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WA If.~ \ ,WA' ~'S •
• t ~ " . . . , " ' t 1 f ~
Ngati Kahu, Ngati ran~o, Ngati Rangi
\
I
This report was was cOmmissioned by the Waitangi Tribunal
for Wai 42A, a claim lodged by Ngatl Kahu in 1986 (Wai 27).
prepared by
Des Tatana Kahotea M.A.(Hons)
December 1996
To the Registrar
Waitangi Tribunal
Statement of Claim
This amended statement of claim amends the statement of claim (Wai 27, 1986 )
We
N ga Kaumatua
Mack Apaapa
Morehu Ngatoko
Renare Rabiri
Alfred Brown
Ruruanga TeKeeti
Ern
LouieKnap
Nellie Ormsby
Me N ga Kaiwhakarite
Des Tatana Kahotea
Maxine Rewiti-Ngata
Philip Rikairo
Ngati KahuJNgati Pango
Ngati Rangi
Ngati KahuJNgati Rangi
Ngati KahuJNgati Rangi
Ngati KahuJNgati Pango
Ngati Pango
NgatiKahu
Ngati KahuJNgati Rangi
Ngati Pango
Ngati KahuJNgati Rangi
NgatiKahu
Ngati Kahu
Who Represent And Act On Behalf Of The Following Rapu,
Ngati Kahu, Ngati Rangi, Ngati Pango ofTe Ongaonga and Wairoa, Tauranga
Claim under the Treaty of Waitangi Act 1975, that we, and the Ngati Kahu, Ngati Rangi and
Ngati Pango hapu are prejudicially affected by the action of the Crown in:
1. The confiscation of our ancestral lands under the New Zealand Settlements Act 1863,
and Tauranga Districts Land Act 1867 and 1868.
It.
2. Extinguishment of Customary title over our ancestmllands under the New Zealand
Settlements Act 1863.
3. Administration of our lands by Commissioner's under the Tauranga Districts Land
Act 1867 and 1868.
4. Policies of the government to implement the confiscation of our lands which led to the
destruction of our villages, Te Irihanga, Poripori and Kaimai by government forces in
1867
5. Removal of Alienation Restrictions on the following lands that were returned
Poripori, Purakautahi, Te Irihanga, Waimanu, Oteora, Mataiwhetu, Te Ongaonga,
Kaimai, Kumikumi, Mangatotara Blocks
6. Imposition of Survey Liens on lands returned under the Tauranga District lands Act
1867,1868.
7. Inclusion by Commissioners of those with "take kore" claims to our ancestral lands.
8. Subsequent actions of successive governments and agents of the Crown who have
implemented policies and legislation which has affected the operation and maintenance
of our respective hapu. These are ordinances, acts, regulations, orders,
proclamations, notices and other laws and by various policies, practices and
omissions adopted by or on behalf of the Crown their agents of their successors.
A.
In particular we say as follows:
1. The actions of the Crown to confiscate our lands in the 50,000 Acre
Confiscation and policies in administration of confiscated land has put us in a state of
economic, social and cultural marginalisation from which we have not recovered.
2. The administration and action of the Commissioner's Court has led to the
alienation of waahi tapu, papakainga
3. Forced alienation of our ancestmllands has led to the disturbance and desecration of
our waahi tapu subsequent to confiscation and alienation.
4. Taking of lands for public works
Railway - Gazette 20/3/30 p. 791
State Highway 2 realignment.
5. Policies and actions of central, regional, local Government, and agents of the Crown,
that is detrimental to the social and cultural fabric and maintenance of our hapu.
Rating, District plan changes re zoning.
Last remaining hapu lands and marne under threat from prestiguous and high
density residential zoning and development.
6. Land valuation practice of Valuation New Zealand. Rural and urban growth and
development has placed us under incredible pressure to maintain our remaining lands
in face of limited ability to generate income to pay rates or other demands that are
placed on us as traditional land owners.
7. Mana of our sacred awa Te Wairoa appropriated by the Crown and now
administrated by local and central government.
8. Conflict of use with awa, immediate harbour, traditional resource areas, with
significant spiritual and historical places and objects. Despoliation of awa through
collapse of Ruahihi Canal.
9. The terrns and settlement of the Tauranga Raupatu with the Tauranga Moana Trust
Board Act 1981.
And We Claim that these matters are contrary to the principles of the Treaty of Waitangi.
B. We seek the Following Relief:
1. Seek fonns of redress either land or other for the severe economic, cultural, social
and political marginalisation we have endued since the confiscation of our lands.
2. Return of Reserve 4A DPS5233, fonner Lot 181 to Ngati Pango
3. Physical return of land alienated by the Raupatu that is of high cultural significance
(fonner pa/settlements, waahi tapu). Papa 0 wharia, Poteriwhi to Ngati Kahu and
Ngati Rangi, and Pukewhanake and Paorangi to Ngati Ranginui hapu.
4. The return of all Crown lands and public lands within the rohe of Ngati Kahu, Ngati
Pango and Ngati Rangi
5. A payment of compensation for land which has passed from the Crown into private
ownership.
6. An act of Parliament or change in law which affirms our ownership and mana status
and role as kaitiaki of our sacred awa, Te Wairoa
7. Seek an Act of Parliament to define our "Marne Community Zone" of Parish of Te
Papa 453, 8, 51; Parish of Te Puna 182 to protect the last remaining ancestral lands in
our ownership so that it would remain inalienable.
8. Policies and practices by the Crown and agents of the Crown such as Valuation New
Zealand, local and central government that either supports or is sympathetic to our
desire to retain the mana of our remaining lands.
9. Acknowledgement and commitment by the Crown to ensure the protection and
conservation of cultural and natural values of our ancestral landscape such as waahi
tapu, papatipu, mahinga kai, to maintain our mana and kaitiaki roles over the
confiscated lands.
Ngati Kahu, Ngati Rangi and Ngati Pango is without any independent funds and we seek:
1. That researchers be appointed to research and collate infonnation necessary for our
claim.
2. The claim to be heard at our marae at Te Wairoa, Taumnga
3. That the Tribunal give notice of this Application to the Crown Law Office, Taumnga
District Council, Western Bay of Plenty District Council, Valuation New Zealand and
others.
4. Joe Williams be appointed as our Counsel.
This Claim Amends our earlier claim Wai 27 of October 1986 made in the names of:
Albert Brown
Henare Rahiri
Mack Apaapa
Kotene Pihema
for the Ngati Kahu - Te Pura and 453 Trusts.
Contents
Foreword
1 .0 Introduction
1.1 Tauranga Raupatu
1.2 Raupatu whenua
2.0: History and tradition
2.1 Mahinarangi
2.2 Expansion East of Tainui Descent Groups
2.3 Koperu and Turora
2.4 19th Century
2.5 Mana whenua
2.6 Kahutapu
3.0 Pupuri Wbenua
3.1 Pai marire
3.2 Survey Disputes
3.3 Military Operations against Hau Hau Settlements
3.3.1 Comment
3.4. Discussion
3.4.1 Friendly Native Policy
3.4.2 Katikati - Te Puna Purchase Method
3.4.3 Boundary Dispute
3.4.4 The Role of the Commissioners
4.0 Te Koura I Kaimai
4. 1 Discussion
i - iv
1
5
10
19
22
22
26
32
38
45
46
48
53
61
71
74
77
81
85
87
94
105
5.0: Lifting of Alienation Restrictions
5.1 Purpose of Alienation Restriction
5.2 Waikato Land Speculation
5.3 Purchase Methods of Land Speculators
5.4 Kaimai Survey and Survey Liens
5.5 Kaimai Block
5.6 Barton Commission
5.7 Pori pori Block - Ngati Pango
5.8 Ngati Tane
Bibliography
Appendices
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
Maps
1
2
3
4
Settlements
Surrendered rebels
Rarangi lngoa 1883
Iwi Ngati Ranginui 1926
List of Owners - Poripori Blocks
List of Owners - Kaimai
List of OWners - Te lrihanga Block
List of Owners - Waimanu Blocks
List of OWners - Paiakamangaoatua (Patetere)
Wairoa Today
Wairoa 1864
Parish ofTe Papa Reserves
Native Reserves - Wairoa
107
111
114
115
117
128
131
133
140
141
144
145
146
149
152
154
157
158
159
2
7
11
12
5 Native Reserves - Between Te Puna and Wairoa Rivers 14
6 Parish ofTe Papa Lots 8, 8A, 91,453 15
7 Parish ofTe Papa Lots 8, 11,91, 91A, 92, 453 18
8 Te Hikoi a Mahinarangi 22
9 Ngamarama 27
10 Tainui Expansion East 30
11 19th C. Iwi Migration 33
12 Settlements 1830's - 1850's 37
13 Settlements 1864 51
14 Heales Survey 1865 54
15 Survey Disputes 57
16 Attack on Te lrihanga 63
17 Military Campaign 1866 - 67 67
18 Military Campaign 1866 - 67 70
19 50,000 Acre Confiscation 73
20 Sketch Plan of Kaimai (1876) 106
21 Land speculation - Waikato Patetere 119
22 Kaimai survey 122
23 Returned Lands Kaimai Blocks 134
24 Returned Lands Poripori, Te lrihanga 140
Foreword
Personal
My name is Des Tatana Kahotea In 1981 I graduated from Auckland University with a
B.A. and in 1984 with M.A.(Hons) in Anthropology with archaeology major. I trained
with the Smithsonian Institution in Anthropological Collections and Management and
have held lecturing positions with Waikato and Victoria Universities. My maternal great
grandmother Riripeti Ngarama was from Ngati Rangi and my paternal grandmother,
Matire Te Keeti was Ngati Kahu.
Riripeti Ngarama I
Te Pura Paraone I
Te Urukaihine I
Des Tatana Kahotea
The Report
Te Keeti Herewini I
Matire Te Keeti I
Te Reimana Kahotea
This report has been commissioned by the Waitangi Tribunal and has been
written to give weight to the claim against the Crown by Wairoa hapu, Ngati Kahu, Ngati
Rangi and Ngati Pango, regarding the confiscation of their lands in Tauranga and aspects
of policies and administrative practice of the Crown in the allocation of "returned lands"
of the Tauranga Raupatu. The following issues of claim against the Crown is addressed
in this report:
1. The confiscation of our ancestral lands under the New Zealand Settlements Act 1863,
and Tauranga Districts Land Act 1867 and 1868.
2. Extinguishment of Customary title over our ancestral lands under the New Zealand
Settlements Act 1863.
3. Administration of our lands by Commissioner's under the Tauranga Districts Land
Act 1867 and 1868.
i
4. Policies of the government to implement the confiscation of our lands which led to the
destruction of our villages, Te Irihanga, Poripori and Kaimai by government forces in
1867
5. Removal of Alienation Restrictions on the following lands that were retumed
Poripori, Purakautahi, Te Irihanga, Waimanu, Oteora, Mataiwhetu, Te Ongaonga,
. Kaimai, Kumikumi, Mangatotara Blocks
6. Imposition of Survey Liens on lands returned under the Tauranga District lands Act
1867,1868.
7. Inclusion by Commissioners of those with "take kore" claims to our ancestral lands.
The approach of this report leans heavily on the use of documented sources both private
and public to confirm the content of the claim. The intention is to give Ngati Kahu, and
Ngati Pango space within the claim process to present oral evidence, histories and stories.
The central thesis of this report will firstly show that the Wairoa hapu by ancestral origin,
history and territorial occupation illustrated by close kin and whakapapa links with Tainui
through Ngati Raukawa, became supporters of the Kingitanga and its "pupuri whenua"
kaupapa. Their commitment to this cause along with other Tauranga hapu brought about.
the confiscation of their lands in 1864. When the tide turned during the "government
settlement" of the confiscation in 1864 our tupuna embraced the Pai marire faith. They
were later identified as "Hauhau" when they disputed the survey of the 50,000 acre
confiscation. They isolated themselves to the inland areas of Tauranga with an aukati and
placed the mana of Tawhiao, the Kingitanga, over their lands as a political response to
maintain their "pupuri whenua" kaupapa in the face of Government policies and practice
in the establishment of Pakeha settlement in Tauranga.
A second theme will examine the Crown's practice and policies as they were implemented
in Tauranga in promoting "peaceful settlement" by Pakeha colonists, an objective of the
New Zealand Settlements Act 1863, which worked against these hapu to further reduce
their hapu estate. These policies pushed our tupuna to economic and social
ii
marginalisation. The tenns of the settlement, how it was achieved by the Crown and the
role of the "friendly chiefs" are issues that are raised in this report. The Crown used the
theme of the conquest of Ngati Ranginui by Ngaiterangi to elevate the mana of "friendly
chiefs" who were in the main Ngaiterangi and to marginalise any legitimate grievance of
the Hauhau who were Ngati Ranginui hapu. The Crown also acknowledged the role of
"friendly" chiefs in the Crown's promotion of the "peaceful" settlement of Tauranga by
Pakeha colonists by rewarding them with grants of land, pensions and other fonns of
patronage. Upholding the mana of Ngaiterangi over Ngati Ranginui and patronage of
"friendly natives II by the Crown worked against the Wairoa hapu in the administration
and allocation of the confiscated 50,000 acres and IIreturned lands ll .
The lifting of "alienation restrictions" on the llreturned lands" and the administrative
method used to define and acknowledge land claims adopted by Commissioners for the
returned lands resulted in these hapu suffering from an increase in size of area of land
confiscated, which was extended further inland beyond the 50,000 acres.
Twentieth century impacts, which will be dealt with in another report were the
development of rail and road infrastructures and neighbouring rural land, which placed
pressure on traditional resources associated with the river and harbour and encroachment
by the extension of urban boundaries. The Wairoa hapu are currently facing a
continuation of this process that is long tenn.
Contents
This report consists of written text and bibliography is material that is referred to in the
text.
iii
Further Research
This report has been affected by funding constraits on research budgets and the following
detail requires further elaboration and comment:
• Illustrate clearly that Ngati Kuku were not entitled to Ngati Pango lands, at Poripori
and Wairoa - Chapter 5.7
• Removal of alienation restrictions on Te Irihanga No.1
• More background on Ngati Pango and Ngati Rangi - Chapters 2, 3,5.
• Illustrate the impact of confiscation administration on Ngati Rangi re lands- Chapter 5
• Further background to Pai marire for these hapu - show kin links to Ngati Motai of
Kuranui - Chapter 3.1
.. Impact of 'lifting of alienation restrictions" on both Ngati Pango and Ngati Rangi,
Poripori and Te lrihanga - Chapters 5.3, 5.7,5.8 (Te Irihanga)
• Detailed description of relationships of Ngati Kahu, Ngati Pango and Ngati Rangi to
other hapu - Chapter 2.
• Distinguish who was Ngati Rangi and Ngati Pango among Pirirakau.
• Further whakapapa
iv
1 .. 0 Introduction
Ngati Kahu and Ngati Rangi are Ngamarama hapu that have remained on their ancestral
lands. Ngamarama are the first occupants of Tauranga lands, the upper Waihou in the
Waikato and Waihi and Whangamata areas. Ngati Pango ancestral origin is Tainui.
Ngati Kahu and Ngati Pango are located today on land bordering and overlooking the
Wairoa River, an important ancestral spiritual icon. Ngati Kahu has a marae and two
urupa, the pa Whakaheke and a small knoll known as Taumatawhioi. Ngati Pango has a
papa kainga located west of the Wairoa river consisting of resident landowners with the
hapu urupa, Pukehou, a pa known in the past as Pukekonui overlooking the Wairoa
River. Today, the identity of Ngati Rangi has been incorporated into Ngati Kahu, through
intermarriage, migration and leadership changes in this century. A factor which has
contributed to the amalgamation of these two hapu was the allocation of settlement
reserves by the Crown, parish of Te Papa, 453 and 91 both to Ngati Rangi and Ngati
Kahu. Traditional animosities between Ngati Kahu and Ngati Rangi are still maintained
by families continuing age old disputes that are a fact of life for Ngati Kahu. Although
intermarriage has blended some families there are still many families whose whakapapa is
distinctly Ngati Rangi. Ngati Pan go has survived as a hapu without a marae through
residence on ancestralla.tid or papa kainga.
Ngati Kahu is in the urban Tauranga District Council's area, created during the local
government amalgamation in 1989 which incorporated some areas of rural Tauranga
County renamed Tauranga District Council. The land is currently zoned as Ngati Kahu
Marne Community Zone under the District Plan and has a resident population of 220
and.48 households. The lands are administered by land trusts, 452 and Ngati Kahu -
1
~A80UR I -- --- -- ;:
figure' Wairoa Today
Te Pura with smaller whanau blocks. Ngati Pango are in the Western Bay of Plenty
District Council within the rural zone and consist of 6 households.
Ngati Kahu had the benefit of the first native school in Tauranga, which was established
under section 144 of the Land Act 1877, a policy of George Grey for the establishment of
Native Schools. With the allocation of the Parish ofTe Papa No.8 to Ngati Kabu an area
was defined as a school site to be later known as Te Paeroa or the Parish of Te Papa Sa.
The school was extended across the road and was known as Bethlehem Native School.
Since its establishment it served Ngati Kabu, Ngati Hangarau and Ngaitamarawaho
families.
Christian Missionary influence reached the hapu on the river in the 1830's, but many took
up the Pai Marire faith when it came to Tauranga in 1864. By the late 19th century,
religion became a matter of family preference or leaning. Today, Ratana, Mormon and
Church of England are the denominations to which Ngati Kahu and Ngati Pango belong.
The allocation of small hapu reserves in the 50,000 acre confiscation has meant that for
Ngati Kahu, Ngati Rangi and Ngati Pango, there has never been any opportunity for
commercial farming or horticulture. They have seen their Pakeha neighbours prosper on
their confiscated ancestral lands as the soils and climate have been exceptional for
dairying and horticulture. For these hapu migmtion for economic opportunity was the
common theme as the small reserves could never support hapu population growth during
the twentieth century.
These hapu, then, depended on their traditional subsistence economy, supplemented by
casual seasonal wage. The awa, moana and whenua that remained continued to provide
the stable elements of an economy that nurtured traditional cultural relationships of
people and land. Up to the late 1920's hapu members moved between the harbour edge
and bush edge at Poripori, Te Irihanga, Kaimai and such areas as the upper Wairoa
3
catchment at Popotetaka on the Opuiaki Stream, hunting, gathering and fishing. The late
Arthur Scott of Purakautahi, Kaimai, said it was common sight to come across bivouacs
along the bush edge in these areas in the 1910's and 1920's with shelters and cooking
utenstils abandoned by our tupuna until the following season. 1 Koroua and kuia or the
older generation, maintained this traditional economic lifestyle, until the 1930's when
their era ended with the passing away of their generation. It was not until the 1940's that
the younger hapu members worked in full time employment or became dependent on
wages.
The rapid growth experienced in Tauranga meant employment opportunities, but the
power schemes on the Waikato and forestry on the volcanic plateau drew people away.
The 1960's and 1970's saw the Bethlehem area threatened by urban expansion of the
Tauranga City but this was countered by the Tauranga County Council which
endeavoured to maintain the rural status because of its productive environment. Western
Bay of Plenty Urban Growth Strategy in 1986 recommended the extension of the urban
boundary into Bethlehem, but there was strong lobbying from orchardists who were
confident that the industry would maintain their lifestlye. But by 1992, poor returns from
Kiwi fruit, led to widespread support by Pakeha for residential development of
Bethlehem.
In 1986 in response to the Western Bay of Plenty Urban Development Strategy, the 453
Trust and Ngati Kahu Te Pura Trust of Ngati Kahu made a claim with the Waitangi
Tribunal (Wai 27) to seek support from the Waitangi Tribunal to maintain the Bethlehem
area as non urban and to seek redress for the confiscation of their lands in 1864. The
claim was rewlitten in 1995 to include Ngati Rangi and Ngati Pango.
1 Arthur Scott pers. COIJllD. 1982
4
1.1 Tauranga Raupatu
Raupatu Issues for Ngati Kahu, Ngati Pango and Ngati Rangi are:
1. 50,000 Acre Confiscation and Te Puna compulsory purchase.
2. Survey Disputes and attacks on inland settlements by British troops, New Zealand
Militia, and Maori forces.
3. Ufting of Alienation Restrictions on lands returned by the Crown
4. Destruction and desecration of valued sites or areas.
5. Mana of the Wairoa River
6. Marine and freshwater mahinga kai
7. Urban encroachment and impact on confiscated ancestral landscape
In 1864 our land in Tauranga was confiscated by the Crown as our tupuna of the Wairoa
hapu with others of Tauranga, were perceived by the Crown to be in breach of the New
Zealand Settlements Act 1863, by taking up arms against the Crown at Pukehinahina and
Te Ranga. Governor Grey promised at Tauranga in August of that year that he would
retain one quarter of the lands2. This one quarter was surveyed as the 50,000 acre
confiscation between the Wairoa and Waimapu Rivers, but was extended to include land
north of the Wairoa River in order to make up the area of useable land. This confiscation
included the settlements and hapu lands of Ngati Kahu, Ngati Pango and Ngati Rangi.
Lands west of the Wairoa River and south of Ruangangara Stream were investigated by
the Commissioners' Court in the late 1870's and early 1880's. The blocks examined were
Kaimai, Pori pori, Oteora, Waimanu and Te lrihanga. The process of investigation and the
policies of the Crown towards Kingitanga supporters implemented by local government
representatives meant that many members and the hapu themselves lost land either
2 Stokes 1990:38
5
through sale to Pakeha or because they were not allocated any land by the
Commissioners.
After the trauma of subjugation to the Crown in the aftermath of the battle at Te Ranga,
the three hapu moved to inland settlements in late 1864 where they embraced Pai Marire
brought by emissaries from Ngati Haua The majority of each hapu were to remain in
their inland bush edge settlements until the mid 1870's. They became active in resisting
the implementation of the Crown's land confiscation as that affected their lands. These
hapu were harassed not only by Colonial and Imperial troops, but also a Native
contingent comprising mainly Te Arawa and included Ngati Awa and Ngaiterangi, for
interfering with the survey of their confiscated lands.
