foco and effect reforms in a liberated area, 'an urban guerrilla [group] cap­able of harassing actions can never become a guerrilla army, and even less a regular popular army, capable of finally con­fronting the repressive army - the ultimate aim of every foco' (ibid., p. 66). The only type of urban foco Debray can see as possible in Latin America is the university foco, but this acts as a political rather than a military centre and suffers from isola­tion and internal dissension.

36. Debray, Revolution in the Revolution?, p. 106.

37. See for example G. and D. Cohn-Bendit, Obsolete Commun­ism, chap. i, 'The Student Revolt'.

38. A revealing study of popular attitudes to the situation in Russia immediately after the February 1917 revolution, based on the study of over 4000 letters and telegrams, is to be found in Marc Ferro, 'The Aspirations of Russian Society', in Revo­tionary Russia, ed. Richard Pipes (Cambridge, Mass., 1968).

74

39. The best short study is Edward Luttwak, Coup d'Etat: A Practical Handbook (Penguin Books, 1969).

40. Samuel P. Huntington, Political Order in Changing Societies (1968) chap. iv, 'Praetorianism and Political Decay', p. 221. See also John J. Johnson (ed.), The Role of the Military ~n Underdeveloped Countries (Princeton, 1962) - esp. Edward Shils, 'The Military in the Political Development of the New States'; Lucian W. Pye, 'Armies in the Process of Political Modernisation'; James S. Coleman and Belmont Brice, Jr, 'The Role of the Military in Sub-Sahara Africa'.

41. See my article 'Civil Disobedience and the Bomb', Political Quarterly, xxxvn 4 (Oct-Dec 1966).

42. The classic example here is the position of the Provisional Government in Russia in its relation to the Petrograd Soviet in the months before the October 1917 Revolution.

43. Contrast Leo Kuper, Passive Resistance m South Africa (1956), and 'The Problem of Violence in South Africa', Inquiry, no. 3 (autumn 1964), with Mary Benson, South Africa: The Struggle for a Birthright (Penguin African Library, 1966) chaps 17-20.

44. See 'Black Violence in the Twentieth Century: A Study in Rhetoric and Retaliation' by A. Meier and E. Rudwick, and 'Patterns of Collective Racial Violence' by M. Janowitz in The History of Violence in America: A Report to the National Committee on the Causes and Prevention of Violence, ed. H. D. Graham and T. D. Gurr (New York, 1969).

45. For a brief committed discussion see Gareth Stedman Jones, 'The Meaning of Student Revolt', Fred Halliday, 'Students of the World Unite', and C. Davidson, 'Campaigning on the Campus', in Student Power: Problems, Diagnosis, Act,on, ed. by Alexander Cockburn and Robin Blackburn (Penguin Books, 1969).

46. Herbert Marcuse, 'Ethics and Revolution', in Richard T. De George (ed.), Ethics and Society: Original Essays em Con­temporary Moral Problems (1968).

47. Herbert Marcuse, One-Dimensicmal Man, paperback ed. (Sphere Books, 1968). A highly critical short account of Mar­cuse's writings is to be found in Alasdair Macintyre, Marcuse (Fontana Modern Masters Series, 1970).

48. The same position is taken up by Harold Laski in the essay 'The Dangers of Obedience', published in The Dangers of Obedience and Other Essays (1930) and The State itn Theory

75

and Practice (1935) chap. i, 'The Philosophic Concepts of the State'.

49. A. C. Ewing, The Individual, the State and World Govern­ment (1947).

50. J. R. Lucas, The Primciples of Politics (1966) section 71, 'Morality and Politics'; section 72, 'Freedom and Dissent'; section 73, 'Right of Rebellion and Duty of Disobedience'.

51. American Political Science Review, XLVIII (June 1954).

52. Philosophy (New York), LVIII 21 (12 Oct 1961).

53. See Hugo A. Bedow, 'On Civil Disobedience', Journal of Philo­sophy, LVII (12 Oct 1961), and Stuart M. Brown, 'Civil Disobedience', Journal of Philosophy, LVIII (22-26 C'::t 1961).

54. Daniel Rucker, 'Moral Grounds of Civil Disobedience', Ethics (Jan 1965).

55. Julius Ebbinghaus has argued the interesting thesis that dis­obedience of laws can be justified in legal terms where the laws concerned deny certain persons all possibility of taking legal action, such as laws which reduce men to the level of chattels, or deny them the capacity to enter into contracts, or condemn them to death on racial or religious accounts. Such 'Laws of Inhumanity' should in his view be sharply distin­guished from ordinary acts of injustice. 'Humanity and State Power', Philosophical Quarterly, III 11 (April 1953).

56. Difficulties arise with the conception of what constitutes a community. One cannot accept its application to a group in­capable of establishing itself as a separate entity. One could not for example establish claims on behalf of old-age pen­sioners, New Yorkers or British Jews without regard to the interests of the wider community of which they are necessarily a part. That is not to say that in any pardcular dispute the wider interest is necessarily represented by the majority view of its own immediate interest.