Elements of the Wairoa hapu remained inland to present a uniform opposition to the
survey and opening of these lands. They rejected the confiscation and terms of surrender
and endeavoured to isolate themselves on the bush edge. Lands were investigated and
returned by Commissioners under the Tauranga Districts Lands Act 1867 and 1868. The
inland areas were subject to land speculators based in the Waikato who advanced money
which promoted rapid land alienation prior to any investigation undertaken by
Commissioners regarding title of land. The admittance of take kaTe on the list of
owners. exacerbated the impact of the 50,000 acre raupatu on these hapu with the lifting
of alienation restrictions and the eventual sale of the land in the 1880's.
These hapu were branded as Hauhau and were active in the resistance to survey of
confiscated land and the pacification policies of Crown agents to suppress mana Maori
and facilitate the "peaceful' settlement of Tauranga by Pakeha. The social and economic
cost was devastating.
Confinement of these hapu to their small confiscation reserves has meant there has been
no land based economic opportunities. Where lands were returned, the hapu had to
6
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compete with other landowners allocated ownership by Commissioners, based on Crown
confiscation policy rather than Maori land tenure principles.
This area of the Wairoa River and adjacent Harbour is important to the history of
Tauranga iwi and hapu. It is at the Pa Pukewhanake that conflict occurred between Ngati
Ranginui and Ngamarama which led to the eviction and taking of Ngamarama lands by
Ngati Ranginui. Ngamarama hapu have always remained in this area and are represented
by Ngati Rangi, Ngati Kahu, Ngati Tane and Ngati Tira.
In 1864 the three hapu were located at their pa in the Wairoa district at Pukekonui, Papa 0
wharia and Poteriwhi3 . The allocation of hapu reserves in the 50,000 acre confiscation
meant that Ngati Kahu and Ngati Rangi were both confined to the lands known as Te
Pura, Parish of Te Papa Blocks 453, 8, and 91. The Ngati Pango hapu reserve was
Parish of Te Puna 182. In 1864 Smith recorded Ngati Motai living at Purakautahi. There
are close kin links between Ngati Kahu and Ngati Motai who lived at Kuranui on the
Patetere side of the Kaimai. They were owners of Kaimai land and their relationship to
the Wairoa hapu is commemorated by the name of the tekoteko of the wharenui of the
marae as Uawhiti.4 Tradition has it that the original tekoteko came from Patetere.
During 1897 an area was prepared for a marne at Te Pura which was established by both
Ngati Kahu and Ngati Rangi on the site of the present marae. The families of the hapu
Ngati Kahu and Ngati Rangi now identify as Ngati Kahu. This has come about both by
intermarriage between these two hapu and leadership changes that occurred this century.
The pa Whakaheke and another site Taumata whioi have been used as urupa for these
hapu. Intermarriage between Ngati Pango and Ngati Kahu and Ngati Rangi has occurred
as wen. Although families of Ngati Pango use the Te Pura marne, their mana remains
3 4
T.ll. Smith's census, AJHR 1864, E2 see whakapapa p.45
8
with land holdings on the west side of Te Wairoa and outside Tauranga in the Waikato.
They continue to use their urupa Pukehou.
Ngati Kahu's claim before the Waitangi Tribunal includes Ngati Pango. The two hapu
share a economic, social and spiritual focus of the river Wairoa but their kin links and
lands at Wairoa and further are separate and distinct.
Ngati Kahu lands follow the Wairoa river inland to the Kaimai neighbouring the hapu
Ngati Hangarau of Peterehema and in the Kaimai, hapu of Ngati Raukawa. Ngati Pango
and Ngati Rangi lands extend on the west side of the Wairoa River, to Poripori, Te
Irihanga and Te Whakamarama with the Pirirakau.
Ngamarama became dominated by different iwi but many hapu remained and
intermarriage occurred between the ancestors with the merging of Ngamarama with those
iwi who dominated them. The ancestral mana to the land of these two hapu was never
extinguished by either Ngati Ranginui, Ngaiterangi and Ngati Raukawa. Ngati Kahu,
Ngati Rangi and Ngati Pango claimed the return of lands before the Commissioners Court
in the 1880's under the mana whenua of their Ngamarama tupuna For Ngati Kahu this
was Te Hoata for some Kaimai lands and for Ngati Rangi Paretotaha for Te Irihanga.
Ngati Pango have a Tainui origin. Their tupuna took the Ngamarama lands on the western
slopes of the Kaimai ranges, east of the Waihou river into the Taurangaarea. Ngati Pango
are a distinct hapu but come under the claim of Ngati Kahu and have combined with them
for the Raupatu.
The three hapu identify themselves as Ngati Ranginui hapu and descend from important
Ranginui lines, but the main lines of descent they acknowledge are Ngamarama and
Raukawa.
9
102 Raupatu Whenua
The following is a list of lots in the Parish of Te Papa and Te Puna of the former hapu estate of
Ngati Rangi. Ngati Kahu and Ngati Pango allocated to individual non-hapu members:
Parish of Te Papa
Fairfax Johnson
Hori Ngatai
Enoka
TeKuka
Paroto Tawhiorangi
Ruka Huritaupoki
Parish of Te Puna
Maihi Haki and Others
" " II
Enoka Te Whanake II II " " II II
Huhana Arawaire (Susan Calloway)
177
Lot
12.93
10
9
92
13
99
175
176
178
179
180
209
203
183
Papa 0 wharia or Lot 14 was not allocated to anyone by the Crown.
10
/ I
\ "
",. -
\ \ \
\
\. \ ,
Figure 3 Parish of Te Papa Reserves ....
" ,~
" " ,," ,~
I'
o r;£
Figure 4 Native Reserves III Wairoa
The following is a list of lands returned to hapu by the Commissioners Court:
Ngati Kahu
Ongaonga 1 * ,
Ongaonga2*
Purakautahi *
Mataiwhetu*
Ruakaka
Ngati Rangi
Te lrihanga*
Ngati Pango
Poripori*
Mangatotara *
1333 acres
2500 acres
A chronology of events relating to the land confiscation for the three hapu:
1864
Land confiscated under the New Zealand Settlements Act 1864
50,000 acre confiscation between Waimapu and Wairoa Rivers and an area west of the Wairoa
River and Te Puna
Te Puna Purchase
* inel uded with other bapu
13
o 'Y
',' ,I,{').',
. {/ JJl1ull. o. o
.' " .;.' • -<.
-:..!
.• 1
. ,," ....
.97 . o·
tI .to.
17 ,I,."
(1 ,,' ···.0 ... , .. .V/ - 0 /i'D!.
~o· SJ
.:", ,.
• \;.e.
Paorangi
G'/' /=
~.:
" . 0'0" :2 .. 4.0 .'. ..e qg
23
Figure 5
.L
.. < .. . ..
.. ' ,. .
Native Reserves Between Te Puna and Wairoa Rivers 1865
.'.
,
./ORJ?o· , ~ ..' .
, 1
/.
~.
\ " . , , .
\ ' . \
Hori Ngatai rna,
I:' 11·1 •. 5'.
()
" I' 182
'.:
, ..
\ \
2·1 183 .Jt . HUhana Kar~wera
!Figure 6 Parish of TePapa lots 8, 8A, 91 453
55
/30 o 10
!12
o 0
34
53
o
371
·0
1865
Order in Council 18 May 1865 dispossessing all Tauranga lands as defined by boundary as a
direct result of battles at Gate Pa and Te Ranga
1866
Heale's Survey for the Parish ofTe Papa (Otumoetai Block) setting out compensation reserves
for Lots 8,91,453 in the 50,000 Acre Confiscation Block. The Native Land Court had no
jurisdiction in Tauranga because of the New Zealand Settlements Act 1863.
1866, 1867
Tauranga District Lands Act 1867, 1868. Commissioners were appointed to determine
ownership of lands and establish reserves.
Ngati Kahu Parish of Te Papa 8,91,453
Ngati Rangi Parish of Te Papa 91,453
Ngati Pango Parish ofTe Puna 182
1883
Lot 91A partition, by road Proclamation 8248
1885
Native School Site, Lot 8A under section 144 of the Land Act 1877.
The Governor may reserve ... for use, support, or education of aboriginal natives of
the colony.
1886
Crown Grant given to Lots 453, 91 and 8 given to Ngati Kahu and Ngati Rangi
16
1890
Lots 12 and 93, Crown Grant given to Ellen Home, wife of Robert Home settler of Tauranga.
1907
Under Land Act of 1892 Crown Grant given to Anne Macready Brown of Auckland for lots
91A and 11.
17
figure 1 Parish of Te Papa lots 8, 11,91,91 A, 91,453
()
\)- , .. , " ~. ~ --09-L;-J"c/ /;;'''''~'r/ j;',..,r"/v. u (). r··N~ . .. --:.3 /0. . . ..... ~ .. f.)." T'---.... _ • . -. .-J :::<s . < ... ~, .. :.( .. I~ Land taken for Railway '-> /0 - .?C
(:.'':J;':. Gaz. 20/3/30 p. 791
)
./
92
Papa 0 wharia .
. . .. ' ..
..
2.0 History and Tradition
Ngati Kahu and Ngati Rangi are Ngamarama hapu in origin and according to Te Kani 1
and Wilson2 Ngamarama preceded the waka and waka descent groups who came to
Tauranga to settle. Other Ngamarama hapu along the Wairoa River were Ngati Tane and
Ngati Tira who were associated with specific hapu lands and area, were a mixture of
whanau from Te Ngare (Oponui), Ngati Kahu, Ngati Rangi and Ngati Pango. They
identified themselves as land owners for the Waimanu blocks at the Commissioner's
Court. Ngati Pango is of Tainui origin and has been incorporated into the socio-political
sphere of Tauranga-iwi. Wilson's description of Ngamarama was:
They lived originally at Matamata and other places in the upper Thames
Valley, whence they moved to Tauranga, and occupied the central and
we~~rn portions of that district. They were a numerous people at the time
the canoes came from Hawaiki; too numerous, and uninviting, probably,
for the immigrants by Takitimu to remain when they visited Te Awanui,
the name Tauranga Harbour was known then, on their way to the
South .... There is a remnant of Ngamarama still living at Te Irihanga at
T auranga known by the name of Ngatirangi.3
The history of Ngamarama in Tauranga has been influenced by a late 19th century
perception or tradition that as their occupation had been extinguished by Ngati Ranginui,
so had their identity or operation as a hapu.Nineteenth century accounts of the tradition of
occupation in Tauranga emphasise conquest of tangata whenua by first Ngati Ranginui
and second Ngaiterangi.
1 2 3
Te Kani, T. Journal of Tauranga Historical Society (nBS) 1970:14. Wilson 1906: 137-8 ibid.
19
The Ngamarama were the earliest occupants of this district, when the
Waitaha came, they drove the Ngamarama across the Waimapu and
occupied Hairini, Ranginui appeared; and also attacked the Ngamarama. It
was not till after some time that they fought in concert. At first each was
waging an independent war on the Ngamarama. 4
In evidence given to the Maori Land Court for the Taumata and Mangorewa Blocks, the
Ngaitamarawaho agents presented infonnation that when Tia of the Te Arawa waka came
through the area, the Ngamarama were in occupation of the Tauranga area Ranginui Te
Kaponga in hearings for the Taumata and Mangorewa Blocks said that the:
4
Ngamarama were the earliest occupants of this district when the Waitaha
came, they drove them across the Waimapu and occupied Hairini,
Maungatapu and other places on that side of the harbour. Ngamarama
retained possession of T e Papa side. Waitaha conquest did not extend to the
west side. They were still at war when Ranginui appeared.
T ahirangi was the first pa at which Ranginui resided. It was at the time the
pa of Taka of the Ngamarama ..
Ranginui came with all his people and some of his young men crossed the
Wairoa to the Peterehema side. They quarrelled over a child that had been
drowned in the river by the Ngamarama and Ranginui (the iwi) took the pa
at Te Haehaenga and Matuaiwi. The chiefs who fell were Te Poka, Oruanui
and Kaiarero and places have been named after them. The Ngamarama were
driven out of the district back to the inland settlements but Ranginui did
not cross the harbour to Maungatapu. Subsequently he went on fighting his
way inland to Te Taumata. He again met the Ngamarama at Hikaateaawe (a
pa) and defeated them and pursued them in the forests. The Ngamarama
chief was Raho. At Kopikopiko they struck Raho's trail and followed it and
Whakatana Em Tauranga Minute Book TMB 2: 122
20
called the stream by its present name . He was eventually caught at T e
Rerenga, called Te Rerenga 0 Raho from his leaping down into the bed.
After this battle, the Ranginui returned to Tauranga having driven the
Ngamarama absolutely out of the district. 5
Ngati Kahu has played down its Ngamarama origin in affirmation of support to Ngati
Ranginui this century or Ngaiterangi last century. But its identity has remained with the
names of the wharenui and wharekai, Kahu and Te Hoata respectively, and the many
family tupuna names that are still in use.
2.1 Mahinarangi
An early association of Ngati Kahu with Ngati Raukawa goes back to traditions that
remain with Kaimai and Te Poi (Hanga) families. Their tradition is that when
Mahinarangi was travelling from Heretaunga to meet with Turongo who had gone ahead
of her, on the Waikato River, she travelled through the Kaimai area. She was hapu with
Raukawa and accompanied by her mokai, she walked through the area to cross over the
Krumai on the Arapohatu track to give birth to Raukawa at Whenuakura at the foot of the
western slopes of the Kaimai Range. Many place names in the Krumai are attributed to
this journey and the origin of Kaimai is Mahinarangi approaching a kuia resident in the
area and making a reference to food. We can gather from this that Kaimai was occupied
during this journey of Mahinarangi. There are other versions which describes her journey
further south in the area, that is Paengaroa, rather than the Arapohatu track.
5
The long journey by way of Wairoa, Lake Waikaremoana, and Rotorua was
accomplished, then by keeping on the right-hand side of the
Ranginui Te Kaponga TMB 2:96-7
21
Figure 8 Te Hikoi a Mahinarangi
Okoroire
Mataiwhetu
TeRipi
Ruahihi
Waiwhakangau Stream they reached the Opuiaki River at Te Rere i
Oturu6.
Pei Jones writes that Mahinarangi came via Rotorua to "a little this side of Tirau" and
gave birth to Raukawa at Okoroire where a hot water spring is named after her 7.
The variation of the theme of the route of Mahinarangi reflects the different Raukawa
hapu located along the western foot of the Kaimai. The
tradition of Mahinarangi for the Kaimai emphasises for each hapu the special place their
area hasjn their history as a Ngati Raukawa hapu.
2.2 Expansion East of Tainui Descent Groups
Tainui descent groups' territorial expansion went from Patetere over the Kaimai Range to
the Wairoa River. The Commissioner's Court had awarded the Kaimai, Mangatotara and
Kumikumi blocks to Ngati Raukawa hapu who lived in and cultivated these areas. Their
tradition as explained in the Native Land Court's investigation of title of Kaokaoroa and
Patetere areas, was that the Ngamarama was in occupation of the upper Waihou and
through battle ancestors dominated the
Ngamarama, acquiring their territory to the Wairoa River on the Tauranga side.
The Tainui waka entered the Tauranga harbour but continued the journey around the coast
to land at Maketu in the Kawhia harbour establishing themselves in the immediate Kawhia
area8, Turi Te Kani gives a chronological sequence of Tainui waka as first entering the
Tauranga harbour and found the area occupied:
6 7 8
Kaimai School Booklet 1993 Jones P, (Biggs ed.) Tainui 1995:72 Kelly 1949:60
23
these tribes were so numerous that, after a few months stay at Matakana,
the Tainui waka left the harbour again. 9
He says that Takitimu came to Tauranga three to four generations after the Tainui waka.
Over a number of generations these Tainui people gradually moved inland to Whaingaroa
(Raglan), and by the nineteenth century Tainui descent groups formed the northern and
western boundary to Tauranga. Kelly says:
For some years the centre of settlement remained close to Kawhia, but by
the time of Kakati the occupation of the country had extended to
Whaingaroa in the north and to Moeatoa to the south. lO
Tawhao divided his territory between Whatihua and Turongo, the north given to
Whatihua and the south to Turongo:
.. the line drawn was practically the same as that followed by the northern
boundary of the King Country)1
This region then became occupied by-thedesceIiaafimofTurongo and Whatihua
Turongo moved to Rangiatea and the uri of Whatihua established themselves at
Maungatautari (Kauwhata). They crossed the Waikato and moved east (Koperu, Turora),
displacing tangata whenua collectively called Ngamarama from Tirau to the western
foothills and the watershed of the Kaimai Ranges, to occupy these areas from Tapapa to
Okauia. Uri of Raukawa occupied the valley between Maungatautari and Whakamaru to
merge with the uri of Whatihua of the area referred to as Kaokaoroa ki te Patetere and to
be collectively known as Ngati Raukawa. Uri of Whatihua moved east to the Waihou
from Waiharakeke to Tapapa and into Tauranga, west of the Wairoa River.
9 10 11
Turi TeKani ITHS 1970:14 Kelly 1949:68 Kelly 1949:75
24
The land originally belonged to Ngatiamaru, Te Kurapoto, Te
Rarauheturuhunga - the great name was Ngamarama. Koperu and Kauamo
first fought them. The fighting began at Tirau, Parewhero, Paeroa were
all taken. The first fight was Taie. Koperu made nine attacks. Koperu did
not exterminate the Ngamarama but he took land from them namely Tirau,
Parewhero and Paeroa (near Okoroire, Waikato East) . Koperu and
Kauamo his elder brother ceased to fight the Ngamarama and divided the
conquered land. Koperu got Tirau. Kauamo got from Ahira to
Turangamoana, including Mangawhero. 12
Tainui13
Hoturoa
Hotuhope
Hotumatapu
Motai
Ue
Rakamaomao
Kakati
Tawhao ______________ 1 _________________ _
Whatlhua
Uenukuterangihoka ____ 1, ____ ---
Turongo
Raukawa
waahi
Whaingaroa
Rangiatea
Kotare Tamapango I
Kauwhata
12 13
Paratene Hihitaua, Ngati Hinerangi WMB4:8 Kelly 1949- various wbakapapa tables
Maungatautari
2S
2.3 Koperu and Turora
The eastward expansion of Tainui descent groups on the western side of the Kaimai
Range is the source of the many links between Ngati Kahu and Tainui hapu and important
ancestral linkages to Waikato. This expansion eastwards of Tainui descent groups was to
come over the Kaimai into Tauranga to the western side of the lower Wairoa River,
displacing N gamarama.
It was Koperu who first began the fighting on these lands from Patetere to
the Aroha. He conquered the Ngamarama, to whom all the land originally
belonged. After that he went to Tauranga to attack the rest of Ngamarama
who went there. He went in pursuit of Parure, a chief of Ngamarama, who
had fled there. Koperu attacked and took a pa at T auranga named
Hauamatewaha. Parure escaped and fled to the Ngaiterangi tribe for
protection. Koperu came back. He came back to his pa at Te Ratapiko, and
after a time went to Hauraki to Wharewera .. 14
He met a man named Ihu and followed him and caught up with him at Mangakahika
which he declared was his boundary.
Koperu had not quite destroyed the Ngamarama in their first fights. After
the death of Koperu his grandsons Tokotoko, Tangata and Te Riha left their
former pas, separated themselves from Ngati Raukawa, and came to live at
Okauia. Their pas were Opitokura, Ruapupu and others,. They commenced
to fight the remnant of Ngamarama. 15
14 TeKawauWMB3 15 ibid
26
Figure 9 Ngamarama
MN
\
Tainui
o 30km ,
Uenukuterangihoka16
Tamapango Kotare
Koperu
Kauwhata Tukorehe
Tuwaewae
Tangata Tokotoko Riha
Ngati Hinerangi
In an incident Tangata struck the wife of Tokotoko over the head and fled to
Waiharaheke, where lived the Ngati Tama and Ngati Puakaimangeo hapu of Ngamarama.
He was dissatisfied with the size of eels that were offered up as food and feigned injury
by Ngamarama. When Tokotoko heard that his brother had been injured by Ngamarama:
He and his army went to attack the Ngamarama on Waiharakeke. They
exterminated them entirely. The Ngati Hinerangi obtained the "mana' over
the land as far as Mangakahika. After the destruction of Ngarnarama
T okotoko returned to his pa at Opitikura. 17
In an incident with his wife's tribe of Tapuika he broke his taiaha and 'struck the broken
weapon into the ground, and it became the boundary of the land which he had taken from
Ngamarama on that side, Owhenuakura'.
The Ngati Hinerangi became the owners of all these lands from
Whenuakura South to Mangakahika North. Our east boundary was
Hamamatewaha. Our west boundary Waipuna.
16 Steadman 1984 17 TeKawauWMB3
28
Those who were attacked at Huharua were Ngati T okotoko, a section of
Ngati Hinerangi who were living there. It was part of the land which we
had conquered from Ngamarama.
It was not until the time of the missionaries came that the Ngati T awhaki
and Ngatirangi18 became one with us, lately in the days of our fathers the
Ngati Tawhaki got the land to the West of boundary- the Paeotuarawara.
The Ngati Rahiri had the land to the North of us. On the Tauranga side was
a section of ours, the Pirirakau.
Mangawhero belonged formerly to Ngamarama, same as Okauia, Koperu
and Kauamo fought them. Their fights were in the West side of Waihou.
Kauamo took all the land from Turangamoana to Mangawhero from
Ngamarama.19
Further south along the Waihou, the conquest of Ngamarama was taken up by the uri of
Kauwhata and Tukorehe.
Turora acquired his land by the appointment of Tukorehe who divided his
land between Punoke and Turora. Tukorehe was the father of both Punoke
and Turora. There was a boundary made between these parties at that time
as I have heard from my elders ... Turora claimed on the North side of that
boundary. Mangapouri is part of the lands of Turora. Some of Turora's
lands have passed through the court, Rangitanuku, Paiakamangaoatua,
ekoroire;;20
Traditions of Ngati Ranginui, Ngati Raukawa and Ngati Hinerangi cite their conquest of
Ngamarama and extinguishment of the mana, Ngamarama hapu remained to be either
absorbed through intermarriage and political domination with Ngati Ranginui and Ngati
Raukawa, or they were able to maintain their mana on the whenua.
18 19 20
Ngati Rangi of Ngati Raukawa Te kawau WMB 3 Paora Te Karetai WMB 4
29
Figure 10 Tainui Expa,nsion East
MN
i
o 30km I I
The Ngamarama were conquered and the land taken by Koperu, Kauamo,
Tahua, Te Rama and others, but they intermarried with the conquerors
and their descendants became rangatira. 21
Ngati Here sprang from Whauwhauharakeke, and Here was contemporary
with Turora. Ngatituwharetoa under Tamamutu attacked Ngati Here and
took all pa were taken except for one but Tuwharetoa were caught in
pursuit and Tamamutu was killed. At this time Turora was living at Tirau
and Ngatitai a hapu of Ngamarama killed one of Turora's people was killed
and he attacked the Kakaho, Upokotoki and defeated them. He then attacked
the Ngati Kahu, Ngati Tira and other hapu of the Ngamarama and
chased them as far as Tauranga. Turora did not attack the Ngatihere
section of Ngamarama, and they were left on their lands ....
Here lived on these lands in his time. Whai lived on them in his time, and
their descendants have lived on them since. They have intermarried with
Ngati Raukawa and have become one people. The Ngati Raukawa were
descended from the same ancestor Te Whauwhauharakeke ... The Ngati Here
as a tribe are nearly extinct. 22
The Commissioners Court awarded the Mangatotara Block to Ngati Tokotoko
(descendants of Tokotoko, Tangata and Kura), Ngati Hinerangi, Ngati Kura, Ngati
Pango, and Ngati Te Riha
21 Wiremu Haumu WMB 4:279 22 Timoti Whakataua WMB 4:280-281
31
2.4 19th Century
These relationships or kin links between Ngati Kahu, Ngati Rangi, and Ngati Pango and
Ngati Raukawa hapu became important during the nineteenth century, Tauranga provided
access to coastal trading stations for inland Ngati Raukawa. Three major factors
determined the roles of the three hapu. There was first the turmoil of events begun by the
introduction of the "pu" as a weapon and used by Ngapuhi on Waikato and Hauraki iwi.
Second was Maori reaction to the rapid Pakeha immigration and the demand it placed on
Maori land. Third, the role of Tauranga hapu in their support of the Kingitanga through
military and economic aid to Waikato.
The use of the musket by Ngapuhi against Hauraki, Tamaki and Waikato created turmoil
in these areas, and led to the migration of Tamaki and Hauraki to the Waikato River.
Tension between Hauraki and Ngati Raukawa of Maungatautari led to the migration of
Ngati Raukawa from Maungatautari and Patetere to Kapiti. Hauraki iwi crossed the
Waikato River to Maungatautari and other areas that Ngati Raukawa had vacated.
Ngati Raukawa were defeated at Maungatautari and that was the reason that
some left this part. Some of them went south, and said to the residing 'you
live here to be consumed by Waikato'. 23
During this period according to Te Awanui Kiritapu of Ngati Kirihika:
Time of Hauraki in Raukawa area, battles, Kirihika was in Tauranga .. 24
which would have been in the Kaimai and on the Wairoa River with Ngati Kahu. Ngati
Haua under the mana ofTe Waharoa became a force in the Waikato leading to major
conflict between Hauraki and Ngati Haua and the eventual push out of the area. On the
23
24 Maihi Te Uata WMB 5:101 Te Awanui Kiritapu WMB 6 p149-150
32
Figure II J 9th C. Iwi Migration (1820 - 1830's)
MN
t
Key .... ,*' .. "'",. ..
(, ,) Ngapuhi Raids '"',n,'''
o I
30km
return of Hauraki back to their area, Ngati Koroki were placed by Waharoa at
Maungatautari. 25
Immediately after this a inter-regional war flared up that raged for ten years, in Tauranga,
Matamata, Maketu and Rotorua between Te Arawa, Ngaiterangi and Waikato. This was
instigated by the murder of Hunga of Ngati Haua by Te Huka of Tuhourangi. 26
The incursions of Ngapuhi with their muskets in the Waikato and the subsequent conflict,
made muskets the prime commodity of trade. Upon leaving Waikato, Hauraki blocked the.·
Waihou and Piako Rivers as outlets for trade, forcing Ngati Haua and allied hapu to take
trade goods directly to Tauranga. The Wairoa hapu at the river mouth were situated in an
important location for trade with inland Raukawa hapu on the western slopes of the
Kaimai and inland Waikato.
Ngati Koroki was placed by Waharoa at Maungatautari from Tamahere and Nukuhou.
Ngati Koroki were forced by Ngati Haua to bring their trade goods over the Kaimai to
Wairoa and we find Ngati Koroki establishing links with Wairoa hapu. The missionary
A.N. Brown recorded in his diary visits to Wairoa and Pukewhanake and inland
settlements where we note the association of Ngati Koroki and other Waikato and
Raukawa hapu with hapu of the Wairoa River.
25 26
April 1 st 1838
Morning visited the Wairoa River where there is a party of enquiring
natives living. About 40 assembled for service the rest had been absent
several days in the woods taking up potatoes for the "believers" of
Waikato who it is reported will accompany the fight to the number of 200
in order to sit at the papa for our protection while the invading army pass
through.
Kelly 1949 Stafford 1967:226
34
27
Feb. 7th 1 842 Visited Pukewhanake.
1842 February 23rd
Left home for Maungatautari & Matamata. Slept in the woods at the back of
Tauranga at a place called Pawakahorohoro27, but only found 9 Natives.
There is a larger party in the woods who have outwardly joined the R.C.
Church, and another small tribe belonging to us at Purakautahi, but as
they are dispersed I regret that I shall not be able to see them.
1842 May 7th
Went to Pukewhanaki to see the Natives raise the posts of their new
chapel, size 48 by 26. A party from Maungatautari, 70 in number, are
over to assist in the erection.
1842 Dec. 1 st
1844 Jan. 21 st
Mokomokora e, ..
1846 March 1
Visiting Pukewhanaki...
Morning at PukewhanakLAfterwards to
At Pukewhanaki. A small but attentive
congregation of SO Natives ... Visited a sick man at the opposite pa
1848 April 15 Went overland to Pukewhanaki in order to spend
the sabbath with that party tomorrow
June 2nd, 1 858
evening service
see fig. 11
Went to Pukewanaki and addressed the Natives at
35
Jan. 20th 1 850
morning, .•. 28
Held Divine service at Pukewhanaki in the
In 1842 Ensign Best recorded the following visit to Pukewhanake:
The chief of this place Hamiora was an old friend of mine a most
intelligent and go ahead young man was not at home but his people treated
us with every hospitality taking pride in showing me all they had worthy
of attention. The principal objects were a well built and roomy church and
a small field of fine wheat. Puke whanaki is prettily situated on the face of
a steep cliff it is a place of considerable strenght and the regularity and
cleanliness pervading the settlement bespeaks the presence of a Master
mind. 29
In 1866 Mackay described the residents of Pukewhanake:
28 29 30 31
Maihi30, and some of the loyal Natives residing at Pukewhanake, near the
Wairoa, who have cultivations and a store of potatoes at a place named Te
Porepore, near T e Irihanga, have been stopped from proceeding there, and
their potatoes are said to be now in the possession of the Twelve Apostles
of Ngatiporou.31
Brown, A.N. Jownall835-1846 Ensign Best 1842 Maihi Haki Mackay to Richmond 26th November 1866. AJHR 1867 A20:35
36
Figure 12 Settlements. 1830's - 1850's
2.5 Mana Whenua
The concept of mana whenua is complicated for Ngati Rangi, Ngati Kahu and Ngati Pango.
First is their Ngamarama origin and second the overlays of other descent groups, Ranginui and
Raukawa over their lands. The Wairoa awa is recognised by iwi and hapu in Tauranga today as
having a special place for Ngati Kahu and this status is reinforced with the tradition of their
taniwha resident on the awa.32
The lands of Ngati Rangi and Ngati Pango are on the west side of the Wairoa River, Ngati
Kahu followed east on the Wairoa River up to Ruahihi where the lands of the three hapu were
located on both sides of the river. Their mana is signified by pa located along the river to
Ruahihi and Mangakarengorengo and Opuiaki and inland on the bush edge at Te lrihanga,
Poripori and Kaimai and importantly the awa itself.
Ngati Kahu kin links to Ngati Raukawa hapu are through Ngamarama and direct descent
from Ngati Raukawa ancestors.
)
I have a claim on the land between the two lines (Cooke and Creagh's survey) through my ancestor
Tawharangi. Ngatitira owned the land before the time of Tawharangi, who got it through
intermarriage with Ngatitira. I can give my geneology .. .33
32 33
Stokes, E. Stories of Tauranga Moana TeAwanui Kiritapu WMB 6:149-150
38
34
35 36
Ko Raumati te tupuna
Raumati34
Karewa
Ngarara whakawae
Ngamarama
Ngamarama whakapapa
I __________________ ~------------------I I I Tane Kahu Tim
Waimuhu Putaputa Tamaue
Toroa Te Ikaatereni Tamawaha
Matuaiwi Te Hoata35 Te Manukikaitara
Te Amwhata Toko
Pakaruwakanui Kahoe
Roropakaru Rahiri
Te Huri* Ata
TeOre Auru
Tereapu Tapui
Ihiata Pitakataka
Perahia
Ngati Rangi Ngati Kahu
*Te Huri36
TeOre
TeHongi
Perahia
TeTaenui
Tahuri
TeKumeroa
Steadman, taken from Ngawharan Ms
Tupuna name of the Ngati Kahn marae wharekai Ngawharan Ms
Wharemaheuheu Kaimahoe
TeMaioro
TeAwaroa
Mikaere
Ngataierua
Toi
TeWeku
Rowha
Werohia
39
Raumati37 I
Karewa I
Ngarara whakawae I
Ngamarama I
Taane I
Waimuhu I
Toroa I
Matuaiwi , TeArawhata , Pakaru , Raropakaru , Te Huri ,
I TeOre
Ko Tira te tupuna
,--------, I
I TeTaenui
Wharemaheuheu Kaimahoe
Patu Te Maioro
Peru* Awarua
Peru
Ngakete
Matire
Paraiki
37 ibid.
Mikaere
Ngataierua
Toi
I I TeRa Hinemutu
TeAukaha Te Hikaroa
Kiritapu TeWheoro
Tutanumia Wairua
Whaiapu Titihuia
Hinekura Hinekura
I I Hinemoe Weka
Pukepue
Meri
Heera
Hoani Wikiriwhi
40
The whakapapa shows the intennarriage of Ngamarama tupuna with tupuna who descend from
Koroki and Tukorehe. A line of descent from Motai, the eponymous ancestor of both Ngati
Apunga and Ngati Motai of Patetere, who were landowners of Kaimai and resident at
Purakautahi, a papakainga on the Wairoa river.
Koroki -----------------Kahurere
Waihekerangi
Tauwhao
Te Kapua
Ue(rata)
TeKanu
TeKawainga
Te Whainga
Pitakataka
Motai
Whawha
Te Huia
Uawhiti
Ngaparetaihinu----------Tukorehe
Ponoke
Korouta
Hikapa
Hineuta --- Rahiri
TeAta
TeAuru
TeTapui
Pitakataka
Te Apunga-------------------Naiti ----------Tatatu----------tairanga------Ko,ukou
Tauterangi I I
I I Ngati Taha
Ngati Raukawa
Herewini
The Motai whakapapa shows the relationship between Ngati Kahu and Ngati Raukawa hapu.
Tatatu Tairanga Koukou
Puatohimaru Te Kahukoera Iamarau
Temanawa TeRua Kaitangata
Te uruheuheu Tuhirara Koharere
Te Huahoa Ngaruhe Ngangana
Waikoura Ngatangi Panetoka
Te Mete Raukawa Ngati Panini
Joe Wiremu Tereoiti
Nikora TeOti TePakaru
Motai38
38 Billy Henry Ngati Kirihika
41
For the Oteora Block, Waimanu, Ngati Rangi under Hatana Ngawharau as agent and Hera
Hatana Ngawharau as speakers, were counterclaimants but were awarded the Irihanga Block.
Claims were made by Ngati Tane under Hatana Ngawharau and Hera to Te Pepene as part of
Te Waimanu. But Ngati Tane under Hone and Te Uara Taharangi were awarded part of
Waimanu Block and they claimed land in the Poripori Block. In the Poripori case Hera
Ngawharau claimed as Ngati Tira a strip on the east side of block.
Tira, Tane and Kahu are uri of Ngamarama according to Ngawharau whakapapa
"ko nga iwi 0 Te Wairoa i heke iho ia Ngamaramatl• Ngati Rangi and Ngati Taane both descend
from the tupuna Taane and are closely associated. In a letter to Commissioner Clarke from Te
Uam Taharangi he claimed that Ngati Taane owned Pukewhanake and that they were excluded
from the crown grant.39
Pukewhanake is seen by both Ngati Kahu and Ngati Rangi as belonging to Ngati Rangi. Some
senior hapu members say that after moving from Whakamarama in the 1870's Ngati Rangi
moved to Pukewhanake. According to Calloway Ms a whakapapa is listed showing that
Taharangi of Te Ngare married Paetao of the Ngamarama who was Ngati Tane from which Te
Ngare families or Ngati Tane were included in Te Irihanga with Ngati Rangi. Taharangi had
two wives, Te Ori and Paretao. In 1891, Rapata Karawe before the Native Land Court asking
for partition from the Waimanu Block described the petitioners as a Ngati Tane a hapu of
Ngamarama and pointed out at that time he was living on the Wairoa River.40
39 RDB 40 TMB4:58
42
40 41 42
I Painui
I
Ngamarama40
Herea
Taane
Tamaroa
Te moko atoroa
Kamau
Wairua
Ngoro
Pakaru I
I Roropakaru (head of Ngati Rangi)
Hinenga TeHuri
Puhonga Te Ara Tainui
Pekerau Hinepu Paretapua
Paretao----Tabarangi
TeOre
Te Hongi
Perahia
Hatana
Pakaru41
Roropakaru
TeHuri
TeTaenui
Taburi
TeKumeroa
Hera Ngawharau
Kabumounu
Wairua (Hera Ngawharau)
Painui was the second son of Pakaru the head chief of Ngatitaane - Painui
succeeded Pakaru as head chief - Pakaru before he died divided all his
lands amongst his children - Waimanu and adjoining lands fell to Painui -
Painui's sea side residence was Pukewhanake and his bush at Waimanu up
the Wairoa River. He died at Waimanu and was buried at Ruakaka.42
KaraweMs. Ngawharau KaraweMS
43
Ruakaka was awarded by the Commissioner's Court to Matire of Ngati Kahu, the
Bennetts of Ngati Kahu descend from her. This gives some indication of the relationship
between Ngamarama hapu. The following is a Ngati Tira whakapapa, whose lands were
in part of the Kaimai Block.
Ko Tira te tupuna 1,---_____ _ 1
Wharemaheuheu
Patu
Kaimahoe
TeMaioro
Awarua
Mikaere
Ngataierua
Toi
Peru *
I I I Peru TeRa Hinemutu
Ngakete TeAukaha TeHikaroa
Matire Kiritapu Te Wheoro
Paraiki Tutanumia Wairua
Whaiapu Titihuia
Hinekura Hinekura
I Hinemoe Weka
Pukepue
Meri
Heera
Hoani Wikiriwhi
44
2.5.1 Kahutapu
An important ancestor for Ngati Kahu is Kahutapu. Kahutapu links Ngati Kahu with
Ngati Raukawa and Ngati Ranginui.
Tainui waka
Kakati44 I
Tuhinga I
Poutama I
Mango I
Kaihamu I Urutira I
Tupahau I
Karewarewa I
Potete I
Tuwhakahautaua I
Konewa = I
Tikiorereata I
Te Koruoterangi I
Kabutapu
Wehi =
Kuramataki
Mahangawhiti
Atutahi
Ranapia
Huapiri
Takitimu waka
Ranginui
Tutereinga
Rangi whakakaha
Taka
Korotehapu
I ____________ ~~----~------~------------~ I I I I I
Te Wai Rangihiarere Whenui Waitutu Tokihi
44 Steadman 1984
4S
3.0 Pupuri whenua
A hui in the late 1850's organised by Tamehana Te Waharoa in Waikato to establish the
Kingitanga was attended by Tauranga chiefs supporting the objectives, which were
principally to prevent land alienation to Pakeha colonists and to establish local Maori self
government. A prime aim for the purchase of land in Tauranga in the late 1830's by A.N.
Brown of the Christian Missionary Society was to enable a settlement for colonists to be
established amongst Maori of Tauranga which he was sure would eventually come to
Tauranga1. However, intertribal warfare and Tauranga's fierce independence from their
powerful Waikato and Te Arawa neighbours kept Tauranga from becoming a target for
Pakeha settlement during the early colonial settlement period of 1840's and 1850's. It
seemed to them that they did not need the Pakeha in their midst nor the benefits that social
intercourse with "western civilisation" might bring.
Tauranga chiefs were prominent in their support for the establishment of the Kingitanga
The role of Tamihana no doubt would have been a factor in their support, because of his
Christian education through A.N. Brown the CMS missionary at Tauranga, and the
political and kin links between Tauranga hapu and Waikato. Two letters published in Te
Hokioi confirmed the placing of Tauranga land under the mana of Potatau.
No Tauranga Apri15 1859
Ki aPotatau
He tukunga atu tend na matou tenei I 0 matou whenua ki raro I tou
Kingitanga
Ko te timatanga kei Maunganui, Te Rakewhau, Koromiko ... , Onohi,
Tokamai. Ahipaka, Te Awaiti, Te Wharetuku, Waimapu, Kahotea,
Raewhitiroa, Te Tarere, Pupara, Otupau, Te Kohi, Nuku, Mahara,
Owharerangi, Tupapanui, Matuaiwi, Hoi ena.
1 Brown, A.N. Journal 1835-1846
46
Na Huitara, na Wira. Na Te Moananui, Na Wiparera-Tarakiteawa. Na
Hohepa, Na Heremia, Na Hamuera. Na te Uatuku, Na Hori, Na Te kanae,
Na Tone, Na Tame, Na Tame.
Na Petarika. Na Te Reweti Manotini:
Ko Ahau ko te Reweti Manotini ka tuku nei I oku whenua ki raro I te mana
o te Kingi, hei tiaki, kei te Hiwi 0 Tuaropaki, Tarootemarama. Te Maro-,
Ohinekura. Te rna Wai Parapara. Turakirae ka mutu,
No Tauranga Pepuere 221859
E koro, e Kingi Potatau, Tena Koe. Tend ahau te rapu nei te tikanga 0
taku pupuri whenua, no mua ano ia tae noa mai ki te taima I tu ai tou mana.
ka tahi ka mau rawa he pai he tik no nga whakahaere 0 tou kingitanga.
Hai ano NaRini, Tangimoana.2
Te Reweti Manotini was active in promoting the Kingitanga in Tauranga and he was
killed at Te Ranga.
The invasion of Waikato by British troops rallied Tauranga to support Waikato hpu. In
February 1863 Hori Tupaea moved inland to Kuranui, the settlement of Ngati Motai at
Patetere and sent the following meassage to Tawhiao and Tamihana via Te Hokoioi:
----------------fitt :rookoiot~ <IT! lLttt't ~tu 1l1a-:-~- --------- - -- ---
2 3 4
Ngaruawahia, Pepuere 15, 186S
Kuranui wahi 0 Patetere, Hanuere (12, 186S)
Kia Wi-Tamihana raua ko Matutaera Potatau, E hoa rna tenei au nei kua
eke kei uta, na korua hoki i tu tonu ake i uta, na korua hoki i tu tonu ake;
uta; kora au ka peke mai ki to korua turanga: e whakarongorongo kau ana
hoki rna tou ki te rongo 0 kawana kua tae mai ki Nga-Rauru, he tika ra nei
hori ra nei. Ka hurL.
Na w.remu-haumu3, Na Hori Tupaea4
Extracts from Te Hokioi Haumu Ngati Kirihika Te Hokioi February 15 1863
47
During the period from 1820 to the 1840's, the era of the "pU", Hori Tupaea achieved his
prominence as a "fighting chief" with his Whanau a Tauwhao and Ngaiterangi hapu. He
then appeared to become a figure head, reflecting his mana as an "ariki" of Tauranga,
with the Kingitanga, an "ariki' equal to the status of Tawhiao and Tamihana Tupaea
assumed a political role within the Kingitanga where he was supported by Wairoa and
Raukawa hapu, and Kaimai and Kuranui becomes a base for him. It appeared that Ngati
Raukawa and Wairoa hapu become his "tangata," or source of support and this can be
attributed to important Raukawa lines in his whakapapa. This is relationship is reflected
in Tupaea being included in the Kaimai Blocks with Ngati Kahu, Ngati Motai, Ngati
Kirihika and other Raukawa hapu.5
3.1 Pai Marire
Pai Marire was a religious movement that appeared out of the turmoil of the land wars in
Taranaki in the early 1860's. Pai marire was introduced to Tauranga in late 1864 and
Hori Tupaea was reported as playing a key role in the introduction of Pai Marire into
Tauranga. Rice, in a letter to the Native Minister, mentioned Hori Tupaea sending out
letters to different hapus inviting them to a meeting .
5
•• 1 have the honour to report for your information that on the 21 st instant
that two emissaries (Wi Roti and Wiremu Huiaua) came to Tauranga from
Hori Tupara's settlement, to request the people to go inland and take part
in a large meeting to be holden on the 25th December, and promising a full
explanation of Te Anahera'Hau's new religion.
See Append.6.Tupaea was succeeded by his sons, Akuhata and Hamiora.