57. H. B. Acton, 'Political Justification', in H. D. Lewis (ed.), Contemporary British Philosophy (New York, 1956).

58. George K. Romoser, 'The Politics of Uncertainty : ,The Ger­man Resistance Movement', Social Research, XXXI (1964).

59. I have discussed the problem at some length in my article 'Justifying Political Disobedience', Ethics (U.S.A.), LXXIX

1 (Oct 1968).

60. See D. Von Echen, A. Kirk and M. Pinard, 'The Contribu-

76

tion of Direct Action in a Demand Society', Western Political Quarterly (1969), and M. Lipsky, 'Protest as a Political Re­source', American Political Science Review, LVII (1968).

61. See S. E. Finer, 'One-Party Regimes in Africa: Reconsidera­tion', Government and Opposition, II 4 (July-Oct 1967).

77

Bibliography

1. THEORY OF POLITICAL OBLIGATION &'ID DISOBEDIENCE

The place of publication is London, unless otheiWise stated.

R. W. and A. J. Carlyle, The medieval theory of disobedience can be followed up most easily in R. W. and A. J. Carlyle, A History of Medieval Political Theory in the West (1928) val. m, pt ii, esp. chap. iii, 'The Moral Function of political Authority', chap. iv, 'The Theory of Divine Right', and chap. v, 'Justice and Law'; and val. v, pt i, 'The Source, Nature and Limitation of the Authority of the Ruler', and 'Methods and Experiments in the Control of the Ruler', and pt iii, 'The Principal Elements in the Political Theory of the Middle Ages': Ewart Lewis, Medieval Political Ideas (1954) val. I, chap. v, 'The Structure of Government and the State', gives extracts from the writings of John of Salis­bury, Bracton, Aquinas, Aegidius Romanus, Tholommeo of Lucca, Marsiglia of Padua, William of Occam, Lupoid of Bebenburg, Somnium Viridarii, Nicolas of Cusa, Aeneas Syl­vius, Fortescue and Jean Masselin on political obligation.

StThomas Aquinas, Selected Political Writings, ed. with an in­troduction by A. P. D'Entreves and trans. by J. D. Dawson (1959). A. P. D'Entreves discusses Aquinas's approach to the problem of political obligation at some length in s. 2 of his in­troduction. Tyranny is dealt with by Aquinas in bk I, chap. iii of On Princely Government, in s. 16 of Summa Theologica, Secunda Secondae, 'The Right to Resist Tyrannical Govern­ment', and in the first extract from Commentary on the Sen­tences of Peter Lombard. The validity of human law is treated in Summa Theologica, Prima Secundae, ss. 10-12, and Se­cunda Secundae, s. 23, 'Obedience'.

J. W. Allen, A History of Political Thought in the Sixteenth Cen­tury (1928; published in University Paperbacks 1960). Pt i,

79

chap. iii deals with 'The Anabaptist Protest', pt i, chap. ii, s. 1 discusses Luther, and pt i, chap. iv, Calvin - s. ii is particularly relevant and is entitled 'The Doctrine of Non-Resistance'. Pt iii, chap. iv, 'The Huguenots and their Allies', deals with the theories put forward by Protestant minorities to justify resist­ance to Catholic rulers.

L. J. Macfarlane, Modern Political Theory (1971) chap. iii. 'Law and Political Obligation', devotes separate sections to the wri­tings of Hobbes, Locke, Rousseau, Bentham and J. S. Mill, Hegel, Marx and Engels.

Thomas Hobbes, Leviathan (1651) repays careful reading. Chap. 21, 'Of the Liberty of Subjects', and chap. 30, 'Of the Office of the Sovereign Representative', are particularly pertinent to a study of political disobedience. Various paperback editions available.

John Locke, The Second Treatise of Government: An Essay Con­.cerning the True Original Extent and End of Civil Govern­ment (1689). The edition edited by Peter Laslett (1960) should be used. Locke is much more difficult to understand than a cursory reading would suggest. The following chapters should be studied : chap. xv, 'Of Paternal, Political, and Despotical Power, considered together', chap. xvi, 'Of Conquest', chap. xvii, 'Of Usurpation', chap. xviii, 'Of Tyranny', and chap. xix, 'Of the Dissolution of Government'.

Marx and Engels, Basic Writings on Politics and Philosophy, ed. Lewis S. Feuer (Fontana Paperback, 1969). Marx and Engels's approach to the problem of serving the revolutionary transformation of society can be seen in The Manifesto of the Communist Party and the excerpts from Marx's Class Struggles in France 1848-1850, The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis­Bonaparte and The Civil War in France.

V.I. Lenin, Left-Wing Communism, an Infantile Disorder (vari­ous editions). The Conclusion to this brief work gives Lenin's classic formulation of the conditions necessary for a successful seizure of power by the proletariat under the leadership of the Communists.