48
••• 1 have received information that Hori Tupaea had again despatched letters
to all the different "hapus" entreating them not to turn a deaf ear, but to go
up to the meeting. 6
Greer reported to D. Q. M. General that in the absence of 'chiefs' in Auckland to conduct
the deal of the Katikati Te Puna purchase, Hori Tupaea regained his fOITIler influence by
writing to everyone in Tauranga telling them to go inland to hear the emissary of the
prophet and be initiated into Pai Marire.
I beg to remind you that it was "Hori Tupaea" and "Te Tui Tamihana" who
recently drew the Ngaiterangi out to the "bush". 7
Pai Marire had large elements of Maori "ritenga" and ritual which would have appealed to
Tupaea as an old fighting chief. His mana as a ariki would have brought all of Tauranga
to a standstill, as was observed by Rice, MacKay etc. when the people went inland to
meet the Pai Marire emissaries at his request.
Greer sent Rice up to "Hori Tupaea's" settlement in the Ranges (this was Kaimai as
Greer, in a letter dated February 41865 to T.H. Smith at Maketu points out: I have just
heard that "Hori Tupaea" hasretumed to Kai Mai - When the forces of militia and Te
Arawa had sacked the Kaimai village, letters of correspondence between Tamihana and
Tupaea were found).8
The spread of Pai Mairire into Tauranga and its adoption by all of Tauranga was viewed
by Greer as a threat to the stability of the area:
6 7 8
Rice to Native Minister Dec. 281864 British Parliamentary Papers (BPP).14 p.263 Greer to Grey Feb.111865 BPP 14:306 The Daily Southern Cross Feb. 281867
49
I have sent Mr. Rice up to "Hoie Tupei's" settlement in the, Ranges (where
I hear there is a Prophet and a good number of "Pai marire" Maoris
collected), to see what they are up to .... 9
Rice first went to the settlements at Wairoa and found Ngati Kahu, Ngati Pango and
Ngati Rangi had gone inland:
At the settlement at the Wairoa river, to the eastward, I found Penetaka
and his people had all gone off and left me only a souvenir in the shape of a
charcoal epistle on the whare door. On the western side of the stream I
found the Matakana people remaining at the mill, who had assured me that
under no circumstances, however alluring, could they be induced to leave
during the absence of their chiefs now in Auckland. At Iraia's settlement
no one had left. Here I found myoid friends, Nopera Heremaia and
Hoani ... Nothing approaching a belief in the new religion could be traced
here. 10
But Greer soon observed that there had been some prior preparation as Penetaka with
Ngati Rangi moved inland to embrace Pai marire:
9 10 11
The Chief, Penetaka, the great warrior and engineer of the tribe, who,
before the Governor and General in July last, was vehement in his
promises of loyalty to the Queen for the future, and expressions of regret
for the past ..... he and his people made a clear flitting, taking everything
away; and I am told that for months they have been preparing dried pipis.
Before going he left a touching farewell to Mr. Rice with a burnt stick on
the door of his whare. 11
H.W. Greer 29 Jan. 1865. Lett to The Deputy Quartennaster General, Heaquarters BPP 14:283. Rice to Native Minster 28th Dec. 1864.BPP 14:263 Greer Dec. 26. 1864 BPP14:266
so
Settlements 1864
Te Puke, the kainga of Hakaraia was soon the centre of attention for Tupaea and Te Tiu
Tamihana:
Hori Tupaea and Te Tui Tamihana were actively engaged in propagating the
Pai marire superstition, and that their efforts were attended with
considerable success. They were then in the neighbourhood of Maketu. 12
Greer recognised the role of Hori Tupaea and Te Till Tamihana in the establishment of
Pai Marire here in Tauranga and, when hearing that they were in Te Puke and intending
to cross hostile Arawa territory to the east coast, Greer sent a message to Te Arawa to
capture them. They were captured at Rotoiti by Ngati Pikiao and brought back to
Tauranga On being captured troops were sent out to quickly gather Tupaea and shield
him against harm or abuse from Te Arawa. The "friendly" Ngaiterangi chiefs, upon
hearing of Tupaea's capture lobbied for Tupaea to remain in Tauranga as a prisoner as
any public belittling of Hori Tupaea would not only be a slight to his mana but to
Tauranga overall. He was their ariki and respect for him was still acknowledged.
Hori Tupaea recanted to the Crown on having strayeds from his allegiance. Hori Tupaea
told Greer that he had been influenced by Wiremu Tamihana Te Tui Tamihana was listed
as belonging to Ngati Haua when he was captured with Hori Tupaea. Hori was to deny
to T.H. Smith that he played an important role introducing Pai marire, as he was on his
way to Matata to pay his respects to relatives. 13
Akuhata Tupaea one of Hori's two sons living at Roma, Otumoetai, was reported by Rice
as not having joined the Pai Marire. Hamiora, his other son and Maremare a grandson
were captured with Hori Tupaea at Rotoiti. 14 The capture of Hori Tupaea was seen by
Greer as dealing the death-blow to Pai marire in the Tauranga district:
12 13 14
Clarke to Native Minster Feb 11 1865 BPP 14:305 T.H. Smith to Grey Feb 13 1865 BPP 14 p.308 ibid
S2
I consider his submission and arrest of Te Tui tamihana will establish
peace, and put out Pai marire here. 1S
In the same period Hori Tupaea had been at Kaimai, Wiremu Tamihana had been based at
Kuranui. Kuranui was to remain an important centre for the practise of Pai Marire for the
Wairoa hapu for the next three to four years. Despite the comment and denial of local
Pakeha officials, Pai marire was an important religion for these hapu.
3.2 Survey Disputes
A promise that surveyors would accompany the chiefs who were in Auckland back to
Tauranga was made on August 1864.16 The survey of the confiscated land commenced
in September 1864 by contract surveyors overseen by Heale. The district from Otumoetai
to Te Puna was surveyed and the town lots of Te Papa and Te Puna marked out. There
were delays because the boundaries of the confiscated lands had not been defined. The
survey was completed by April 1866 and Heale closed the survey and withdrew his
survey parties on completion of their work The boundaries of the land confiscated for
the 50,000 acres had not been determined and settlement of "Native" land claims had also
not been addressed. 17
After survey of the 50,000 acres started in early 1866, Clarke was informed by surveyors
that 50,000 acres of "good agricultural land II 18 could not be obtained between the
Waimapu and Wairoa Rivers. Utting reported that within the limits of the two rivers, the
required area of 50,000 was not going to be found. An attempt to carry out the survey
15 16 17 18
Greer lett. to Grey Feb.ll 1865 BPP.14 p.306 Heale memo 27 June, AJHR 1867 A20: 14 AJHR 1867 A20:8. Letter from Hea1e to Defence Minister 7 April 1866 District Surveyor Letter Book: 29 May 1866
53
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,.. ~I
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Otumoetai West, Otumoetai /
East
,4::,Q'/"--L ~\ /) I Figure 14
.' / ~ ~~~ ~ /~~. ,/
.--: ~\ ",
beyond the southern confiscation boundary was met with objection and was not pursued
further and Utting suggested crossing the Wairoa River to make up the shortfall. 19 The
survey was then extended to the north side of the Wairoa River on Clarke's
instructions. 20
In September 1866 the survey of the north bank of the Wairoa was stopped by Pirirakau
and the surveyor's instruments taken away.21 The surveyor tried to recover his
instruments but was told they were taken on instructions from Tamihana. Clarke received
a letter from Tamihana asking him to stop the survey, but his attitude was that he was
following the arrangement made by the Governor and Whitaker to make up any shortfall
on the 50,000 acre confiscation between the Waimapu and Wairoa Rivers. He was
determined that the survey was to cross over to the north side of the Wairoa River.
Wiremu Tamihana had approved the initial survey to MacKay but reversed his decision in
a letter to Colonel Greer under the cloud of the negotiations over land claims in the
Katikati-Te Puna Purchase.
Many of the Natives of this District especially those closely connected
with the Patetere and William people have left for their inland Kaingas,
so that (it is reported) they can practice their Pai Marire worship
unmolested. Under these circumstances I have thought it advisable to
caution the surveyors against carrying on surveys in that
neighbourhood. 22
Pirirakau, Ngati Rangi and Ngati Pango objected to the survey extending to their land on
the north side of the Wairoa River. Wiremu Huni (sic. Hunia), Rawiri Pata (sic. Tata)
and Herewini were named by Clarke as those who stole the instruments. He stopped
19 20 21 22
HJ. Jenks p 29 Clarke to Richmond AJHR A20:62 Clarke to Rchmond 20th Sept. 1866 AJHR 1867 A20:20 Clarke AJHR 1865 E4
ss
short of issuing a warrant because an attempt at a capture would lead to bloodshed.
Clarke made the comment that he saw it as injustice that Pirirakau, the most implicated in
the rebellion, the least affected by the 50,000 acre confiscation, who have not
surrendered, and the most troublesome, should miss out on their land being taken or
confiscated.23
On the 17th September 1866, survey equipment was taken at Ruahihi from R. C. Jordan,
a Government surveyor, and Wiremu Hunia was identified by Jordan as one of a group
of "unidentified Maoris". This equipment was taken because the surveyor ignored
Tamihana's letters to surveyors asking them to desist from surveying the left bank of the
Wairoa. 24 Tamihana's letter asked Clarke to leave the disputed boundary of the Wairoa
river to him and the surveyor was asked to return to the "other' side (east) ofTe
Wairoa.25
Another surveyor reported to Clarke that his survey pegs were removed and he had
received several warnings to stop his survey between Te Puna and Katikati. He was
given a letter from Tamihana and they then took some of his instruments while he was
away at Te Papa.26
In reaction to the interruption of the survey of the 50,000 acres by Ngati Rangi and Te
Pirirakau, MacKay suggested to Rolleston, the Undersecretary of the Native Department,
to confiscate all their lands and reserve 2500 for their use.
23 24 25 26 27
Their lands are principally between Te Puna and the Wairoa, and I would
suggest that a portion of these should be given to those friendly Natives
who have lost land in the block of 50,000 acres before mentioned. 27
AJHR 1867: A20:20 Letter from Clarke to Richmond. 20 September 1866 AJHR 1867 A20:21 Letter R.c. Jordan to Clarke. 18th September 1866 AJHR 1867 A20:21-22 AJHR 1867 A20:22 Letter from Hewson to Clarke 19th September 1866 Mackay to Rolleston 25 Sept •. 1866 AJHR 1866 A20:22
56
· I · I Pori pori i
· I · I
Figure 15 Survey Disputes 50,000 Acre
Survey disputes
Church Mission Land
Heales Survey Boundary 1865
50,000 acre boundary
56
The survey of the 50,000 acre was brought to a standstill because Clarke thought that it
was not safe for surveyors to continue without an anned escort. This had to be
sanctioned by the Governor. Clarke suggested that "friendly natives" could also be
used. 28
A meeting was held at Motuhoa to discuss the extension of the confiscated land on the
west side of the Wairoa river in the absence of Pirimkau who refused all invitations that
were extended to them. Those present agreed to Clarke1s arrangement to extend the
survey of the confiscation across the Wairoa River. MacKay explained to the hui that
there was an excess of 5,000 acres and the boundary would be placed at the Ruangarara
Stream and Te Puna River.29
South of Te Puna were the lands of Ngati Pango, Ngati Rangi and towards Te Puna,
Pirirakau. MacKay went to Waiwhatawhata to ask them to accept the arrangement of the
IIfriendlyll chiefs but they refused. Ngaiterangi chiefs went to talk to Pirirakau and on
their return MacKay wrote to the Officer commanding the Troops in the district for a
protective force of 200 for the surveys. They went out on the 9th of November. 30
When Mr MacKay had exhausted every means of conciliation, he told them
that the Government could not allow the district to remain in an unsettled
state any longer, and that therefore he would go out on the following day
with surveyors and, if necessary, a party of soldiers to protect them. 31
MacKay went to the settlement of the IIdisaffected" at Waiwhatawhata and warned them
the surveyors would be protected by soldiers. MacKay was told by Rawiri Tata that:
28 AJHR 1867 A20 29 AJHR 1867 A20:27 Letter from Mackay to Richmond 22 November 1866 30 Clarke to Richmond 12 Nov.1866 AJHR 1866 A20:25 31 Clarke to Richmond 12. Nov. 1866 AJHR 1867 A20:25
S8
If you want the land go to Tawhiao and William Thompson, if they consent
to you having it, welL .. William Thompson has given orders to stop the
surveyors, and the whole affair is in the hands of Thompson and the
Governor. 32
MacKay then made a request to the commander of the troops in Tauranga for a protecting
party and the troops went out with the surveyors on the 9th of November. The soldiers
were to protect the surveyors and not make a hostile attack so long as they were not
interfered with.33 Twelve Ngaiterangi "friendly" chiefs were issued with arms and
accompanied the troops.34
Posts were set up to protect the surveyors between the Waimapu and Wairoa Rivers and
an encampment was formed at Omanawa. In Mackay's letter to Colonel Hamilton
requesting troops he states:
32 33 34
On computing the area of the whole of the pieces surveyed between the
rivers Waimapu and Wairoa, it had been found that there are about
38,000 acres there: at Otumoetai West about 2,800 acres. To make up the
balance of the 50,000 acres, it has been found necessary to extend the
survey from T e Wairoa to T e Puna.
It appears that from a mistake made by the surveyors, that 14,200 acres
have been laid off in that locality instead of 9,200 the quantity actually
required. I have returned to the Natives the 5,000 acres taken in excess.
The whole of the influential men and the majority of the people of the tribe
Ngaiterangi have publicly agreed to give up to the Government a block of
Mackay to Richmond 1866 AJHR A20:28 AJHR 1867 A20:25-26 Letter from Clarke toRichmond 20th November 1866. AJHR 1867 A20:30 "at their request"
59
land between the rivers Puna and Wairoa, and extending inland to the·
Ruangarara Stream, containing the estimated area of 9,000 acres35.
They (Pirirakau) had lost very little land, although they had been in
rebellion from the first, and they had better consent to the arrangement
made by the remainder of the tribe.36
Harrington wrote to Haultain explaining his actions in providing an escort for the
surveyors:
Last week Mr. MacKay and Mr. Clarke held a meeting to settle the
boundaries of certain lands, between the west bank of the Waiua river and
Katti Katti,. arrangements were made with the Ngaiterangi chiefs regarding
the purchase of some land in this block which has not been confiscated. The
Pirirakau Natives, residing at the edge of the bush about six miles from the
west bank of the Waiua river, were invited by Mr MacKay to attend the
meeting, but declined, stating their objections to the whole proceeding. Mr.
MacKay informed them that he should proceed to cut the lines of the
Government boundary, but he would not molest them; to which they replied
"that they did not approve II of the proceedings, and should oppose any
surveyors coming there. II Upon this Mr.MacKay applied to Colonel
Hamilton, commanding the district, to give him a covering party .. .37
Rumours were spread by Ngaiterangi of the IITekau rna ruall of Ngati Porou Hauhau
from Mataora near Whangamata who had joined Pirirakau with the intention of killing the
surveyors. During this unsettled period MacKay and Clarke were sending spies to the
inland settlements to gather intelligence.
35 36 37
Mackay to Hamilton 7th November 1866. AJHR 1867 A20:32 Mackay to Richmond 22 November 1866. AJHR 1867 A20:28 Harrington to Hautain Nov. 12 1866 BPP 14:823
60
During November MacKay told the surveyors employed between Waimapu and Wairoa
to return to Te Papa38 because of the danger based on reports of an attack to be made on
them by Ngati Porou Hauhau purported to be in the area. During December a survey
party was warned to leave Oropi by Ngaiteahi living there, as they had been informed by
Hauhau in the vicinity on their way to Hakaraia at Te Puke. They then advanced to
Waimapu Block where they carried off survey equipment. In January 1866, MacKay
reported that the survey of the 50,000 block had come to a halt. 39
3.3 Military operations against Hauhau Settlements
Reports were made of the Ngati Porou, Ngati Rangi and Pirirakau Hauhau seen at Oropi,
Taumata and Paengaroa. Also a large whare was built at Oropi by Hauhau living there
and at Kahakaharoa, on what MacKay described as undisputed confiscated land. The
Hauhau from Ngati Rangi and Pirirakau were seen travelling to these settlements. A force
of Militia and Volunteers went to Oropi on January 8 and waited until January 15 to
intercept any hostile party. They burnt the whare and returned to Te Papa On the 17th a
military force was moved to Omanawa Redoubt to II catch the perpetrators of the late
outrages upon the surveyors" and Clarke recorded in a report that a warrant was made out
for the apprehension of "Pene Taka and others of Ngaiterangi (sic. Ngati Rangi), and
Kewene and others of Ngati Porou". The Hauhau were at Waiwhatawhata, Te Irihanga
and Whakamarama 40
The Omanawa Redoubt was occupied on instructions from Wellington and some men
were left at Poteriwhi to cover the Wairoa River ferry. Patrols were made through the
area and on 18th Goldsmith, the officer in charge of the Omanawa Redoubt crossed the
38 39 40
Mackay to Richmond 22 November 1866. AJHR A20:38 AJHR A20:37- 41 AJHRA20:41
61
Wairoa river to familiarise himself with the roads on "the left bank of the Wairoa". They
followed the East West road to below the lrihanga settlement where the advance guard
was fired upon and Sergeant Major Emus was shot. An engagement took place and the
defenders of Te lrihanga retreated into the bush.
On the 18th, unfortunately the officer in charge of the Omanawa Redoubt
either mistaking his orders, or for some other cause, crossed over the
Wairoa River to its west bank, with a force of forty men, they followed up
the track to the first Maori village, Te Irihanga. The party, as it
approached T e Irihanga, could see the Natives walking about, apparently
without arms; presently one man was seen to advance; Corporal Willis of
the Militia, remarked to Sergeant-Major Ennis (sic), of the Militia, who
was leading the advance guard, that he thought he saw a rifle in the Maori's
hands ... The Militia were then extended in skirmishing order across the
track, and a heavy fire was kept up on both sides for about three-quarters
of an hour. 41
Harrington the Commander at Te Papa rode out to Omanawa and arrested Goldsmith for
"leaving his post and bringing on a collision with the enemy without my instructions".42
Other incidents also occurred. Advice had been received that a large whare had been
recently built at Kahakaharoa capable of housing a large hostile force. Troops on the 18th
went to Kahakaharoa which was deserted, and burnt the whare. On the 21st a boat was
shot at on the Wairoa River. On the 22nd a force of Militia, Volunteers and friendly
natives left the Omanawa Redoubt for Te Irihanga. The force was fired upon when they
were 50 yards from Te lrihanga which was taken within a few minutes. The defenders
retreated into the bush and Te lrihanga was then burnt 43
41 Lett. of Clarke to Richmond 28th Jan' 67 AJHR 1867 A20:43 42 ibid. 43 Clark to Richmond 28 Jan. 1867 AJHR A20:43
62
Figure 16 Attack on Te Irihanga Military Campaign 1866 - 67
...•........... 18th Jan. Milita - Emus
- - - - - - - 22nd Jan. Militia
On the 22nd Colonel Hamilton of the 12th regiment received orders from
Wellington to co-operate with the Colonial forces to capture the Natives and he sent 200
men to the Wairoa They crossed over the Wairoa River to the Minden Peak then to
Waiwhatawhata but the Militia was already there. Waiwhatawhata had been abandoned
before the Militia got there. Notices were left stating the reasons for the attack on the
"kaingas", and these were the robbing of the surveyors, and firing on the Militia. It was
recommended that they give themselves up.44
The forces returned to Te Papa and Omanawa, but the Militia, losing their way, were
engaged in heavy fire in a clearing:
although our force greatly exceeded that of the enemy they bravely
contested every inch of the ground .... Several of the hostile Natives were
seen to fall, but the number killed has not yet.been ascertained. Some of
the friendly Natives distinguished themselves in this affair. 4S
The force then returned to Omanawa. Fearing widespread conflict in the district, the
recruitment of a Native force comprising Te Arawa from Maketu was suggested and
taken up.
Mr. Mair, Resident Magistrate, has received instructions from the
Honourable Defence Minister to raise a force of two hundred, Arawas, to
act in the rear of the enemy's position, first visiting Te Puke, the head
quarters of old Hakaraia. 46
Haultain, the defence Minister was based in Tauranga and his instruction to Moor was:
44 ibid. 45 Lett. of Clarke to Richmond 28th Jan I 67 . AJHR 1867 A20:43 46 ibid.
64
You are requested to commence operations at T e Puke, the head quarters of
Hakaraia, as soon as you can get sufficient force together to destroy
cultivations in that locality belonging to the rebels, after which to push
your way to Drope as soon as possible.
Will you explain to the Arawa that the Government deplore the stern
necessity which compels them to adopt these extreme measures, but their
only desire is to see peace established in these districts on a proper basis.
Urge upon them the importance of sparing human life, and in no case to
take the life of a fellow creature, unless an armed resistance is offered. 47
This was the first indication of any official order to destroy the crops of the inland
settlements. a policy that was implemented with zeal on all the villages. On January 31.
Mair with 41 Arawa left Maketu for Tauranga to support forces occupying native villages
there. They destroyed Te Puke,
IIsome horses, pigs, and poultry being looted". Henry Graham's surveying tools were
found there (the party with Penetaka had taken them on their way to Te Puke to see
Hakaraia). The Arawa had refused to advance upon Te Puke unless they received higher
pay, and the greater number marched to Tauranga.
The Militia moved to Pyes Pa (Otupuraho) on the 31st January to attack Akeake and
Taumata, which was supposed to be the headquarters of Hakaraia
Haultain met with Te Arawa in Tauranga and agreed to engage their services for three
shillings per diem, to be supply them with rations till they got into the enemy's country.
where they were to forage for themselves.48
47 48
Hautain to Mair 25th January 1867 AJHR 1867 A20:45 Clarke to Richmond 10 February 1867. AJHR A20:46
65
On the Ist February, 156 Arawa arrived from Maketu under charge of Commissioner
Clarke on their way to Omanawa creek. An old pa Kahakaharoa was occupied by
Hauhau, but they found it abandoned when the Arawa got there.