Leo Tolstoy, 'Letter to a Non-Commissioned Officer' and 'Letter to a Hindu' are included in The Pacifist Conscience, ed. Peter Mayer (see section 2 below). The former argues that 'war is an

80

inevitable result of the existence of armies; and armies are only needed by governments in order to dominate their own work­ing class'; while the latter proclaims that evil must not be re­sisted by violence but with love. Other short pieces are to be found in Tolstoy's Writings on Civil Disobedience and Non­Violence (1968).

M. Gandhi, 'Arrest and Trial' is a report on Gandhi's trial in 1922 and statement to the court of his position. 'The Doctrine of the Sword' (1920) proclaims the cause of non-violent re­sistance to British rule. Both are included in The Pacifist Con­science. See also N. K. Gandhi, Non-:Violence in Peace and War (Ahmedabad, India) vol. 1 (1942); vol. n (1949). A collection of Gandhi's general writings, The Essential Gandhi: An Anthology, ed. Louis Fischer (1963), is available in paper­back.

Thomas Hill Green, Lectures on the Principles of Political fJbliga­tion (1921; delivered in 1879). The classic liberal idealist discussion of the problem. Important for the distinction it seeks to draw between democratic and non-democratic states on the grounds that disobedience in the former always results in more harm than good. See in particular sections F, 'Sovereignty and the General Will', G, 'Will Not Force is the Basis of the State', H, 'Has the Citizen Rights against the State?'.

Ernest Barker, Principles of Social and Political Theory (1951; paperback 1961) bk v, 'The Duty of the Citizen to the Government; or the Grounds and Limits of Political Obliga­tion'. In s. 6, 'The Limits of Political Obligation and the Prob­lem of Resistance', Barker insists that a citizen always has a political obligation to obey the law of the state to which he belongs. He may on a particular issue, however, disobey the law and challenge it in the name of social justice, as long as he is prepared to accept the legal consequences of disobedience or resistance.

Margaret MacDonald, 'The Language of Political Theory', Pro­ceedings of the Aristotelian Society (1940-1), reprinted in Logic and Language (First Series), ed. Antony Flew (1951). A celebrated criticism of theorists who have argued that it is possible to find a general criterion for political obligation. It makes no sense to ask 'Why should I obey the law?', referring to any law. It does make sense to ask 'Why should I obey this par-

81

ticular law?', because the law and circumstances are particular and analysable.

A. C. Ewing, The Individual, the State· and World Government (New York. 1947) chap. 2, s. 7, 'Conscientious Objection and Rebellion'; chap. 4, s. 5, 'The Obligation of the Individual to the State'.

J. R. Lucas, The Principle! of Politics (1966). Lucas's book deals with issues of political disobedience at a number of points. Section 12, 'Political Obligation', discusses the different forms of answer which have ~en given to the question 'Why should I obey the law?'. Section 71, 'Morality and Politics', argues that in politics we have a 'moral duty not to insist on what we would consider, in the absence of other people's opposition, to be the morally right action'. Section 72, 'Freedom and Dissent', continues the argument. Section 73, 'The Right of Rebellion and the Duty of Disobedience', distinguishes between 'normal' political systems where men have a prima facie obligation to obey the law and 'pathological systems' where the obligation is on the state to show in each case why obedience is required.

Richard A. W asserstrom, 'The Obligation to Obey the Law' (1963), reprinted in Essays on Legal Philosophy, ed. Robert S. Summers (1968). Discusses the arguments which have been, or which might be, used in support of a claim that because one has a general moral obligation to obey the law, one is never justified in disobeying any particular law. He shows the limited implications of the assertion that one has a prima facie obliga­tion to obey the law and discusses the argument 'But what if everyone disobeyed the law?'. W asserstrom concludes that while it is impossible to substantiate that in a democracy the long-term consequences of disobedience are always worse than those of obedience, yet in most circumstances this will be so. See also his article 'Disobeying the Law', journal of Philosophy (New York), LVm 21 (12 Oct 1961).

H. B. Acton (ed.), 'Political Justification', in H. D. Lewis, Con­temporary British Philosophy (New York, 1956). Acton looks at the sort of arguments by which a political dissenter might hope to persuade a non-dissenter that disobedience is justified.

F. Neumann, The Democratic and the Authoritarian State (1957). In the essay 'On the Limits of Justifiable Disobedience' Neumann concludes that resistance is justified to laws which

82

deny men legal rights, which impose restrictions on the life and liberty of part of the community, which are applied retroac­tively, or which are not enforced by an independent judiciary. Beyond this a man may on conscience grounds 'morally' resist a state order, but there cannot be a universally valid statement telling us when a man's conscience may legitimately absolve him from obedience to the laws of the state.