Our force being strong-militia and volunteers about 300; natives, 200;
and the 12th Regiment, 150-it was decided to attack and drive them even
from the bush, and to destroy their villages. The plan of attack was
carried out admirably, and proved most satisfactory.
The numbers were known to be in number upwards of one hundred round
the village of Akeake, a small place on the skirts of the bush, immediately
in front of which is known as Press's Pa-distant about two miles from
that place, the larger village of the Taumata being behind it, further in
the bush. 49
Te Akeake was attacked but no stand was made and the force then went to Taumata
where some women and a young boy were taken prisoner. This indicating these villages
had women and children resident there.
In the villages ,which were destroyed, Mr. Clarke put up notices stating
that the soldiers had been brought up in consequence of the shooting of
Sergeant-major Emus .. , and adVising the people to come in and give up
their arms. This was replied to in a very defiant manner by letter, saying
that they would never come in50.
The Taumata village was destroyed, and it took three days to destroy the cultivations.
Oropi was likewise destroyed. The Arawa then spent the next few days scouting and
attacking Paengaroa.
49 50
The Daily Southern Cross March 1 1867 ibid.
66
Figure 17 Military Campaign 1866 - 67
---
-.................. _-_ ..... '"
1st Feb. Te Arawa, Militia
Militia, Ngaiterangi
On 8 February the force moved up the Wairoa to Omanawa redoubt to move onto Te
lrihanga and Whakamarama. The following day the Engineers under Captain Skeet left
Akeake for Omanawa and the main body left soon after. By 14 February the force
consisting of 359 Pakeha, 15 Ngaiterangi and 253 Arawa were now concentrated at
Ruangarara Creek on the Wairoa
A reporter for the Daily Southern Cross describes the attack on Te lrihanga and
destruction of the village and crops:
51
T e Irihanga, as I have before mentioned, is at the edge of the forest, on the
face of the range that slopes towards Te Papa. It is Penetaka's village, in
front of which Sergeant-major Emus was killed. It was visited before, and
the whares burnt, but the crops were untouched, and indeed, they would
take weeks, if not months, to destroy. There and at Whakamarama, which
lies on the other side of the ridge were collected a number of natives, from
the other villages which had been destroyed ...
No earthworks had been erected, but the Hauhaus had arranged at each
corner of the track good places for shooting ....
In the first bush, Lieutenant Pitt saw spots of blood, and followed the track
with some of the Arawas, who killed the man. It turned out to be T e Rota te
Kotuku51, a native of Te Irihanga, and who had persistently refused to take
to oath of allegiance. A few years ago Rota murdered a relative of his own.
Being a baptised native, Archdeacon Brown went up to Te lrihanga about the
matter, and the only punishment Rota received was a good scolding. His
weapon was a rifle that had belonged to a sergeant of the 43rd Regiment,
and which had probably been taken at the Gate Pa ....
After looking over Irihanga , where there was splendid crops of maize,
potatoes, pumpkins, and where I noticed a plough ...
The Hauhaus fought with great courage and skill, and there can be no doubt
that Penetaka has some first-rate men with him ...
See Stokes 1990 Appendix 15:306
68
A strong detachment will be left at T e lrihanga for some time, and from it
attacks will be made on Kaimai and T e Irihanga.
The body of one of Penetaka's people, a man named Hapahapa, has been
found in the bush, he having been killed in the fight at T e Whakamarama.
I went up to the Wairoa yesterday, and found that the whole of the force,
Europeans and Maoris, to Ruangarara, preparatory to moving further up
the river, to place convenient ... for an attack on Kaimai, a settlement which
has not yet been visited. The crops at Irihanga and Whakamarama have been
effectually destroyed at the different settlements must be thousands of
pounds.
On Wednesday night last the Arawas, under Captain Walker, Mr. W. Mair,
and Mr. G. Mair, with a small detachment of the Engineers, under
Lieutenant Gundry, left the camp on the Wairoa for a reconnoitring
expedition. They were to go to Kaimai, and, if that place was occupied in
strength, they were to send down for the Waikatos. It was fully expected
that natives would be found at KaimaLS2
The Arawa and engineers then went on to Paengaroa again:
52
On Thursday, one party was sent towards Akeake, and another towards
Kaimai, while the main body remained at Paengaroa, destroying the
cultivations.
When the party got about half a mile from Kaimai, a halt was made, to
allow the main body, consisting of about 200 men, to come up. When they
were about a mile off, the advanced party ran into the first clearing were
fields of gigantic maize, acres of potatoes, and groves of peach trees, laden
with splendid fruit. The settlement extends over a large space of ground,
the houses been widely scattered. In a very short time the Arawas were
everywhere, but had little success in the way of loot, the people having
taken most of their things away. In one house a large bundle of letters was
found by one of the engineers. I have looked through them, but there is
none of any political intent. One is from William Thompson, written by
his own hand, to Hori Tupaea, asking him to attend a meeting at Waikato;
and another is from Matene Te Whiwhi to Hori Tupaea ... The houses were
The Daily Southern Cross Feb. 251867
69
Figure 18 Military Campaign 1866 - 67
, , , , : , , , . , , , ,
. , . .
, , , , ,
••••••••• «1
4th Feb. 1866
14th Feb .
19th Feb.
19th Feb.
burned on Saturday afternoon and most of the Indian corn on Sunday
morning.53
After this period of destruction by the force. the Daily Southern Cross was to report that:
No fighting has taken place on the ranges since I wrote on Saturday last, and the bush
for a considerable distance round the settlements of Te Irihanga and Whakamarama has
been scoured by the Te Arawas without finding any enemy. In all, three dead bodies of
the hauhaus have been found in the bush. The small settlement of Pori pori has been
visited by the Arawas yesterday and burned. 54
The "scorched eartWt policy of destroying villages and crops achieved its objective but the
villages were soon seen to be re-occupied by the presence of smoke in their vicinity.55
3.3.1 Comment
The campaign to destroy the inland villages and lives started with a mistake and quickly
escalated into a widespread local war, where many lives were taken. The loss of life
during this campaign to suppress opposition to the Governmentts land confiscation
policy in Tauranga cannot be ascertained. but it appears to be considerable because of the
large force that was active against these hapu in their inland kainga.
The unprovoked attacks on the villages by the forces which was never officially
questioned nor was any punishment meted out to the Hauhau for rebelling:
53 54 55
The Daily Sothern Cross Feb. 28 1867 Daily Southern Cross 25 Feb 1867 Daily Southern Cross Feb 25 1867; Clarke to Richmond 12th March 1867 AJHR A20:50
71
We may with great propriety ask the question - What was the real cause of
the disturbance at Tauranga? It is quite certain that it was a question of
boundary; and it is equally probable that, had it been made the subject of
negotiation, no fighting would have taken place. Further, it is quite certain
that when Captain Goldsmith led his company, and retired with great
propriety when Sergeant-Major Emus was shot, mortally wounded, the
gallant captain was not turning his sword into a ploughshare. Although
placed under arrest at the time, we have not heard of his having been tried
by court-martial, but we have heard of his being in command of a division
since. 56
A correspondent to the New Zealand Herald commenting on the "Tauranga and Kaimai
Lands ten years after the event made the observation that:
56 57
AfterTe Ranga, when the Tauranga natives made peace, they ceded their
lands to the Government. They were told that 50,000 acres would be
taken, but they said they knew nothing about how much that was, and
asked the Government to fix certain boundaries. This was done, but after a
long time, when the land was surveyed, it was found that it did not amount
to 50,000 acres or anything like it, and another piece was taken. Some
natives disputed out right to do this, and we blundered into a costly war. 57
Daily Southern Cross March 18 1867 BOP Times 1 November 1876
72
',: !lOti
o , 1_
lFigure 19 SO,OOOAcre Confiscation
, . 4
10 KdlllUUlll!5
'" 1 G M,lus
Rangiwaea ISlahd
I I I I
304 Discussion
The following is a summary of issues relating to actions of the Crown regarding the
survey disputes:
1. The Crown did not acknowledge that Pirirakau, Ngati Rangi and Ngati Pango
were the mana whenua west of the Wairoa River in the SO,OOO acre area
2. Armed troops approached Te lrihanga without warning, leading to the death of
Sergeant Emus
3. Attacks on villages with women and children and the elderly.
4. The villages were not fortified pa.
S. A "scorched earth" policy that was sanction by the Defence Minister.
6. The arming of Ngaiterangi chiefs and their participation on attacks and in the
destruction of villages
7. Allocation of Ngati Rangi, Ngati Kahu and Ngati Pango land to "friendly chiefs
of Ngaiterangi by the Crown.
8. Loss of lives over survey disputes.
Pirirakau and Ngati Rangi disputed the terms of the Te Puna purchase on the issue of
ownership of land. The stand made by Ngati Rangi, Ngati Pango and Pirirakau to the
sale and survey of Te Puna area was that they were the owners of this land and as Ngati
Ranginui and Ngamarama hapu they did not acknowledge the mana of the "friendly"
Ngaiterangi chiefs over their lands or the role they played in the settlement with Grey and
government officials.
I t can be seen on the other hand this was a boundary dispute 1 because the 50,00 acre
confiscation boundary was not defined during the peace making at Te Papa in 1864. In
between was the role of the "friendly" Ngaiterangi who had a vested interest in the
1 Sorrenson 1978 RDB Vol. 139 p53362
74
suppression of the IIHauhaull or our tupuna of Ngati Kahu, Ngati Pango and Ngati Rangi
because they challenged their mana and threatened the perceived rewards that patronage
by the Pakeha brought with their llpeaceful settlement" policy.
The Ngaiterangi chiefs maintained a barrage of misinformation or "intelligence" about the
activities of the Hauhau, which was used by Clarke with the help of military force to
suppress and destroy opposition to the survey of the confiscated lands. An example was a
request from Clarke to Harrington to attack Whakamarama to destroy stores of provision that
may support a large hostile force amid the rumours of a large force gathering there.
Harrington wrote to the Undersecretary of Defence to explain his position why he did not
send troops at Clarke's request:
.... In reply to your letter No. 91/3 of the 1 st inst. I have the honor to
acquaint you for the information of the Hon.ble Defence Minister that every
effort has been made to procure information as to the numbers of the Hau
Hau threatening the District, but the reports from the friendly Natives are
most conflicting - No aggression Innermost has been made on the settlers
at the District since the departure of the Imperial Troops, and i therefore
deem it most expedient to renew hostilities at a time when a larger meeting
is being held to discuss the question of peace or war. 2
The friendly "Ngaiterangi" chiefs patronised by the Crown used their position to assert
their mana over the opposing camp and made exaggerated land ownership claims. This
was to persist over the next ten years. Ngaiterangi claimed that their conquest of Ngati
Ranginui gave them predominant rights over Ngati Ranginui hapu because they were
socially subservient to that of Ngaiterangi. This was emphasised by Clarke and was
repeated on many occasions and in many reports. For instance Clarke was to comment in
2 Harrington to Captain Holt Under Sec. Defence Office May 14th 1867 RDB Vol. 136 pp 52287-89
7S
a letter to Richmond dated 25 September 1866 on tlte confiscation of survey instruments
by ItPirirakau ".
The act was a deliberate one, and had been in contemplation and the subject
of runanga for some days previously. Its object-to stop the surveys on the
north bank of the Wairoa, on the ground that the land belonged to them,
that they were no parties to the Tauranga surrender, and that the
Ngaiterangi had no right to cede their territory. It can be easily shown
that they are of the inferior hapus of Ngaiterangi, and that they were
always kept in a state of vassalage.3
And on another occasion he was to say tltat:
Most of the difficulties in settling the claims in this district will arise
from the fact that the Ngaiterangi claim only by conquest. They did not
destroy the original inhabitants, but allowed them to remain as
cultivators of the soils (not slaves), subject to the conquerors. Some of
the principal chiefs took the best of the women as wives. 4
Colonel Greer was to write to Grey on the capture of Tupaea tltat:
3 4 5
I believe that Hori Tupaea, in his present humour, might materially assist
in making an amicable and final settlement of the land question here, which
I believe has been becoming a little complicated of late, in consequence of
the claims of friendly natives. 5
AJHR 1867 A20:23 ibid. Greer to Grey Feb.ll 1865 BPP 14 P 305
76
Friendly Native Policy
The government policy of cultivating "friendly" chiefs began with the emergence of the
Kingitanga. The Government and Governor's method to counter this was the introduction
and establishment of the Native districts with offices and use of chiefs to oversee local
districts. This encouraged support for the Crown and with salaries, the chiefs soon became
Queenites in opposition to the Kingitanga supporters in Tauranga The Queenites were
invited to Kohimarama a hui in 1860, called by Governor Browne to nurture Maori
opposition to the Kingitanga and confirm loyalty to the Crown. In his speech to the
Legislative Counci13017/1860:
A dangerous Sympathy with the Insurgents has however been displayed by
the Waikato Tribes. These Tribes have been for some years past the centre
of the agitation for the establishment of an independent Maori State, under a
Maori Sovereign, and it is in furtherance of this project that aid from
Waikato has been afforded to the Insurgents.
To check the growth of plans fraught with so much peril to both Races, and
to remove doubts which extensively prevail amongst the Natives as to the
ultimate objects of the British Government, I have invited a considerable
number of the influential Chiefs from all parts of the Colony to meet and
confer with me in Auckland. 6
By 1863 Tauranga was divided along politica1lines with the majority supporters of the
Kingitanga.7 MacKay and Clarke were to use these II friendly" chiefs who were all
Ngaiterangi, as well as the IIsurrendered rebels" as the authority for Tauranga. The initial
role of the Civil Commissioner was to counter the influence of the Kingitanga by
6 N.Z. Gazette No. 25 P.135 30/711860 7 AJHR 1864 E2
77
cultivating loyalty to the Crown. Instructions to T.R. Smith from the Attorneys
General's Office:
The Natives of the district of the Bay of Plenty appear from recent
accounts to be in an unsettled temper of mind, hanging between
submission to the Queen's authority and adherence to the King movement.
It is of importance that no time should be lost in tranquillizing their
minds, and securing their allegiance to the Government. 8
He was to seek the assent of the Natives of Tauranga to the introduction of new
institutions planned for Maori by Grey. This was to establish Resident Magistrates,
Native assessors and introduce the Native Districts Regulation Act and Native Circuit
Courts Act. A District Runanga with Resident Magistrates, Chiefs, and Assessors. An
Officer termed a Civil Commissioner whose function was primarily political,
communicating with the Government in political matters affecting the district.9
Smith met "Ngaiterangi" at Matapihi in 1861 and laid out the Governor's proposal. There
was a mixed response. There was outright rejection from Kingitanga supporters. Others
expressed that they did not accept the Queen or Governor having authority over them,
others were neutral but accepted the proffered aid and a few accepted the offer without
reservati on 1 O.
A list of Native Officers recommended by Smith as Tauranga Assessors were: Wiremu
Patene (Opoutea), Hamiora Tu (Matapihi), Maihi Pohepohe (Maungatapu, Urumingi),
Maihi Hongomate (Otumoetai), Harawira (Motuhoa). 11
8 Sewell to Smith AJHR 1862 E9:3. 9 ibid. 10 Smith to Native Minister 1861. AffiR1862 E9: 14 11 AJHR 1862 E9: 15.
78
A second list of Native officers 12 nominated for Tauranga were:
Assessors
Maihi Pohepohe, of Maungatapu
Hamiora Tu of Te Matapihi,
Wiremu Patene of Opoutea
Maihi Hongimate, of Otumoetae
T e Kuka, of Motuhoa
T e Kahakoti, of Paihau
Wardens
Tawaewae, of Maungatapu.
Hamiora Tangiawa, of Opoutea.
Rawiri Taukawe, of Motuhoa.
Kareres
Ihaka Te Reiwhati Maungatapu and Paihau
Whati II "
Hone Kiki " II
Wiremu te Matewai Te Matapihi
Ihaka Nga kaho "
Pikaka Tamumu, Opoutea
Te Moanaui, Motuhoa
The martial support given by Tauranga to the Taranaki and Waikato conflicts was
observed and recorded by the Civil Commissioner, This was to have a bearing on the
direction and outcome of the settlement with Grey. The land that was confiscated, the
50,000 acre, reflected their observations and official comment on Natives "west of the
Wairoa". The "Queens sidell or "friendly Natives" led the settlement process and had
other key roles in maintaining the "peace" during the survey disputes.
12 AJHR 1862 E9:19
79
In 1861 Smith was to observe that the Ngaiterangi living on the East side of the harbour
and Maungatapu people were well disposed towards the Government's proposals in
accepting the institutions but a boundary could be drawn at Te Wairoa "the most
disaffected people". They played a key role in the "peace settlement" after the battle at Te
Ranga:
Rice absent amongst the Rebels. Baker (resident magistrate) asked to
accompany expedition of Defence Force to Wairoa. Found Rice Wi Patene,
Hohepa and Maihi Pohepohe on north bank. The peace movement originated
from the "Queen's side". Hori Tupaea's people in the neighbourhood of
Wairoa refusing to make peace, but when threatened the soldiers would be
fetched they were more submissive. Retemana, Wi Parera and Tamati
Mauao three friendly chiefs.13
The sale of Katikati and Te Puna to the Crown was undertaken by the Queenites and they
were the people in Auckland to negotiate and settle the sale. A Southern Cross list named
18: Hamiora Tu, Mere, Raniera te Hiahia, Mere Taka, Ranapia, Wiremu Patene, Wiremu
Parera, Hohepa Hikataia, Tamati Mauao, Tomika Te Mutu, Turere, Maihi Pohepohe,
Tawaewae Paerata, Rini Te Matekapua, Te Patu, Arama Karaka, Whati, Pikaka, and
Hohaia. Six of these "chiefs" had met Grey on 14 May. The following received 1000
pounds on 26th August from HT. Clarke in Auckland 14 for the Katikati purchase:
Hohepa Hikutaia Wiremu Parera
Tomika Te Mutu Te Patu Turere
HamioraTu Raniera Te Hiahia
All were "friendly chiefs" or Queenites.
13 14
Mackay to Colonial Secretary July 1864 AJHR A18 AJHRA20: 6
Wiremu Patene
Pikake
80
3.4.2 Katikati - Te Puna Purchase Method
The method employed by MacKay and Clarke in undertaking the purchase of the Katikati
- Te Pima Block followed the system that Maclean and Grey had established in the greatly
successful land purchases of the late 1840's and 1850's. This was a system of land
purchase by negotiating with all claimants to lands led by chiefs who then distributed
money's received from the sale. The sale was conducted as meetings either on the land or
at their settlements.
Heale in 1871 identified this as "unobstructed purchase" where purchase was made
directl y to chiefs representing "tribal" land owners. This method of the Crown to acquire
land was to:
... buy up, on behalf of the public, these rights from Natives, whatever they
might be-.. and then, having acquired to the Crown the absolute freehold,
to .. under the sanctions of Crown Grants ....
That the buyer was final and only judge of the rights of the seller
the only mode buyer had of ascertaining ownership was learning complex
and disputable facts and traditions 1 5
Danziel16 describes the process as the sale of land which was initiated by a tribe offering
to the Government, through its chief, and Maori customary land titles were accepted and
not the subject of Pakeha investigation.
This was modified by 1858 when opposition to land sales emerged. Landsellers were
then courted by the Crown and the business of the land sale was conducted in Auckland
15 16
Lett. Theoph. Heale to Chief Judge, N.L.C. 7th March 1871AJHRI A2A: 17 Danziel 1992
81
away from other claimants who might voice an interest 17 The land purchase officers
adopted a series of expedients in attempts to purchase more land. Open and public
dealings were replaced by hurried and secret meetings and land sellers were specifically
targeted the rest ignored. Land selling chiefs were invited to Auckland, concluded deals
and received payments from Mclean, the Chief Land Purchase Commissioner. 18 This
was the method used for the Katikati-Te Puna purchase, the "friendly" Ngaiterangi chiefs
went to Auckland rather than remain in Tauranga
The conduct of the purchase process for the Katikati - Te Puna purchase followed this
practice by the Crown. The "friendly" Ngaiterangi chiefs had agreed to give up the
Katikati-Te Puna area for the Crown to purchase and went to Auckland with Fox and
Whitaker to finalise the sale. The negotiations were conducted at night and in secret. 19
When Hauraki iwi protested about the Crown's transaction with Ngaiterangi as the only
claimant to the Katikati area, the tactics changed to paying off all claimants, whether real
or imagined, to extinguish all claims to the "customary title". Presentation of evidence for
ownership by Ngaiterangi and Ngati Tamatera was based on conquest and battle rather
than a tradition of occupation. Through this approach, Clarke and Mackay were able to
isolate Pirirakau and Ngati Rangi in their opposition to both the survey and sale of the Te
Puna Block by Ngaiterangi chiefs, and say that their claim did not have any substance as
Pirirakau and Ngati Rangi claims were subservient to Ngaiterangi.
Mr Mackay's letter of the 31st July, 1867, to the Under-Secretary of the Native department
shows what was done:
Out of the lands reserved or returned to loyal Natives within the military
settlements block of 50,000 acres, I would observe that these were at
17 Sorrenson 1957 18 Sorrenson 1955:77 19 Riseborough 1994
82
first to be more in the light of gifts from the Crown to the Natives on
account of having lost land than as compensation. It is true that since the
extension of the area of these to 6,000 acres by Mr. Clarke and myself we
and the Natives now look to it as compensation. The intention of the
Governor, in the first instance, was evidently that the question of
compensation to loyal Natives should be adjusted out of the three-fourths
of the whole district to be returned to the tribe, and not out of the one
fourth retained by him ... The fact of the Natives having sold to the Crown
the Katikati and Puna Blocks to a certain extent altered the position of the
case. However in arranging this question Mr. Clarke and myself
endeavoured to adjust any outstanding claims by making reserves for
some of the loyal persons who had received but little before, on
account of their lands being within the military settlement block of
50,000 acres, although they had but very small right to land otherwise
within the Katikati and Puna Blocks. We also proposed to the ex-rebel
party who owned the greater part of the purchased blocks that they should
adjust the matter by giving a large share of the consideration-money to
the loyal claimants ...