H. Marcuse, One-Dimensional Man (Boston, 1964; English paperback 1968). A highly influential book which is far from easy to read and understand. Marcuse's pessimistic thesis is that 'Technical progress, extended to a whole system of dom­ination alld co-ordination, creates terms of life (and of power) which appear to reconcile the forces opposing the system and to defeat or refute all protest in the name of the historical pros­pects of freedom from toil and domination'.

L. J. Macfarlane, 'Justifying Political Disobedience', Ethics (Chi­cago), LXXIX (Oct 1968). An analysis of the concept of a justified act of political disobedience and of the possibility of laying down conditional principles for justified disobedience.

--, 'Political Obligation and the Political System', Political Studies, XVI (Oct 1968). Outlines the contrasting form which the problem of political obedience takes in primitive societies, colonial societies, Communist societies and Western democratic societies.

2. NON-VIOLENT RESISTANCE AND CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE

April Carter, David Hoggett and Adam Roberts, Non-Violent Action: Theory and Practice, a Selected Bibliography (1966). Includes articles and pamphlet references as well as books. Most extensive section is that on studies of 'Resistance Move­ments Involving Use of Non-Violent Action' since 1848.

Peter Mayer (ed.), The Pacifist Conscience (Penguin Books, 1966). An anthology which includes Ralph Waldo Emerson, War; Henry David Thoreau, Civil Disobedience; Leo Tol­stoy, 'Letter to a Non-Commissioned Officer' and 'Letter to a Hindu'; William James, The Moral Equivalent of War; Mo­handas Gandhi, Arrest and Trial and The Doctrine of the Sword; Martin Luther King, Jr, Pilgrimage and Non-violence and Suffering and Faith.

83

Adam Roberts (ed.), Civilian Resistance as a National Defence (Penguin Books, 1969). An assessment of the possibilities of non-co-operative and non-violent resistance as a basis for a nation's defence policy. It includes studies of non-violent re­sistance by Germans against the French occupation of the Ruhr in 1923, by Danes and Norwegians against the Nazis during the last war and by East Germans against the Communist re­gime in 1953. Gene Sharp discusses the technique of non­violent action, and lists eighty-four cases of such action directed to various ends. B. H. Liddell Hart discusses the lessons to be drawn from both guerrilla and non-violent resistance move­ments and concludes that in many instances the former has a greater chance of success.

Joan Bondurant, Conquest of Violence: The Gandhian Philo­sophy of Conflict (1958). A detailed analysis of satyagraha with special reference to the campaigns waged by Gandhi in India. The conception satyagraha: is discussed in relation to Hindu thought and tradition and to Western political thinking.

Gene Sharp, 'Ethics and Responsibility in Politics', Inquiry (Oslo), vn 3 (autumn 1964). Sharp argues that, contrary to Max Weber's thesis, it is now possible in a number of im­portant cases to use non-violent means to achieve 'good' poli­tical ends. He analyses five possible types of political ethic ranging from the ethic of ultimate ends to the ethic of violence as both means and end. Gene Sharp has also published a de­tailed work, Politics of Non-Violent Action: An Encyclopedia of Method and Action (U.S.A., 1970), which is unfortunately both expensive and difficult to come by.

H. J. N. Horsborough, Non-Violence and Aggression: A Study of Gandhi,s Moral Equivalent of War (1968). Horsborough examines Gandhi's concept of satyagraha and shows how its principles are applied in practice. He proceeds to argue that these principles are applicable in war situations, since all governments are susceptible to the combination of moral appeal and the pressures of non-co-operation. He distinguishes sharply between the non-violence of expediency and the Gandhian non-violence of principle. The former is unstable and quickly rejected in favour of violence by those who fail to reap quick and cheap victories.

D. Spitz, 'Democracy and the Problem of Civil Disobedience',

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America.n Political Science Review, XLVm (June 1954). Since democratic government rests on consent, it denies its own prin­ciples if it requires those who do not agree with its laws and commands to comply with them on pain of penalty. Although an unqualified right of disobedience for dissenters would lead to anarchy, disobedience on a particular issue need not do so and may be justified in terms of the principles of democracy itself.

Howard E. Dean, 'Democracy, Loyalty, Disobedience: A Query', Western Political Quarterly (U.S.A.), vn (Dec 1955 ). Argues that Spitz adopts a pedectionist approach which ig­nores the consequences of disobedience. Disobedience may be ineffective or even make matters worse.

Harry Prosch, 'Limits to the Moral Claim in Civil Disobedience', Ethics, LXXVI Qan 1965). Civil disobedience is very difficult to justify since it only arises where there is no public agreement as to the justness of a particular law or practice. If each party for the dispute fights for what it believes to be right, the result is chaos. Instead of fighting for their rights, men should seek a common· ground through persuasion and conciliation.

Darnell Rucker, 'The Moral Grounds of Civil Disobedience', Ethics, Lxxvn Qan 1966). Argues that Prosch has confused civil disobedience with defiance of the law. In his view the law offers the alternatives of compliance, or disobedience plus suf­fering its penalty.

Hugo A. Bedau, 'On Civil Disobedience', Journal of Philosophy, Lvm 21 (12 Oct 1961). A careful and sympathetic discussion of the difficulties of establishing principles and criteria to justify civil disobedience. Bedau defines civil disobedience acts as illegal, public, non-violent conscientiously undertaken acts de­signed to frustrate the laws, policies or decisions of the govern­ment - he distinguishes between acts of obstruction, interjec­tion, frustration, harassment and acts of public witness. Bedau also discusses Ewing's views on disobedience.

Stuart M. Brown, 'On Civil Disobedience', Journal of Philo­sophy, LVm 22 (26 Oct 1961). Argues that the alternative to civil disobedience is not obedience to an offending law but non-participation in the form of proscribed acts of public pro­test- which, unlike obedience to unjust laws, cannot itself be evil.

85

L. J. Macfarlane, 'Disobedience and the Bomb', Political Quar­terly, xxxvn (Oct-Dec 1966). A discussion of the grounds brought forward for political disobedience in support of the demand for unilateral nuclear disarmament.

David H. Bayley, 'The Pedagogy of Democracy: Coercive Public Protest in India', American Political Science Review, LIV (Sep 1962). Discusses the dilemma faced by the Indian government where necessary economic and social measures are liable to generate coercive public protest claiming doubtful authority from Gandhian principles.

Noam Chomsky, American Power and the Mandarins (Penguin Books, 1969). A collection of essays directed in the main against the part American intellectuals have played in justifying and furthering the war in Vietnam. The essay 'On Resistance' gives Chomsky's reactions to participation in the demonstrations in Washington in October 1967. He argues the case for resistance to the draft and assistance to those who seek to evade it.

3. PROTEST AND DISCONTENT

Bernard Crick and William A. Robson (ed.), Protest and Dis­content (Penguin Books, 1970). A symposium of essays includ­ing B. Crick, 'Introduction: A Time to Reason'; E. Gellner, 'Myth, Ideology and Revolution'; J. A. C. Griffith, 'Why we Need a Revolution'; S. Swamp, 'Student Unrest in India', and F. Taguchi, 'Japan in Transition'.

M. Lipsky, 'Protest as a Political Resource', American Political Science Review, LXII (Dec 1968). Discusses the importance of protest to groups without access to those in positions of political authority.

Peter Bockman, The Limits of Protest (Panther paperback, 1970). Contrasts protest movements in support of immediate objectives and single causes with radical protest aiming at the destruction of the central power structure of modem society. Contains much useful information not readily available else­where, but is weak in theoretical analysis.

James D. Halloran, Philip Elliott and Graham Murdock, Demon­strations and Communications - A Case Study (Penguin Spe­cial, 1970). A pioneering study of the treatment by press and television of the Vietnam war demonstration in London on

86

27 October 1968. The authors argue that the newsmen were committed to the idea of a violent demonstration and conse­quently this was the picture they concentrated on, in spite of the overwhelming peaceful nature of the demonstration as a whole.

D. Von Eschen, J. Kirk and M. Pinard, 'The Contribution of Direct Action in a Demand Society', Western Political Quar­terly, xxn (June 1969). Argues that since the Negroes were in effect outside the political system, the threat of direct action was necessary to force the political authorities to introduce civil rights legislation. Without the threat of violence and dis­order no action would have been taken.

Gary T. Marx, Protest and Prejudice: A Study of Belief in the Black Community (New York, 1967). Based on detailed inter­views with 1100 Negroes carried out by the National Opinion Research Center of the University of Chicago in 1964. The study showed that at that time moderate leaders and opinion had a much greater following than militants. The vast majority of those interviewed thought America worth fighting for, that the United States government was acting at about the right speed on civil rights and that white Americans would come fully to accept the Negro. But a substantial number believed that riots and violence had helped the Negro cause. See also Richard Young, 'The Impact of Protest Leadership on Negro Politics', Western Political Quarterly, xxn (Mar 1969).

R. M. Fogelson, 'White on Black : A Critique of the McCone Commission Report on the Los Angeles Riots', Political Science Quarterly, Lxxxn (Sep 1967). Seeks to establish that Los Angeles riots were not meaningless but directed against the police and white storekeepers who were understandably regarded as enemies by the Negro.

Alexander Cockburn and Robin Blackburn (eds.), Student Power: Problems, Diagnosis, Action (Penguin Books, 1969). Includes Gareth Stedman Jones, 'The Meaning of the Student Revolt', Robin Blackburn, 'A Brief Guide to Bourgeois Ideo­logy', Carl Davidson, 'Campaigning on the Campus', Fred Halliday, 'Students of the World Unite'. In his introduction Alexander Cockburn argues that universities and colleges in advanced capitalist countries 'can become "red bases" of re­volutionary agitation and preparation' by confronting and

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challenging the universities in their present role as bastions of power for the bourgeois social order.