When the Natives made their surrender to His Excellency the Governor
the Ngaiterangi gave up all their lands into the hands of His Excellency.
The friendly natives were parties to this arrangement 20
Ngati Rangi and Pirirakau had vehemently opposed the terms at the first meeting before
Grey. This challenge to Ngaiterangi over mana whenua seems to be a recurring event as
the challenge of the mana of Ngaiterangi by Ngati Ranginui hapu over land was
expressed by Tomika Te Mutu at the Kohimarama conference called by Governor
Browne to honour the 'friendly chiefs" in 1860.
20 Clarke to Mantell 23 June 1865 AJIffi. 1866 A20: 12
83
This is another matter. Our land at T auranga was owned formerly by a
different people, - by Ranginui. Our ancestors made war upon them and
took the land. It was inherited by their children, and has thus descended to
us. Now the descendants of the conquered tribe, who are related to us
through inter-marriage, insist upon having it back. This is not right, in
as much as we were the conquerors and our "mana" over this land has
never been 10st •... This is what we have thought in our hearts respecting
the terms of the Waitangi Treaty. They are as they should be, and by
adhering to them our present plans will prosper. Yes-we consent that
she, that is , the Queen, shall have the sovereignty, so that she may look to
these two races, the Pakeha and maori. Yes we will cling to you, 0 Queen,
and( to you) 0 Governor! There is no power that can put down the Queen
for we are now united.
From Tomika Te Mutu
Wiremu Patene Whitirangi
Hamiora Matenga Tu
Hamuera Te Paki 21
This demonstration of loyalty to the Queen in 1860 was expressed by "friendly
Ngaiterangi chiefs" in latter years in their opposition to the Hauhau and through attacks
on their villages with the military and Te Arawa forces.
21 22
With regard to the opposition of the Pirirakau, it should be clearly
understood that it is no new thing. It is simply a repetition of the active
protest made in 1866, not against any individual European purchaser,
but against the system of confiscation altogether22.
Te Karere Maori Nov. 30.1860 lIT Clarke-Undersecretary-to Native Minister 15 May 1877 AJHR 1877, Gl:27
84
The Crown's special treatment of land allocation to the "friendly Natives" was defined by
MacKay when responding to the question of the Native Land Court overseeing the
confiscation:
The great meeting held at Tauranga in June and November 1866 were
convened with the intentions of disposing of the loyal claims and thus
superseding the necessity of a sitting of the Compensation Court, that is if
there even was any such necessity. I presume there was none, for His
Excellency confiscated the whole district and thus made an arrangement
"out of Court" with the claimants to take 50,000 acres for the claims of
the Crown therein. 23
Boundary Dispute
Meeting held at Motuhoa by MacKay and Clarke for Tauranga Natives:
the extension of the confiscated land on the west side of the Wairoa was
fully discussed, and a amicable and satisfactory arrangement was come
to.24
Pirirakau invited but did not tum up25 and the definition of the 50,000 acre confiscation
boundaries was sanctioned by the "friendly Ngaiterangi chiefs".
23 Mackey to Undersecretary Native Department 31 July 1867 RDB Vol.124 P 47556 24
25 Clarke to Richmond 12 Nov. 1866 AJHR 1866 A20:25
85
Some friendly Natives, who had lost considerable pieces of land within the
50,000 acre block, applied for reserves, and they were promised that
their cases would be inquired int026,
Clarke in describing how the 50,000 acre boundary was first defined said that during the
second meeting with Grey in 1865:
26
It was also agreed that the land should be taken from a line either on the
Waimapu or on some point to be fixed by myself(vide arbitration bonds
attached), and the 50,000 acres were to be taken from that line towards
Te Puna (vide copy of Mr Whitaker's instructions to me, also attached),
1 . The boundary line of the confiscated block to the eastward was not
fixed on the day of meeting (26th March), but on the 1 st of May
(vide letter to General Government Agent, 1 st May, D. 176
attached.) The Waimapu is not the boundary line the whole way.
The confiscated block includes about 1,000 acres to the eastward
of Waimapu.
2. That the Wairoa was not fixed as the boundary line to the
westward may be seen:-
(1.) By the memorandum of instructions handed me by Mr Whitaker.
(2.) By the accompanying copy of letter from Mr. Mair, who acted as the
Governor's interpreter on the occasion.
(3.) By far the most satisfactory evidence to my mind, by the
unanimous testimony of the chiefs who have been recognized both
at the surrender in 1 864 and the final meeting in 1 866 as the
spokesmen and leaders of the Ngaiterangi tribe. The parties, after
Mackay to Richmond 22 Nov. 1866 AJHR A20:27
86
all, most interested in ignoring the arrangements made with His
Excell ency. 27
This had been endorsed by letter by the "friendly chiefs" of Ngaiteahi and Ngati He:
The arrangement for the boundary of the land taken by the Governor is
this:-Mr. Clarke will settle definitely the boundary at Waimapu or at Mr.
Whitaker's boundary, or between those places. When it has been decided by
Mr. Clarke, that is to be he permanent boundary of the land to be taken by
the Governor for the sin of Ngaiterangi.
Tareha,
Ranapia,
Hone,
Rawiri Taipari
Arama Karaka,
Matene.28
which became the boundary that was settled upon:
The eastern boundary of the confiscated block is settled as appears by a
paper herewith signed by the Natives interested; 50,000 acres are to be
taken from that line towards T e Puna. The friendly Natives who have
claims within the confiscated block are settled with .... 29
3 .. 4.4 Role of Civil Commissioners
The Civil Commissioners played a key role in the negotiations for "settlement" of the
confiscation prior to the August 1864 meeting with Grey and subsequent civil
disturbances which the survey disputes was viewed by the Commissioners:
27 28 29
Clarke to Native Minister 26th April 1866 AJHR 1867 A20:62 26th March 1866 . .AJHR 1867 A20:63 Memo from Whitaker to Clarke 10th April 1866 AJHR 1867 A20:64
87
In his address to "Natives" at Tauranga on 6th August, Grey referred to the "friendly
chiefs" :
I now speak to you, the friendly Natives. I thank you warmly for your good
conduct under circumstances of great difficulty. I will consider in what
manner you shall be rewarded for your fidelity. In the meantime in any
arrangements which may be made about the lands of your tribe your
rights will be scrupulously respected.30
The peace process and confiscation settlement that was conducted by Clarke and MacKay
was a manipulation of the instability that had been created with the battles and the trauma
of its implications. "Friendly chiefs" were used in the process to define the terms of
surrender and settlement of the confiscation, they were the main decision makers to the
terms. There opposition to 50,000 acre confiscation area that was proposed because of
the complication it imposed on the land system that was tenuous. The decision was left in
the hands of Clarke and MacKay who targeted hapu with close and traditional links with
Waikato. The "friendly" Ngaiterangi chiefs felt the Kingitanga threatened their mana as
the Kingitanga followers ignored them their mana emanating from the patronage of the
Crown.
It was now in the interests of Ngaiterangi chiefs to contain anti-Pakeha sentiment and
action for the benefit of the "peaceful" Natives. They desired to settle things down, to
return Tauranga to some normality. The opposition that was shown by "Pirirakau" to the
settlement and acceptence of the Te Puna purchase was viewed as belligerence on their
part.
The "survey disputes" were caused by the Civil Commissioners with the unlimited power
they exercised and their inexperience in handling the "civil dispute". They acted
30 Grey AJHR 1867 A20:5
88
independently and on the spot, interpreted and dictated government policy towards any
opposition or resistance that arose to their actions.
When the 'peace settlement' terms had been concluded, the Commissioners concentrated
on settlement of the Natives on their reserves but had to contend with the introduction of
Pai Marire. The unsurrendered 'rebels' were another matter to tend to, as they continued
their support for the Kingitanga.
31
I have the honour to report for your information what has occurred in
this district within the last few days.
Last week Mr. MacKay and Mr. Clarke had a meeting, to settle the
boundaries of certain lands, between the west bank of the Waiua (sic.
Wairoa) and Katti Katti (sic. Katikati). arrangements were made with the
Ngaiterangi chiefs regarding the purchase of some land in the block which
had not been confiscated.
The Pirirakau Natives, residing at the edge of the bush about six miles
from the west bank of the Waiua river, were invited by Mr. MacKay to
attend the meeting, but declined, stating their objections to the whole
proceeding. Mr. MacKay informed them that he should proceed to cut the
lines of the Government boundary, but would not molest them; to which
they replied "that they did not approve "of his proceedings, and should
oppose any surveyors coming there." Upon this Mr. MacKay applied to
Colonel Hamilton, commanding the district, to give him a covering party,
and on Friday morning the 9th instant, a detachment of 200 men of Her
Majesty's 12th Regiment proceeded to take up a commanding position on
the west bank of the Waiaua.31
Harrington to Hantain November 12 1866. BF'P 14:823
89
Grey wrote to Earl of Carnarvon that a detachment on the requisition of an officer of the
Local Government had taken the field without Grey's knowledge. This was in violation
of Grey's instructions which was to calIon Local Government to pay for any troops
whose services they may require. The Local Government refused to pay forcing Grey to
remove the troops.32
Harrington wrote to Grey explaining the breach of orders which Grey passed on to the
Earl of Carnarvon:
a detachment of Her Majesty's regular forces, 300 strong, have taken the
field at Tauranga by directions of Lteut.MColonel Hamilton, 12th
Regiment, on the Requisition of an officer of the Local Government.33
The movement was taken without Harrington's knowledge, and in violation of his
instructions which were that Local Government pay for the services of the forces, which
was refused.
32 33
I have the honour to ask in enclosures in which you inform me that you
had not carried out the instructions contained in my letter of in failing an
expedition of Arawas & Militia to destroy the Hauhaus at Whakamarama,
giving a reason that you were unwilling to renew hostilities in the
District, I have to my entire disapproval of which was in opposition of
Mr. Clarke who distinctly informed you that the Hauhaus were there &
that he had reason to believe had collected supplies of provisions, and that
it was most desirable to strike a blow whilst Arawas were available. The
want of energy & judgement you have displayed lead me to doubt whether
it will not be desirable to place some other officer in command of the
District should it be likely that active operations will again take place. I
Grey to Earl of Carnarvon Nov. 29 1866 BPP 14:822 Grey to Earl of Carnarvon Jan. 8 1867 BPP 14:823
90
disapprove also of your having retained contrary to Mr, Clarke the 100
Arawas in the District must be immediately sent back to their homes.34
Haultain the Defence Minister supported the decision of Harrington to send troops:
34 35
I consider that Col. Harrington has shown a great want of ... and judgement
in failing to send an Expeditionary Force to Whakamarama as he was
directed to do in Def. of Letter of 1 st May, and after having been strongly
to the same effect by Mr. Comm. Clarke- he had 170 Arawas under
command of Major McDonnell & could have mustered from 100 to 150
well trained Europeans - The Hauhaus had entered the District with
avowedly hostile intentions, and had refused to listen to the overtures
made to them by Mr. Clarke through the Ngaiterangi- and although the
main body might have returned to Waikato, yet it would have been a matter
of great importance to have captured some of their people & to have
destroyed the ... of provisions they had .. 35
I have the honour to inform you that His Excellency Sir George Grey
called for plans of the Confiscated land in this district .... He inspected Mr
Walkers plan which has been handed over to me for allocation of No.6
Company and expressed his surprise that so much broken country has been
surveyed, which evidently could not be available for Military Settlers. He
has desired me to recommend to the Government that the District Surveyor
should be empowered to have surveyed only such lands as are in opinion fit
for location and thus I am unnecessary expense and delay.
RDB Vol. 136522283-523 Dec. 1867 Hautain to Ministers 18 May 67
91
I have told His Excellency that I have no authority to give such
instructions to the District Surveyor, but would forward his
communication for the consideration of Government. I may add that a large
proportion of the land now handed to me for the location of No. 6 Company
is unavailable condemned by a brand of Officers. 36
There was a war of misinformation as the Commissioner was dependent on the 'friendly'
chiefs and Natives for intelligence of Hauhau activity and movement.
I have the honor to acquaint you for the information of the Hon. the
Defence Minister that every effort has been made to procure information
as to the numbers of Hau Haus threatening the District, but the reports
from the friendly Natives are most conflicting.37.
This war was conducted by the "friendly chiefs" (both Queenites and surrendered rebels)
who had a vested interest in the 'civil' instability which the survey disputes brought to
Tauranga for rewards of Crown patronage that came with it.
36 37 38
In reply to your letter No. 91/3 of the 1st inst. I have the honour to
acquaint you for the information of the Hon. Defence Minister that every
effort has been made to procure information as to the numbers of Hau Haus
threatening the District, but the reports from the friendly Natives are
most conflicting - No aggression innermost has been made on the settlers
of this District since the departure of the imperial Troops and I therefore
deem it most inexpedient to renew hostilities at a time when a large
meeting is being held to discuss the question of Peace or War.38
Harrington December 1866 to Hautain RDB Vol. 136 pp 52277-80 Harrington to Captain Holt May 14 1867.RDB Vo1.136 136 P 52286
92
A correspondent to the New Zealand Herald commenting on the "Tauranga and Kaimai
Lands ten years after the event made the observation that:
After Te Ranga, when the Tauranga natives made peace, they ceded their
lands to the Government. They were told that 50,000 acres would be
taken, but they said they knew nothing about how much that was, and
asked the Government to fix certain boundaries. This was done, but after a
long time, when the land was surveyed, it was found that it did not amount
to 50,000 acres or anything like it, and another piece was taken. Some
natives disputed out right to do this, and we blundered into a costly war.39
The correspondent who was an eyewitness to the events that occurred is clearly stating
that the representatives of the Government were the instigators of the survey war. And
no punishment was suggested to those who took part in this "rebelliontl•
39 40
At Tauranga it was promised to the natives that the river Wairoa should
not be crossed;-yet it was crossed, and that lies at the bottom of the
present troubles. 40
BOP Times 1 November 1876 Daily Southern Cross Jan.23 1867
93
4.0 Te Kou ra i Kaimai
In 4 September 1872 the Bay of Plenty Times correspondent reported that in Tauranga
generally:
Native matters here are in a state of profound quietude. War's rude alarm
have ceased, to resound, in this once eminently disturbed district. Hauhau,
Queen Maori, and pakeha dwell together in unity .. on the most amicable
terms. 1
The gold strikes in the Ohinemuri created interest in the Kaimai area and led many to
believe that gold would be found in the Kaimai. The first exploratory survey was
conducted in 1867 under the threat of Hauhau attack.
1 2
On November 1 8, Captain Fraser, Mr George, Mr C. O. Davis, Mr
Warbrick, Captain Tunks, and two sons of Hori Tupaia, left Tauranga for
Kaimai. Under Mr Davi's advice a messenger was sent ahead and being
favourably received Mr. Davis advanced, and there was a tangi over him.
After this was over the party went prospecting. Next day they went up the
creek and got some specimens of quartz that looked like a gold bearing
rock. The natives said there had been no hostile Maoris there for seven
months, and that prospecting parties going out were in no danger
whatever, still the natives did not wish to see larger parties than four. 2
BOP Times 4 September 1872 The Record Nov. 23 1867
94
And a year later:
It has long been known that gold exists at a settlement called Kaimai,
situated at the head of the Wairoa river. Recently the native owners of
that country had a meeting at T e Papa, and it was agreed that a deputation
should be sent to the settlement to ascertain the mind of the natives living
there, and also to inform them that the owners of the land had made up
their minds to throw open the country for prospecting parties. The
handful of Hauhaus residing there received the deputation with every
mark of respect, but told them that the land and the golden treasures
underneath it were in the hands of King Tawhiao, and that, if prospectors
should determine to visit the district, they should fly off to the King for
succour. 3
Rumours of gold in the Kaimai flourished with a meeting on October 51872 called by the
Government on Rangiwaea to discuss the opening of the road between Cambridge and
Tauranga where the subject of Gold prospecting was raised. There was support for the
road by Ngaiterangi chiefs and opposition from Ngati Raukawa and uHauhau" supporters
of the Kingitanga. The majority present opposed the road. The meeting was chaired by
Hori Tupaea and opened by Penetana4 who expressed support for the opening of the
road. Te Kuka opposed the meeting because Ngaiterangi should have been consulted
first.
The Hauhau present objected as supporters of the Kingitanga. wishing to restrict Pakeha
access to land that came under the mana of the Kingi Tawhiao. Hori Tupaea supported
the opposition to the road. The Times commented that his stand was made because of
Ngaituwhiwhia (Kuka) being annoyed at him using his mana on the side of Raukawa
3 4
Daily Southern Cross 7 Dec 1868 Penetana Te Kauri - Ngati Raukawa
95
instead of assenting on behalf of his tribe, Ngaiterangi. Akuhata Tupaea, Hori's son,
supported the government's plan and Hori Ngatai spoke in favour of the road and told
Ngati Raukawa to "confine their transactions to their own district and not interfere with
Ngaiterangi ll• Ngawharau5 spoke for his father, Herewini, who went with the majority
of opposition but Ngawharau voiced his personal support for the road.
Ngaiterangi made heated claims to a portion of land which the road was likely to pass
over, Hori Ngatai and Hori Tupaea argued over their respective ancestors who belonged
to the area. Two chiefs6 from the interior opposed the plan and put forward that they
would not allow the road to be opened under any consideration.
The Times recorded that Mr Clarke told the meeting that "as Ngati Raukawa were willing
that the road should pass through their land, and no obstacle being put in the way, the
road would at once, be surveyed as far as the Ngati Raukawa boundary. The opposition
on the side of Ngaiterangi will shortly be withdrawn"'?
Rumours persisted about the presence of gold in the Kaimai. The area was part of the
confiscated land that had not yet been allocated by the Commissioners administrating the
confiscated land. The survey disputes of 1866 and 1867 and the presence of Hauhau in these
inland kainga had delayed the allocation.
A meeting of the Town Board in 1875 publicly raised the likelihood of gold in the
Kaimai:
5 6 7
Hatana N gawharau - Ngati Kahu Ngati Raukawa BOP Times October 1872
96
Mr Warbrick stated that Captains Fraser and Goldsmith, Mr. C. O. Davis,
and himself, visited the locality years ago, and that auriferous stone was
handed to them by the Natives. 8
Mr Redfern had confinned to Maxwell that he had found gold at or near Kaimai. The
meeting discussed the payment of money to the natives if gold was found to open the area
for prospecting. Brabant said that he had communicated with the Government about the
road to Cambridge
The persistent rumours about the gold also raised amongst the Pakeha the issue of making
Maori land available. There was pressure from local Pakeha in Tauranga at that stage to open
up the area. Commissioner Brabant was approached by a delegation and there was editorial
comment in support suggesting that the area between Tauranga and Cambridge should be
opened up for development.
There was interest as well amongst iwi in Tauranga A hui were held at Wairoa to discuss the
opening up of the area for prospecting or keeping it closed.
Some of the most influential of the Ngatiraukawa tribe arrived yesterday
for the purpose of attending the large native meeting to take place at
Wairoa on Monday relative to the opening of the Kaimai lands and are
guests of Hori Ngatai and Enoka T e Whanake at Whareroa. 9
The Bay of Plenty Times reported in September 1876 the presence of Hauhau in the Kaimai
threatening any intending prospectors. As rumours of gold in the Kaimai persisted, Pakeha
interest in the area emerged. Conflicts over land ownership, mana of hapu and the role of
8 9
BOP Times 1875? BOP Times July 29 1876
97
certain Ngaiterangi chiefs over these lands for decisions and action to take place. Three
factions arose, Hauhau, Ngati Raukawa, and Ngaiterangi chiefs.
To clarify ownership of the Kaimai, Hori Tupaea wrote a letter to Sir Donald Mclean in 1876
(Hurae 25 1876) and identified the following as hapu of Ngati Raukawa who possess land at
Kaimai:
Ko te ua tenei i Putahi ai te korero 0 enei iwi mo te whakapuaretanga 0 te
koura 0 Kaimai me ona atu wahi he tine whakapumautanga tenei na matou
mo taua koura kia kimihia E kore rawa e kaha tetahi iwi tangata ranei i
waho atu 0 enei ka tuhia ki rare iho nei
Te Matewaka
Ngati Kahu
Ngati Tamatewharia
Ngatitama
Ngati Te Apunga
Ngati Takahu
Ngati Tauterangi
Ngati Hangarau
Ko nga Hapu enei 0 ngatiraukawa i uru ki tenei whenua nana nei tenei
whakaaetanga
Na Hori Tupaea 10
Hori Tupaea called a hui which was held at Wairoa to discuss the opening the Kaimai
area for gold prospecting. It was reported by the BOP Times that there were 700 in
attendance including representatives from Ngaiterangi and Ngati Raukawa Support for
the opening came from Ngaiterangi and opposition, the King supporters of Ngati
Raukawa. There was heated discussion over ownership and assertion and ancestral
10 National Archives BABG A52/55 Box 25
98
rights. Ngaiterangi and Ngati Raukawa demonstrating verbally their respective superior
rights. A B.O.P. Times reporter at the meeting recorded the following:
11 12 13
I am not clear about the talk of the Ngaiterangi; they are not the owners of
the land, and they only come here to talk and create confusion.ll
I think the Ngaiterangi are the legitimate owners. 12
Kiritapu, with many gesticulations, objected to some of the speakers, and
tried to prove he was the owner of the land.13
Maihi te Ngaru: the Ngati raukawa have only come here to listen, and
while there is opposition my word shall be carried out, ie. that it shall be
opened: let the hauhaus be silent for ever.
Hori Ngatai: One is saying one thing and one another, and nothing has been
done so far; I don't know why the Ngati raukawas have any say in the
matter, the Ngaiterangis living in Tauranga are the only men having any
say.