Raymond Aron, Anatomy of a Student Revolt, trans. Gordon Clough (1969). A critical appraisal of the events in France in May 1968 by a leading French scholar who had great sym­pathy with student demands for reform in the universities. His opposition to the revolt was based on his belief that, while it was capable of destroying the existing political and social order, including the universities as centres of free discussion and learn­ing, it was incapable of putting anything stable or worth while in its place.

Ghita Ionescu, The Politics of the European Communist States (1967). The diversification of Communist society and the in­creasing claims of economic efficiency create conditions for the emergence of new forms of public opinion which express grow­ing opposition to various aspects of the workings of the regime. Pt iii is devoted to 'The Manifestation of Dissent' and discusses the motives of dissent and the institutions through which it is expressed, including the development of factions inside the Communist Parties themselves. See also Ghita lonescu and Isabel de Madariaga, Opposition: Past and Present of an Institution (1968) chap. iv, 'Political Conflict in the Opposi­tionless States'.

4. RESISTANCE TO TYRANNY

G. Lewy, 'Resistance to Tyranny: Treason, Right or Duty?', Western Political Quarterly, xm (Sep 1960). Suggests that it makes for greater clarity to speak of a moral duty to disobey and resist immoral laws than to invoke a right of rebellion, since rebellions may serve immoral causes.

George K. Romoser, 'The Politics of Uncertainty: The German Resistance Movement', Social Research (New York), XXXI

(1964). Discusses the attitude of leading German resisters to the question of assassinating Hider and indicates that their dilemma was political rather than moral.

Harold Ofstad, 'The Ethics of Resistance to Tyranny', Inquiry (Oslo), IV 3 (autumn 1961). Discusses the problem of resist­ance to tyranny by reference to motives, actions and conse-

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quences. Examines critically the problems involved in assessing consequences in terms of lives and suffering.

Hannah Arendt, The Origins of Totalitarianism (3rd ed., 1967) chap. 12, 'Totalitarianism in Power'. Arendt is concerned to argue that totalitarian states exhibit a new and unprecedented concept of total power, completely indifferent to national in­terest and the well-being of the people, which pays no regard to normal criteria of rational assessment of means and ends. Totalitarian states designate certain categories of citizens as enemies, irrespective of whether or not they oppose the regime, and proceed so to persecute them that they all come to possess the strongest grounds for opposition. In the final stages, as in the Great Purges in Russia, victims are simply chosen at random.

Julius Eblinghaus, 'Humanity and State Power', Philosophical Qum-terly (St Andrews), m 1 (Apr 1953). Distinguishes be­tween acts of injustice and acts of inhumanity. The latter 'can­not possibly have any legality because their legality would mean that it was legally impossible for the persons affected to act legally'.

5. REVOLUTION

Peter Calvert, Revolution. (Key Concepts in Political Science series, 1970). An outline of the origin and development of the concept of revolution since the time of the ancient Egyptians. Nearly half the book is devoted to post-Marxism developments. There is an interesting chapter on the problem of predicting revolutions, extensive notes and references and a useful biblio­graphy.

Marx and Engels. See section 1 above.

V. I. Lenin. See section 1 above.

Georges Sorel, Reflections on Violence, trans. T. E. Hulme and J. Roth, with an introduction by Edward A. Shils (New York, paperback, 1961 ). Sorel's concern was to establish the function of working-class violence in relation to the struggle for social­ism. Unless the working class can be led to embark on a violent crusade against capitalism in the expectation of moving to­wards a final victorious confrontation with the forces of evil in

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the political general strike, they will remain tied to the old order and the irrelevances of parliamentary socialism.

Frantz Fanon, The· Wret.ched of the Earth, with preface by Jean­Paul Sartre, trans. Constance Farrington (Penguin Books, 1967). Under the violence of colonisation the native can assert himself only by resorting to counter-violence. Only if it adopts the path of revolutionary violent struggle against colonisation can a national movement avoid the path of accommodation which leads to nominal independence with economic power remaining in the hands of the colonial power.

Regis Debray, Revolution in the Revolution? Armed Struggle and Political Struggle in Latin America, trans. Bobby Ortiz (Penguin Books, 1969). Debray's thesis is that the rural guer­rilla is bound to be the nucleus of the revolutionary movement in Latin America. Armed struggle is the only road to liberation, since only the guerrilla army is capable of carrying out the class alliance of peasant and workers. The Communist Parties of Latin America must either abandon their old..:style political activity based on political agitation in urban areas and turn to the development of rural guerrilla warfare, or give way to the guerrilla force which will become the vanguard of the revolu­tion and the revolutionary party in embryo. See also R. Debray, Strategy ftJr Revolution: Essays on Latin America, ed. and with introduction by Robin Blackburn (1970).

Luis Mercier Vega, Guerrillas in Latin America: The Technique of the Counter-State, trans. Daniel Weissbort (1969). An attempt to assess the future prospects of both the theory and practice of guerrilla warfare by analysing the guerrilla move­ment in seven Latin-American countries. Mercier Vega draws extensively on documentary material and publishes an eighty­page selection of documents. He is highly critical of Regis Debray's interpretation of the role of the guerrilla movement in Latin America.

Gabriel and Daniel Cohn-Bendit, Obsolete Communism: The Left-Wing Alternative, trans. Arnold Pomerans (Penguin Books, 1968). A plea for revolutionary spontaneity and mass protest movements unencumbered by leaders and bureaucratic control structures. The history of the student revolt in France is presented from the viewpoint of the militants in the Action Committees who saw it as primarily an opportunity for the

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workers to take over and run the factories, as the students had done with the universities. The attempt failed, in their view, through the joint effort of the Gaullists and the Communists.

Herbert Marcuse, 'Ethics and Revolution', in Richard T. D. George (ed.), Ethics and Society: Original Essays on Con­temporary Moral Problems (1968). Marcuse argues that it is possible to make an 'historical calculus' of the chances of a new society providing greater individual freedom and happiness than the existing society, taking account of the sacrifices ex­acted on behalf of the established society against the price of creating a new order. Revolutions necessarily involve violence against established rights and privileges, but arbitrary violence, cruelty and indiscriminate terror cannot be justified because they negate the very end for which the revolution is a means. The only legitimate end of a revolution is the creation of con­ditions which facilitate human progress in freedom and con­sequently repressive means must, to be legitimate, themselves actually contain and give effect to that end.

David Cooper (ed.), The Dialectics of Liberation (Penguin Books, 1968). A compilation of some of the principal addresses delivered at the Congress on the Dialectics of Liberation in London in July 1967. Contributors include R. D. Laing, 'The Obvious', John Gerassi, 'Imperialism and Revolution in America', Paul Sweezy, 'The Future of Capitalism', Stokely Carmichael, 'Black Power', and Herbert Marcuse 'Liberation from the Affluent Society'. Most of the contributions are very thin and indicative of the theoretical limitations of the would­be liberators.

Barrington Moore, Jr, Social Origins of Dictatorship and Demo­cracy (1967; Penguin Books, 1969). Chap. 9, 'The Peasants and Revolution', attempts to discover what kinds of social struc­tures and historical situations produce, and what kinds in­hibit, peasant revolutions. The Epilogue, 'Reactionary and Revolutionary Imagery', examines the relationship between social ideas and social movements. Barrington Moore questions the presumption that gradual reform is always preferable to violent revolutionary change and asserts that 'At bottom all forms of industrialisation so far have been revolutions from above, the work of a ruthless minority'.

Chalmers Johnson, Revolutionary Change (1968). Chalmers

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Johnson argues that structural change in society, whether re­volutionary or otherwise, is not a continuous process, but the response to specific political and social clisturbances of societal equilibrium. On this basis he examines why and when dis­equilibrium gives rise to revolution, and in particular why those in authority fail to retain the approval of broad masses of the population.

6. VIOLENCE AND SOCIAL CHANGE

Henry Brenin, Violence and Social Change:A Review of Current Literature (Chicago, 1968). Professor Brenin describes and assesses contemporary writings under the headings of 'Biolence in the Ghetto', 'Guerrilla War', 'Revolution' and 'Totalitarian­ism'. A valuable work which highlights unresolved and un­tackled problems and suggests possible lines for further inquiry.

Hugh Davis Graham and Ted Robert Gurr (eds.), The History of Violence in America, Historical and Comp,arative Perspec­tives: A Report to the Nationalf:ommission on the Causes and Prevention of Violence' (New York, 1969). A collection of twenty-two articles on the historical background to violence in America. The most useful sections are chap. 8, 'American Labor Violence: Its Causes, Character and Outcome', chaps 9, 10 and 11, 'Patterns and Sources of Racial Aggression', chaps 1 7 and 18, 'Comparative Patterns of Strife and Violence', chaps 19 and 20, 'Processes of Rebellion'. In their conclusion Graham and Gurr emphasise that protective resistance to undesirable change has been a more common source of collective violence in America than revolutions of rising expectations. Their con­clusion is that 'the prolonged use of force or violence to advance the interests of any segmental group may impede and quite possibly preclude reform' (p. 814).

Louis H. Marotti and Don R. Bowen (eds.), Riot and Rebellion: Civil Violence in the Urban Community (Beverly Hills, Calif., 1968). A collection of twenty-four recent short articles and a lengthy bibliography. The most valuable sections are pt ii, 'Perspectives on Civil Disorder', pt iii, 'The Setting of Urban Violence: Some Empirical Studies' and pt v, 'Civil Violence and the Political System'.

S. N. Eisenstadt, Modernisation, Protest and Change (New York, 1966). Discusses how the process of modernisation has thrown

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up a range of problems and social disturbances which have given rise to widespread social protest. Eisenstadt compares the process in Western Europe and North America with Japan, Latin America, the Communist states and the ex-colonial states. The book is more useful for the issues it raises, and the refer­ences it quotes, than for the penetration of the analysis itself.