Karonama: Usten Ngaiterangi. You have been disputing about your
ancestors with the Ngatiraukawa all the time. I am of a different tribe
myself, the names Ngatitama and other tribes belong to me.
Henare Ranginui I am not the principal person interested; some of the
Ngati raukawa have superior claims; Ngaiterangi are not the owners.
Tutaunui (Ngaiteahi)- BOP Time 5/8/1876 Hamuera Te Paki (Ngaiterangi) ibid. Ngati Kirihika ibid.
99
Karenama, chief of Ngati Raukawa, went into his ancestral claims,
showing them to be superior to any others.
Hamiora Tu (Ngaiterangi): We all claim through our ancestors.14
Some speakers qualified that opening up the Kaimai was to seek gold only, not sell land.
Ngamoka: If there is no gold, as Hori Tupaea told you the land still remains
to the owners. I am favourable to prospectors looking for gold.
The rest of the evening was occupied in disputing rights of the several
hapus to this block, but we gathered from the finish that Kaimai was to be
opened, as Hori Tupaea had given his consent there was no opposing
himlS.
Tangitu ofTe Pirirakau commented on the meeting at Wairoa as follows:
Akuhata 1 8 1 876
Kia Te Kuka, E Tama Tena koe he kupu atu kia koe mo nga korero ate
tangata e rongona koe kaua hei whakarongo e ngari titiro tonu mai kia au
ki te rongo au i te kupu e kore e huna e au kia koe ara kia koutou katoa i
tauranga ara kua whakae nei kupu kia koe i nga ra kua mahue a tenei tae
noa mai ki tenei ko taua kupu ano e mohio ana koe ki taku kupu i te Wairoa
e hara i te taha kia koe te nei matenga 0 kaimai e ngari na te taha uta ano
otira aha koa hauhau i mua i naianei he Pakeha e hara i te mea aku
whakaaro kei whea kei whea ko te mea anake i tukua mai e toku mana kia
au ko te pai ko te aroha mo ngaiterangi ko te kupu mo nga Pakeha tetahi
14 BOP Time 5/8/1876 15 ibid.
100
ara ko te kupu anake e tama kei ki koe ka mahuetia e au e nei kupu kia
hanga ke atu hoki au i te tahi tikanga ke atu kaore na te manawa hoki te
tangata i ora ai Heoi tena Waiata e tama puta noa i te korekore rawa me
whakamana koe te whatu 0 Poutima hiko ia atu te whetu 0 te rangi mau e
whakamutu atu
Na Tangitu16
A meeting was held at Te Papa byBrabant to conclude arrangements of boundaries and
the appointment of a committee to what he describes to manage affairs. Penetana
demanded money to be paid to explore for gold in the Kaimai but Brabant says:
.. cannot have payment until it is known there is gold. If gold is found and not
otherwise then the Govt. will treat with the Natives in which case the
Maoris will acquire a valuable property .. J7
Brabant told the meeting that their consent goes for nothing, that it is without cost, as
Government will not apply for their consent. Brabant asked the meeting if they are all
agreed that they will not open the goldfield unless paid for and they were all agreed.
On August 10 1876 Brabant called Hori Tupaea and Akuhata to another meeting and
Penetana was also present. Hori was asked by Brabant if he received money was he
willing to take it on security of miners rights provided gold was found and he agreed
which 50 pounds was the sum agreed to which was paid as a security of licences or taken
as a lease. 18
Soon after the meeting Brabant was able to inform Captain Ebenezer Norris, Chairman
Tauranga N. Township Highway Board, that:
16 National Archives BABG A52155 Box 25 17 Brabant notes BABG A52155 Box 25 National Archives 18 Ibid.
101
I have the pleasure to inform you that I have this afternoon settled with
Hori Tupaea and party re Kaimai and I do not think there will be any
further opposition on the part of the natives to prospecting - They are
prepared to send a man to show boundaries of block when required.19
The Bay of Plenty Times reported on August 1876 that "Kaimai thrown up to prospectors".
But Penetana Te Kauri was to send a letter from Te Ongaonga, Kaimai that month to inform
on the presence of armed Hauhau in the area
Kia te Paramena, E pa rna tena koutou, kua tae mai te hauhau ki konei ki te
ongaonga nei, me 0 ratou pu ano, he whai mai ia Akuhata ratou ko ana
pakeha
na te Penetana te Kauri 20
By September 25 it was reported that prospectors had no problems with natives.
Hamiora Tu and Raniera left yesterday from Whakamarama to interview
the natives resident at that settlement reo the opening of Kaimai to the
prospectors. 21
A meeting to discuss the opening of the Kaimai district for prospecting C.N. Roberts:
19 20 21
informed the meeting relative to any doubts that might be felt as to the
existence of gold at Kaimai, that when he was lately in Auckland he had
met a gentleman who had visited Kaimai some fifteen or twenty years ago,
and had gone over the whole block, and had only left it on account of the
interference of one of the missionaries, which prevented his prosecuting
Lett. August 11 1876 Brabant to Morris ibid. National Archives BABG A52/55 Box 25 BOP. Times Oct. 14 1876
102
his search. This gentlemen, who has since been one of the first to open the
Coromandel district, and in whose, verdict with regard to goldfields the
greatest confidence might be placed, had informed him that on this
occasion of his visit he had seen every indication of Kaimai being a gold-
bearing district, and that he would have stopped and prospected further
with confidence, but for the obstruction he had met with. 22
A Sub-Committee of the Kaimai Committee went to Matapihi to discuss with IINgaiterangi
chiefs" the Kaimai question and asked about the advisability of holding a public meeting of
natives interested in the Kaimai at Whareroa. The Committee expounded on their moves in a
llconstitutional manner" to remove obstacles to the Kaimai. 23
The Kaimai Committee released a statement on 18 November 1876 directed to the
Government for the opening of the Kaimai:
A Statement For The Information And Consideration Of The Hon. F.
Whitaker And Other Members Of The Government Of New Zealand,
Transmitted By The Kaimai Committee On Behalf Of The Inhabitants Of
Tauranga
The questions of paramount importance to the Tauranga district may be
classified under the following heads:
1. The opening of Kaimai and surrounding country for gold prospecting
2. The final settlement of all land titles within the original confiscation
boundary.
3.The completion of the titles to the extensive blocks of land purchased in
the Lake districts, and at Maketu, and the Bay of Plenty generally.
22 BOP Times 11 Oct. 1876 23 BOP Times 18 Oct 1876
103
4.The formation of roads from Tauranga to Waikato, Ohinemuri, and
adjacent country.
5.Crown Land Sales24
A public meeting of Maori and Pakeha was held at the Tauranga Hotel to consider "ways and
means of prospecting the Kaimai country". Three miners had arrived from Victoria and were in
attendance. Fairfax Johnson said his land was open for prospecting and "natives" were of the
same mind and Ngawharau and Herewini supported a resolution of allowing the miners to
prospect. A committee was formed to co-operate with the miners. "Natives" present Te Kuka,
Herewini, Ngawharau, Mutimuti, Kamai were favourable to opening their lands.2S Various
submissions were made to Government from this committee about opening the area up to
Pakeha.
An editorial on 16 November 1876 commented on a meeting held about the Kaimai at which
was made the attempt of the Ngaiterangi to induce Pirirakau to consent to the opening of
Kaimai. There was expressed dissatisfaction among:
Ngaiterangi chiefs about the sum of money alleged to have been paid to
Hori Ngatai and Enoka on behalf of the whole tribe for their consent to
open the Kaimai... natives will not proceed until demands met and
prospectors to keep out.26
The "friendly Ngaiterangi "chiefs were then rewarded with a:
24 Ibid. 25 BOP Times 18 Dec 1876. 26
104
complimentary dinner at the Commercial Hotel last Tuesday evening to·
honour Hori Ngatai and Enoka and Hamiora for their help in opening the
Kaimai to prospecting.27
4 .. I Discussion
Putman recorded in 1872 that Kaimai was the settlement of Ngati Tamahapai with Herewini
as chief. Hori Tupaea had kin links to Ngati Raukawa and his mana was that he assumed the
role of the Tauranga chief who could represent those hapu and be responsible to those who
owned land in the Kaimai. The newspaper of the
time with its bias to Hori Ngatai and Enoka emphasised their role in opening up the area but
as Brabant was to write in a letter to the Native Department that Tupaea had supported
prospecting for gold and agreed to point out boundaries. Penetana Te Kauri of Ngati
Raukawa asked for money to open up the area to prospecting. Brabant asked Hori Tupaea if
he received money is he willing to take on security of licences rights provided gold is found.
He responded that he was and when asked what amount he wished he replied 50 pounds.28
The fever for gold rapidly expired when prospecting was unsuccessful but the lobbying
from Pakeha and those chiefs sympathetic or supportive to a Government policy of
opening up the region created an anticipation that was to make it possible for this to
happen, in spite of Hauhau persistence in making the area out of bounds for Pakeha.
The Kaimai area had not yet come before the Commissioner but by 1878 land speculators
based in the Waikato had made advances into the district through those sympathetic to the
opening of the area The role of Ngaiterangi chiefs, and Ngati Raukawa who supported
27 BOP Times December 2 1876 28 Brabant Notes National Archives BABG A52155 Box 25
105
Figure20 Sketch Plan of Kaimai (1876). Sketch copy (National Archives BABG A52/55)
Te K aki disputed by Te Mete & Hori Ngatai
Pakeha wishes and demonstrated their mana and patronage by the Crown against Hauhau
were rewarded by the Commissioner by the allocation of land in this area when these
lands came before the Commissioners.
107
5 .. 0 Lifting of Alienation Restrictions
Ngati Kahu lands in the 50,000 acre confiscation were on the east of the Wairoa River
from Wharepoti at the mouth to the area of the tributary of Mangapapa Stream. Ngati
Rangiland was also on the east side of the Wairoa River at Potiriwhi and Te Pura, but the
major portion, with Ngati Pan go lands were west of the Wairoa River from
Pukewhanake to the Ruangangara Stream. The inland land areas for these hapu were;
Ngati Kahu in the Kaimai; Ngati Pango at Poripori and Ngati Rangi at Te lrihanga. The
lifting of the alienation restrictions by the Crown in 1886 for the Kaimai Block or its
subdivisions, further penalised Ngati Kahu with more loss of land through the sale of Te
Ongaonga No 1, Purakautahi and Mataiwhetu.
Restrictions on sale of Native Lands were made clear in Native Land legislation (Native Land
Act 1867) but there was a vagueness or lack of any clear guidelines for Commissioners to
follow in the administration of the "returned lands" for the Tauranga Confiscation. The
Confiscated Lands Act 1867 stated that:
6. Any grant which the Governor is hereby authorized to make may
be made subject to such conditions restrictions and limitations he may
think fit. And whenever the Governor shall under any of the provisions of
this Act by warrant under his hand set apart any land for the benefit of
any person or persons of the Native race he may either in the same or in a
subsequent warrant specify what if any conditions restrictions or
limitations shall be attached to thereof when made.
The Commissioners had no direction as to how the inquiry into the "returned" lands should be
conducted, but they were influenced at the latter stage by the Native Land Court procedure in
108
the definition of customary tenure. Reserves in the 50,000 acre confiscation of east Otumoetai
and west Te Puna surveys and within Katikati Te Puna, were awarded as Crown Grants as
either hapu reserves or awards to individuals'! The Government met the costs of surveying
these blocks. In applying the 'alienation restrictions' Commissioner Clarke was not consistent
in his procedure, specifying some areas to be "inalienable" and others he allowed to be leased
or eventually sold.
When Brabant became Commissioner of Tauranga Lands in 18.. he explained that the
Commissioners made it an open court and more or less assimilated their practice with that
of the Judges of the Native Lands Court, the cases coming before them for decision were
similar in character.2 Claimant landowners set themselves up under an agent,
commissioned a survey and presented the evidence to the Commissioner along with other
competing claimant groups. The mana tupuna for the land was identified in these cases
and the format must have followed what was then used by the Native Land Court to
investigate title.
Commissioners were partial to any claims to land by "friendly chiefs". This was to fulfil
Government directions established by Grey that "friendly" Natives were not to be
disadvantaged by the confiscation of lands and they were acknowledged for the role they
played to ensure "the peaceful settlement" of Tauranga for their claims to "returned "
lands of the inland areas. The blocks in the eastern Tauranga, Papamoa, Otawa, Waitaha,
Ohauiti, Matapihi, Maungatapu did not experience the number of competing claims that
lands west and south of the 50,000 acre confiscation did.
Clarke made lands at Maungatapu and Ohuki, along with the islands of Rangiwaea and
Motuhoa inalienable in 1864, but did not apply any restrictions on Matakana Island.
Settlements it appears, were made inalienable. Te Korowhiti Tuataka of Ngati Ruahine,
1 2
Stokes 1990 Brabant to Lewis 16 May 1881 RDB,Vol. 127, pp48670-7L
109
complained that she had been omitted from the lists of owners for the Pukepoto and Ohauiti
blocks by Clarke when he was Commissioner, and she petitioned the government. There was
an inquiry and the Native Affair's Committee released a report on October 1878 recommending
to the Government:
That, in the opinion of the Committee, no other portions of the land in the
Tauranga District which was returned by the Government to the Natives
should be allowed to be alienated, by way of sale or by way of lease, for a
longer period than twenty-one years, and then only by public auction or
by public tender.3
When H.W. Brabant became Commissioner he was confronted by "alienation" restrictions,
and he asked Lewis, the Native Minister in 1881, for clear guidelines or direction:
You are aware that the alienability or otherwise by the natives of the
Tauranga Lands dealt with by the Commissioners has long been a vexed
question. The instructions to me has long been a vexed question. The
instructions to me when I formerly held office as Commissioner were that
I was to use my discretion in regard to lands not actually in use by the
natives but some time ago, while Mr Wilson was a Commissioner
Government issued instructions that all Tauranga lands were to be made
inalienable (except by leave of the Governor 'first obtained).
I found that speculators continued dealing with these lands & assumed that
these instructions which I have referred to have been revised.
I have the honour to request that I may be definitely instructed on this
matter as soon as convenient to the Hon. the Native Minister. 4
Lewis sent Brabant a copy of a letter with instruction to Wilson:
3 4
Report of Native of Native affairs Committee 1878. 1879, Sess.I, 1-4,p.l (voLl, p.153). Brabant to Lewis, 16 March 1881. RDB, vol. 126,pp48640-41
110
the Grants for these lands will be issued subject merely to the usual
restrictions, viz. that the owners are not to sell, Mortgage, or lease for a
longer period than 21 years except with the consent of His Excellency the
Governor. 5
The reply from Lewis was that instructions issued in 1878 to Wilson following a similar query
had not been modified, and Crown grants were to continue to be issued subject to the "usual
restrictions" on the sale, mortgage or lease for more than twenty-one years of the lands.6
In a memo in 1877 to Brabant from H.T. Clarke, then undersecretary, in reference to
Opounui Island:
The rest of the Island to the S.W. is set apart as a Native Reserves
(subject to subdivision by the Commissioners Court) and is to be made
inalienable by sale. lease or mortgage for any term of years however short
without the leave of the Governor first obtained. Such were the terms of
the promise made by the Governor at the General peace making in 1864.7
Another memo from H.T. Clarke dated 25 January 1877:
5 6 7
1 st The lands at Ohuki (Matapihi) lying between the following
boundary lines are to be made inalienable by sale, mortgage or lease for
any term however short without the leave of the Governor first obtained in
accordance with the Governors promise made at the peace making with
Ngaiterangi-..
2. All lands at Maungatawa as far as the confiscated line and
extending to the coast to be subject to the usual restrictions inalienable by
Lewis to Wilson 15 Apri11880 RDB:4864 O'Malley 1995 H.T Clarke to Brabant Jan. 25 1872 RDB Vol. 126 p 48633
111
sale or lease beyond 21 years without the leave of the Governor first
obtained.
3. All lands at Kaimai and the forest at the back of Oropi to be
made alienable or otherwise at your discretion. 8
The lands at Kaimai and the forest at the back of Oropi are an extension of the 50,000 acre
block. Clarke in this instance was advocating further punishment to N gati Ranginui hapu in
allowing further alienation of their lands, while protecting the interests of Ngaiterangi hapu at
Matapihi and Mangatawa
5.1 Purpose of alienation restriction
A Commissioner was appointed by the Governor in 1886 to inquire into applications for
the removal of alienation restrictions referred by the Native Minister. The Commissioner
had found in Tauranga that:
8 9
At the time when the Tauranga purchases before me were initiated-that
is, in 1878, 1879, 1880-and the rival agents were struggling to secure
the blocks in advance of each other, none of the lands had gone through the
Commissioners Court nor through the Native Land Court, their boundaries
were undefined, no reserves for the permanent use of the Natives had been
selected, and the conflicting claims of contending tribes and individuals
had not been adjusted. 9
Ibid P 48635-37 AJHR 1886 GIl
112
The Commissioner had found that cases that had passed the Frauds Prevention
Commissioner which were presented to him as a complaint of "alleged fraud" were
verified as fraud by evidence presented to him, that were not presented to the Frauds
Prevention Commissioner.
The Commissioner recommended that the restrictions be removed for
Case 3
Case 4
Case 5
Case 6
TeMahau
Te lrihanga No.1
OteoraNo 1
WaimanuNo 1
181
685
2,441
1274
T. Russell
T. Russell
J.F. BuddIe
Hugo Friedlander
and the purchases not allowed and that the restrictions be not removed:
Case 7
Case 8
Case 9
Case 10
Waimanu NolC
Waimanu No 2A
Poripori No.1
Pori pori No 2
446
450
3000
2696
Hugo Friedlander
" " It " If "
The Commissioner found that negotiations for the sale of the lands begun in 1878 by
Alfred Preece who transferred these interests to Creagh and Friedlander.
The following blocks from which restrictions on alienation were removed between 1881-
188410
1881 Kumikumi No.1 2617 J.B.Whyte
March 4 1884 Kaimai No.1 4500 J.B. Whyte
March 4 1884 Ongaonga No.2 3057 J.B. Whyte
10 E.Stokes 1990
113
March41884 Purakautahi
March41884 Kaimai
Ruakaka
463
1033
J.B. Whyte
Te Mete Raukawa and
others
The date of removal was May 1883 and the grantees for Kaimai No 1 was Renata Toriri:
Ongaonga No.2 Paraiki Peneti and others: and Purakautahi, Te Awanui Kiritapu and
others. In the report tabled before Parliament, Sess II 1884, the nature of restriction was
cited that provided always that the said land hereby granted shall be inalienable by gift,
sale, lease, or mortgage, except with the consent of the Governor being previously
obtained to any such gift, sale, lease, or mortgage. Brabant reported that the Native
owners were desirous to sell, and that they had sufficient other lands for their
maintenancell.
The lifting of alienation restriction were influenced by the following:
1. Political and active pressure from Tauranga Pakeha to open up Kaimai for gold
prospecting and settlement.
2. Waikato land speculators operating in Tauranga
3. Ngati Raukawa and Ngati Haua land sellers owning land in the Kaimai.
4. Political change brought about the collapse of the Grey Government
5. Acceptance by Commissioner Brabant that "Natives possessed sufficient other
landl!.
6. Willing Native sellers
11 AillR 1884 G5:2
114
7. Lack of specific guidelines for Commissioner's Court under the Tauranga
District lands Act 1866 and 1867
8. Crown's policy in rewarding tlfriendly chiefs" by the award of land.
502 Waikato Land Speculation
Private speculation of Maori land was a feature in Waikato, Piako and Patetere from the
1860's to 1880's and this was made possible with the introduction of the Native Land
Court and its procedure in "investigating" title to determine ownership. The outcome of
the land wars and land confiscation in Waikato and the retreat of Waikato and the
Kingitanga behind the Aukati or Rohe Potae, left the Thames Valley and Waikato
exposed to private investment. J. C. Firth led the way in leasing thousands of acres at
Matamata in 1866 and he was followed into Waikato by others. The most notable were
William Aitken, Thomas Russell, and Frederick Whitaker: Falconer Larworthy and
James Ferguson, Robert and Every Maclean, J.B. Whyte, E.B. Walker, Thomas Morrin
and Francis Rich. 12
These Pakeha land speculators were based in Auckland and had first targeted the Thames
district goldmining for speculation through the buying of gold leases. When the goldmines
were worked out by 1870 and the returns from the Thames mines fell, Maori land became the
target as a source of investment. This trend towards heavy investment in Maori lands
accelerated as the prospect of the railway entering the Waikato area presented the area as
profitable for rural investment. 13
Several Aucklanders began negotiating for lands in the Thames-Piako valley. The Hungahunga
and Waiharakeke blocks purchase was completed by Whitaker's group in 1876 but money had
12 Stone 1973: 17 13 Stone 1973: 18
115
been paid on the lands before 1873. 14 Other lands were in the Morrinville district and the
Matamata plains.
Speculators in Maori land operating in the Waikato and Patetere, ventured into Tauranga,
taking advantage as they had in the Waikato of the social instability associated with land
confiscation and the selling of Native lands promoted by Government officials in
Tauranga. The alienation of Kaimai lands was facilitated by the presence of N gati
Raukawa landowners on the Tauranga side of the Kaimai and its bordering the Patetere
lands (Kaimai, Whakamarama, Mangatotara, Kura Whaitinui, Paengaroa) and
Ngaiterangi "friendlies". Some of the leading figures of Ngati Raukawa who were active
in the alienation of their lands in the Patetere were present on the Tauranga lands.
5.2.1 Purchase Methods of Land Speculators
In the Waikato, the ending of Crown pre-emption in 1865 under the Native Land Act 1865
enabled Pakeha to buy land not confiscated directly from Maori land owners. The process of
investigating title and establishing a memoriam of owners with the title employed by the Native
Land Court created the environment for speculators to operate. The Native Land Act of 1865
made negotiations prior to the award of a certificate by the Court, void, but not illegal. This
sanctioned the practice of negotiating for Maori lands before the Court had decided
ownership.15 But the land had to be first surveyed before it was brought before the court.