Samuel P. Huntington, Political Order in Changing Societies (New Haven, 1968). Huntington's thesis is that the violence and instability of the emerging countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America derive above all from their failure to develop viable political institutions capable of handling the rapid social and economic changes taking place in these various commun­ities. Revolutions and struggles for national independence are analysed as agencies of political participation requiring the creation of strong political parties. Huntington argues that the one-party systems that emerge from successful revolutionary or nationalist struggle are more effective agencies of modernisa­tion, and less subject to political revolts and coups, than two- or multi-party systems.

H. L. Nieburg, 'The Threat of Violence and Social Change', American Political Science: Review LVI (Dec 1962). Argues that the threat of counter-violence can be a moderating influ­ence on those who use or consider using force against those seeking social change.

Hannah Arendt, On Violence (1970). A brief essay in which Arendt argues that violence is only rational when used in sup­port of short-term goals to dramatise grievances, not to realise causes. The most probable result of adopting violence as a political tactic or weapon will be that violence becomes part of normal political activity.

H. Eckstein (ed.), Internal War: Problems and Approaches (New York, 1964). The collection includes: H. Eckstein, 'In­troduction: Towards the Theoretical Study of Internal War'; T. P. Thornton, 'Terror as a Weapon of Political Agitation'; W. Kornhauser, 'Rebellion and Political Development'; L. W. Pye, 'The Roots of Insurgency and the .Commencement of Rebellion'.

Merle King, 'Violence and Politics in Latin America', Sociological Review Monograph ii: Latin-American Sociological Studies, ed. Paul Hamoz (Feb 1967). In many Latin American states

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violence is accepted as a legitimate means for the pursuit of political power. Consequently not only is military intervention common, but non-military groups seek to acquire expertise in the techniques of violence.

Claudio Veliz (ed.), Obstacle'S to Change in Latin America (1965). A collection of articles which illustrates the resistance of the traditional social structure to fundamental change. Par­ticularly interesting are Torcuato di Tella's 'Populism andRe­form in Latin America' and Orlando Fals Borda~s 'Violence and the Break-up of Tradition in Colombia'. The latter ex­hibits the unusual phenomena of the institutionalisation of vio­lence among wide sectors of the rural community and the per­petration of violence by the government and other authorities.

Claudio Veliz (ed.), The Politics of Conformity in Latin America (1967). A series of studies which indicates the extent to which groups involved in the political struggles in Latin American countries (military, students, middle class) are concerned to improve their position within the status quo, rather than secure radical changes in the structure of society. The most interesting article is by the Marxist scholar E. J. Hobsbawm on 'Peasants and Rural Migrants in Politics'. Hobsbawm's article brings out the gap between objective conditions of misery and exploita­tion and the reaction both of those subjected to it and those who benefit from it. Even where the exploited revolt, the direc­tion and form of the revolt may, as in Colombia, have little relation to their objective conditions.

Leo Kuper, 'The Problem of Violence in South Mrica', Inquiry, no. 3 (autumn 1964). Kuper argues that the general expecta­tion that violence is inevitable in South Mrica is itself a signi­ficant factor encouraging hostile groups to seek a violent solution of their conflict. Violence in South Mrica necessarily takes the form of violence against other racial groups and there­fore heightens racial cleavage.

Mary Benson, South Africa: The Struggle for a Birthright (Pen­guin Mrican Library, 1966). The story of the Mrican National Congress in South Africa from its beginnings in 1912 to the Rivonia Trials in 1964, which traces the reasons for the change­over from passive resistance to violent struggle against an in­creasingly repressive regime.

S. E. Finer, The Man on Horseback: The Role of the Military

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in Politics (1962). A pioneer comparative study analysing the role of the military by reference to the level of political culture in different countries, i.e. the extent to which there are estab­lished and accepted procedures for the transfer of political power and well-developed and influential public associations acting within the society. Finer draws on a very wide range of examples in discussing the conditions which have led the mili­tary to adopt modes of intervention in politics ranging from influence and pressure to displacement and supplantment.

John J. Johnson (ed.), The Role of the Military in Under­developed Countries (Princeton, 1962). Contains three useful articles on militarism in Latin America- John J. Johnson, 'The Latin-American Military as a Politically Competing Group in Transitional Society', Edwin Lieu wen, 'Militarism and Politics in Latin America', Victor Alba, 'The Stages of Militarism in Latin America'. Lieu wen points out that although young offi­cers in the twentieth century have frequently expressed support for the cause of social revolution, they have rarely given effect to it once in power - partly because of incompetence and partly because radical land reform conflicted with their interests and values as members of the middle classes.

Edward Luttwak, Coups d'Etat (Penguin Books, 1969). A dis­cussion of the conditions under which a small group of men are able to seize political power and the techniques which can be employed. Appendices list all coups and attempted coups between 1946 and 1964.

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