This fact was utilised by the Auckland speculators in the court sittings at Cambridge,
Rotorua and elsewhere. The operation increased long contested court sittings, cost of
lawyers and other fees created by the system of adversarial contest the Native Land Act
14 15
Sorrenson 1955:41-43 ibid. p 30.
116
created. While cases were being heard, huge debts were being run up by unscrupulous
shopowners. People soon separated themselves into two camps, sellers or non-sellers.
In 1873 tension between sellers and non-sellers in the Patetere and Cambridge area
between Ngati Haua and Ngati Raukawa resulted in the death of T. Sullivan an employee
of Edwin Barnes Walker, a Pakeha buyer trespassing on disputed ground near
Cambridge. The government, alarmed by this event, halted land sales and indicated that
they alone would become responsible for land negotiations there. 16
In 1878 the Grey government entered the field of Maori land buying which upset private
land buyers. A fierce land-buying race with the government began. The small wealthy
group negotiating with the Ngati Raukawa began to survey furiously and to encourage
the Maoris to establish their titles in the Native Land Court as a prelude to sale. 17
But the Crown agents working in Patetere soon became aware that private speculators
operated directly in competition by making advances of money to probable Maori land
owners to secure purchases "in the hope that a change of government would see an end to
pre-emption and the validation of the purchases which they irregularly made". The
Patetere Land Association and Whaiti-Kuranui Association were foremost in this
activity. 18
Operating in adjoining blocks and loosely associated with each other, two syndicates of
Whaiti-Kuranui Association and Patetere syndicate utilised the agents of Maori land
buying, lawyers, agents, surveyors and shopkeepers. The Whaiti-Kuranui blocks were
before the Native Land court over the 1880 - 83 period at Cambridge. The surveyor for
the Kura-Whaitinui blocks was Creagh who was asked to stop by the Government in
16 Stone 1995 17 Stone 1967:59. 18 Stone 1995
117
1879 during the disputes that occurred over the Patetere lands19. The negotiator to the
owners for the land speculators was Seranck. Both Creagh and Seranck extended their
activity to the Tauranga area~
In 1879 the Grey government was defeated by a vote of no- confidence and the new
administration moved away from buying Maori land. In 1880 the government allowed
individual blocks of land to be processed through the Native Land Court giving Patetere
syndicates an advantage because speculators or purchasers possessed the surveys they
had already conducted.
Thefall of Grey's government in 1879 has been partly attributed by Stone20 to a
powerful lobby group inside and outside Parliament who wanted a free-trade in Maori
land the preserve of private speculators rather than government.
In the Tauranga area these speculators did not have the Crown's pre-emption to contend
with, but the Commissioners Court under the Tauranga District Lands Act 1867. This did
not deter the speculators a..'l they manipulated the system and landowners to get the
alienation restrictions removed.
5.3 Kaimai Survey and Survey Liens
The presence of Hauhau inland of Tauranga delayed the examination of lands in this area
by the Commissioners Court. Agitation and lobbying by Tauranga Pakeha to open up the
Kaimai for gold prospecting and settlement, and endorsement by Government officials to
lands claims by "friendly" Ngaiterangi provided the climate for the Cambridge based land
19 20
Letter from Percy Smith to Creagh AJHR 1880 G1:9 Stone 1967
118
Figure 21 Patetere Land Speculation
1"'.-... ...-.. ---
. . \ . . \ . \ . \ . \ . . \ \ I • .
.. "",... .. "",... .
o
Patetere Estates 1882 (taken from Stone 1973:133)
30km I
N.Z. Thames Valley Land Company
Auckland Agricultural Company
Firth's Estate
speculators to operate in the area. Because of the proximity to Raukawa and Ngati Haua
lands, and the presence of Raukawa landowning extending into Tauranga, the speculators
were able to extend their operations, to make advances to prospective owners to secure a
sale of the land and pay for the survey.
The Kingitanga in the Rohe Potae was influential in maintaining an "anti-land sale" stance
which kept land sales in check. But Tawhiao's authority began to crumble around him. In
the Patetere area the influence of the Kingitanga went beyond the Waikato Raupatu
boundary through Hauhau supporters but the pressure to sell had been building up
steadily since 1877 among a local land-selling group of the Ngati Raukawa. This was
fostered by a syndicate advancing money to land sellers within the Patetere block in spite
of the government proclamation which made it illegal to do so.21 In 1878 the
Government introduced a proclamation to halt all surveys. In 1879 Ngati Haua and Ngati
Raukawa land sellers petitioned Parliament to drop its proclamation policy.22 In spite of
the proclamation, Ngati Raukawa had commissioned surveys for the Te Whaiti Block
land west of the Confiscation boundary in the Kaimai.
After the Kaimai was opened up for Gold exploration with the assent of Hori Tupaea, the
survey of the Kaimai area was begun by a surveyor named Clare for Campbell. This was
encouraged by both Ngati Raukawa and Ngaiterangi lands sellers. He started the survey
in 1876 but this was not completed until 1879. There was opposition to the survey and
surveyors were stopped and stations destroyed. But "friendly Ngaiterangi chiefs"
(Akuhata Tupaea and Te Puru) who knew the area assisted the surveyors by identifying
boundaries. Clare started the survey in 1877 at Kumikumi and went to Mangatotara, but
was stopped for four or five months by Ngati Kirihika and Ngati Kahu.
In May 1878 he commenced the survey and went out to Mangapapa to the comer peg of
Tauwharawhara to run a traverse to Kumikumi for the Tauwharawhara Block.
21 Stone 1967:63 22 NZ Herald 14 July 1879.
120
Opposition continued to the survey where the survey stations were pulled down. The
station at Kaikaikaroro (Pori}X)ri), that at Puremu(Kaimai) twice and at Pou}X)utetaka
(Opuiald - Kaimai) once. Tutera of Ngati Kirihika with his wife and children living in the
area obstructed the survey by destroying the stations. He said that it was his wife who
obstructed first and some of the children took calico for clothes. Ngati Hangarau and
Ngati Tawhairangi also tried to stop the survey but Akuhata Tupaea and Te Puru carried
the survey through.23
A t the same time as the survey of the Kaimai was being conducted, the neighbouring northern
blocks were the target of speculators as well. There were objections to speculators influencing
potential owners and a division occurred between sellers and non-sellers. Ngati Hinerangi sent
a petition to the Government in U577 complaining about people selling land between the
Waihou River and the Kaimai Ranges. An inquiry was held during October 1877:
23
Parawhau
I wrote to Government because of the people who are selling land. Ngati
Tokotoko (te Puru), Ngatitamatera and Ngati Haua Ngati Raukawa - they
are selling land which does not belong to them and have spent the survey.
They have sold to the Europeans of Cambridge Mr Mackey and Mr Whitaker
Junior. Warbrick was arranging it at Tauranga.
T ohatoha. The boundary is partly in T auranga... partly in Waikato on the
banks of the Waihou. I say this land belongs to Ngati Hinerangi. Ngati
Pango have a claim Ngaruwhati was a claimant. This is an old boundary. It
is a well known one. We sent our petition because Ngatimaru, Ngati
Raukawa Ngaiterangi and Ngati Haua are selling the land to Mackey and
Whitaker (Junior) of Waikato Waiho side has been surveyed but not this
side. It was sold last July to Mr MacKay. Warbrick was with him but we
understood that Mr Whitaker was the real purchaser.
Tupa Pehitahi of Ngati Raukawa and Hinerangi Says he owns Haukapa and
Tuaraparaharaha says Raukawa have survey on that land.
National Archives - BABG A52 55 Box 25 Brabant Notes - Kaimai Survey
121
Figure 22 Kaimai Survey 1878
Tu says he belongs to Ngati Hinerangi but Ngaiterangi say he belongs to
Ngati Raukawa
T ohatoha says he does not want the land surveyed
Paikea of Ngaiterangi says that he owns part of the land in the boundary.
He wants to sell if he Iikes24.
Warbrick was an agent who negotiated between private buyers and Maori land owners
and was resident in Tauranga.
The payment of survey costs was the first obstacle for claimant groups as they had no
capital to pay for the survey. This issue came up for the Kaimai lands and was discussed
in correspondence between the Native Office and Brabant:
a I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the
9th instant in which you report that the investigation of the Kaimai Block
is standing over pending the decision of the question whether natives are
to pay for the surveys.
In reply I am to inform you that the general question the Honourable
Native Minister has decided that the cost of survey should be a lien on
every block, and that while it would not be enforced against the Native
owners, it should be in all cases be demanded from any European
purchaser25 .
and Percy Smith the Chief Surveyor and Brabant the Commissioner for these blocks:
24
25
b. Referring to your application to the District Surveyor Tauranga
for a survey of T e Kaki Block which was sent to me - I have the honour to
inform you that I have been in communication with the head of my
department on the subject of the payments of these surveys - by the Govt.
- and am now informed that I am not to undertake the survey of any of
these lands until after the "inquiry" under the Tauranga District Land Act
October 1 1877 Notes of a meeting with Parawhau and the Ngatihinerangi RDB Vol. 127 p48929 Lett to Brabant No 57 Native Office Wellington 30th January 1878:1W Lewis for the Under Secretary. National Archives BABG A52/44 Box24
123
and then only on condition that the Native claimants enter into a proper
agreement to recoup to the Government - the expenses of such survey ( as
under the Native Land Act 1873) 26.
The Chief surveyor replied:
26
27
28
I have the honor to act the receipt of your letter noted on the margin in
which you inform me (1) that you are not to undertake any survey under
the Tauranga Lands Act until after the "Inquiryt' required by the Act - and
(2) then only on the condition that the native claimants enter into an
agreement to recoup the Government the cost of such survey
( 1 ) The survey I asked to be made that of T e Kaki was to... me as
Commissioner. to complete the "inquiry" required by the act which it was
found could not be carried out with out a preliminary survey chiefly
though not solely for the reason that the Confiscation boundary has not
been defined on the ground and its relative position to the various native
claims is not known-
(2) In regard to your statement that the natives must enter into an
agreement to pay for such survey. I forward herewith for you information
a copy of a letter lately received from the native department by which you
will presume that the tenor of my instructions is totally different. On
these grounds I have .. the honour to request that the survey may be made
to "Inquiry "to proceed 27
In reply to your memorandum of the 1 Oth instant I have the honour to
state that I sent applications for surveys to the District Surveyor under
the idea that it was the proper course - ! will in future send to you direct
if you as you prefer it - I am I find in some cases asked by the applicants
to appoint a particular surveyor. I propose to send these applications to
you with the name of the surveyor noted on for approval - will you be
good enough to state if all the applicants should be signed by the natives -
whether the blocks are alienable or reserves28.
No 332 (Lett to Resident Magistrate Tauranga) Survey Office Auckland Feb. 12 1878:Percy Smith Chief Surveyor. National Archives ibid. 332 12-2-78 Nat Off Tau Feb 16 1878 The Chief Surveyor Auckland National Archives ibid. Memo NO Tau June 15 1881 S Percy Smith Chief Surveyor Auckland: Brabant National Archives ibid.
124
Memo to H.W. Brabant Commissioner Tauranga Lands, Tauranga from District Survey
Office Auckland, June 22 1881:
In reply to your letter as above. I think in cases where you propose to
make any of the lands inalienable - ( ie Reserves) that there is no
necessity for the Natives to sign applications. I think it is a good plan to
write on the applications the names of the Surveyors whom the natives
propose to supply - and also if they propose paying for cost of survey
themselves or wish Govt. to advance it. 29
Brabant reported to the Native Minister Weld the problems the policy on payment for
surveyors presented and the risks that exposed the 1I0wners' to speculators. Reserved
land was surveyed free of charge by the Crown to the native land owners, but the Natives
were confronted with costs on the llreturned blocksll . He then became concerned that
there were no clear guidelines for the proceedings of the Commissioners for the "returned
lands", which exposed the Native owners to the depredation's of the land speculators.
29
I have the honour to bring under your notice that the completion of the
settlement of the titles to the Tauranga Native lands is very much by the
difficulty of getting surveys gone on with -
In the letter from your department marginally noted I was instructed to
state to the Survey department what survey I required - which I have of
course done - but several blocks have been now for several months
postponed for survey - I attach copy of a letter from the chief surveyor
Auckland on that matter - in which he proposes that "those interested" by
which I presume he means Europeans trying to deal in the lands should be
asked to cost before a survey is instructed.
I wish to submit that this is an improper course; it places the natives in
the hands of the speculator and would not leave the Government
afterwards enfettered in the dealing with applications for leave to
alienate - there are authorised surveyors willing to do the work if
Government pay for it - a great part of the cost will eventually be re
couped as in all lands sold or leased by the natives the survey would have
NO Tau S Percy Smith Esq Chief Surveyor Auckland A52/44 No Tau May 16 1882
125
to be repaid to government before final court issue - while reserve
Blocks Government are under to survey fee-
When the Hon. W. Rolleston was at Tauranga I brought the matter before
him - he addressed me to bring the matter before him and stated that as
head of the survey department he would order the surveys to be put
through without delay if the Native Minister approved -
I have therefore to request that you approve you will the survey
department with the matter 30
Bmbant further expressed his concern with the state of affairs for survey of "returned
lands" asking for clear policy that enables him to avoid speculators pushing through the
cases:
Referring to your memo of the 4th ., I have the honor to again to apply that
such surveys as may be necessary to enable certificates to issue for the
blocks named in the margin may be gone on with as little delay as possible
I do not wish subdivisional lines to be cut unless required for survey
reasons. My instructions are to apply to you for the surveys and Your
proposal that those interested ( I presume you mean Europeans trying to
deal with Natives) should defray the costs does not appear to me proper or
feasible as some of the lands are intended for reserves and it would be
throwing the land and the natives into the hands of the speculator. further
Government are under promise to pay for survey of reserves and the
survey can always be made a lien on the several blocks. I trust you will
excuse my persistence in urging the matter - I am continually applied to
myself and the subject of the delay in these blocks has just been made
reference to me from Wellington.31
W.J. Williams of Cambridge wrote to Brabant (24 August 1881) stating that he had paid
for the survey of Purakautahi in 1877 by Cooke, the plan was sent to Tauranga and
subsequently lost.32 This was placed before Commissioner Wilson at the first hearings
of Kaimai as Purakautahi was a subdivision of that block. Bmbant did not pursue
Williams claim of payment for survey.
30 31 32
Brabant to Native Minister Weld. May 16 1882. BABG A52/55 Box 25 National Brabant Comms BABG A52/55 Box 25 Nat. Archives BABG A52/55 Box 25
Archives.
126
Through the indecision of the Government over survey charges, the costs of the survey
were met by Whyte. The survey of the Kaimai Block was done by a private surveyor
R.E. Campbell at a cost of 669.11.6 pounds. In a letter for transfer of claim on account
of survey to J.B. Whyte to Mr Brabant Commissioner of Confiscated Lands it states:
"Mr. S.B. Whyte has paid all charges connected with the survey, general
and subdivisional of the Kaimai Block, in the Tauranga District containing
approximately seventeen thousand acres, I hereby transfer my claim
against the Block on account of survey to him.33
Brabant sent Certificates of title of Kaimai No 1, Kumikumi No 1, Ongaonga No 2,
Purakautahi to T.W. Lewis (Native Department) with a certificate of lien attached and the
above document.
As Commissioner, Brabant became concerned that there were no clear guidelines for the
Commissioner'S Court and that "land speculatorstf were emerging as a threat to the Native
retaining sufficient land for themselves.
This is a letter signed by a young half caste named Hori Ngarae asking for
certain names to be inserted in the list of owners of the Kaimai block.
Hori has nothing to do with the matter himself but I believe he acts as a
sort of legal adviser for some of the Tauranga Natives· The Kaimai is a
block which has been before me for some months it has been subdivided
but is not yet finally settled· In the Commissioners Court as in the
Native Lands Court the natives themselves settle the Lists of names for the
several hapus after the Court has decided which hapus are the owners any
dispute as to any name being referred later for enquiry· In this letter it
is proposed to insert nine names.34
33 Campbell Sept. 29 1882 lett to Brabant National Archives BABG A52155 Box 25 34 A52155 Jw Lewis Memo:BABG A52155 Box 25
127
5.4 Kaimai Block
With the certificates of title issued to the above blocks, Whyte in 1882 by-passed Brabant
and wrote directly to the Government for the Governor's consent for alienation restriction
to be removed off certain sections of the Kaimai Block of Native land. T.S. Lewis wrote
to Brabant a letter dated 19/10/82 and recommended in a memo along with deeds and
papers forwarded to Brabant 18110182 for Brabant for the removal of alienation
restriction:
I have the honor by direction of the Hon. the Premier to forward
herewith a letter dated the 18th from Mr J B Whyte which he transmits
the deeds of the lands in the margin for the purpose of the assent of His
Excellency the Governor being obtained thereto and to request you will be
good enough to furnish a report on the subject in accordance with Mr
Whitaker minute of today's date upon Kaimai No 1, Kumikumi No 1,
Purakautahi Ongaonga No 1.35
J.B. Whyte to Bryce (Dec. 8th 1882) asking for the alienation restrictions to be lifted:
That the transactions was conducted openly and straightforwardly by me
and my agents, most of the negotiations being at public meeting in the open
air numerously attended, and at which substantial deposits were paid in .
cash and for which I hold receipts witnessed and stamped and signed by
nearly 200 natives.
That the original price agreed upon was a lump sum amounting to over and
above these deposits to 4000 which was agreed, should be paid to
whatever Natives should prove to be owners.36
The area as described in the agreements was estimated at about 8,000 acres:
That for a variety of reasons beyond my control the ownership of the
block was not decided upon for some years and meanwhile various further
35 Memo NO.8113930 - 18/10/82 BABG A52/55 Box 25 36 Ibid.
128
advances were made to the Natives. That when the case did come before the
Commissioners Court the Natives requested the Commissioners to make
about 8,000 acres which was inside the boundaries at what they agreed to
and for which they had been partly paid, reserves - This was done.
Thereupon my agents said that the price remaining to be paid should be
reduced proportionately.
Price worked out - original price 4/6 acre Deed of Conveyance signed.
Clerical error in deed, consideration made appear to be smaller than was
- two deeds - can show receipt of 1200. Matter considered by Frauds
Commission. 37
Brabant's reply was in a memo to T.W. Lewis dated 12 April 1883
Re Application for leave to sell Kaimai subdivisions referring to your
letter as in the margin I have the honor to state that the Kaimai No 1
Block has been subdivided As the Purakautahi and Ongaonga Blocks
referred to in our letter of Nov. 15th Case no 332 I have now to make a
further report on another with the Hon. Mr Bryce's minute written on Mr
J B Whyte's letter of Dec. 8th last
( 1) I have received from Mr Whyte the supplementary deed mentioned in
the letter - From it and the original one it appears that about 4/9 per
acre or with cost of survey about 6/- per acre has been paid for these
lands. The price is not a high one but it cannot think be said to be
exceptionally low as compared with other native purchases in the
neighbourhood.
(2) I before reported that Te Awanui Kiritapu and a section of the owners
approved the restriction being removed it appears from two letters sent
to me by Mr Whyte that this opposition has now been withdrawn
(3) I have before reported that the owners of these blocks have sufficient
other lands for their maintenance-
I enclose herewith Mr Whyte's letter before referred to- Two deeds of
conveyance - Letters to Hon. Native Minister from the Natives marked
A&B and seven forms C under the Fraud Prevention Act.
I am in receipt of your letter dated 20th .. which I should have replied to
before but for my absence at Rotorua - You ask that I should go to
37 Ibid.
129
Cambridge to see the Waikato Section's of the Native owners of Ongaonga. I
have seen the Native Minister on the subject and I can go there if it will
tend to settle the question I think however I should state the matter as it
stands plainly I am instructed that before Govt will remove any
restriction from Tauranga Lands they require certificates from me of
these facts
1.That the natives alienating have sufficient other land for their support
2. That the price they are selling at is firm
3. That the owners of the block are unanimous in their wish to sell
The first certificate has already been given the 2 one as to price you
promised further evidence on which I have not yet had 3rd the inland
section of the owners of Ongaonga gave. me some time since that they did
not consent to the block being sold - I understood from you that they had
changed their minds & I suggested a letter or proof of this or a personal
interview which ever was most convenient- If you can get men together at
Cambridge(whose names I attach) I will come there probably about the
instant in the mean time let me hear from you by wire whether you still
wish me to g there I will undertake to get them together and I will reply
definitely fixing the day. 38
Whyte was required to produce a record of signatures from "landowners ll or those he had
entered into negotiation with the purchase but ran into difficulties or resistance. A memo
from William Searancke J.P. to Brabant 6th March 1883 cited that Penetana was
approached to sign an application to remove restriction on Purakautahi and Ongaonga
No.1:
38 39
He acknowledges that he had sold his interest and when he signed the
conveyance been paid for it and for that states that this application to the
Native Minister should have been placed before him for his signature at
the time he signed the Conveyance and he would have signed it without
hesitation. 39
Herbert W BrabantTauranga Mar, 5 1883 JB Whyte Esq Hamilton. BABG A52155 Box 25 Searancke to Brabant March 30 1883 Nat. Archives BABG A52155 Box 25
130
On March 7th 1886 a memo sent to Brabant stating that Te Awanui Kiritapu was
approached to sign an application to remove restriction. He refused to sign. stating that he
should have been asked at the time he sold or money given out. Searancke sent a letter
(30th March 1883) to Brabant saying that Natives were unwilling to sign the petition to
the Native Minister and he had only got two signatures. Henare Tawharangi or Kiritapu
demanded more money for his and other signatures. Searancke on behalf of Whyte did
not want to set precedent or go beyond the price paid. 40 He was to write that:
Further I may state that the Tribe represented by Penetana T e Kauri and
Henare & the others have the most ample Reserves for them on the west
side of the Range at Hanga where they reside.41
Once the necessary signatures had been attained the alienation restrictions were lifted by
Commissioner Brabant on the evidence presented that the owners had sufficient reserves,
namely landowners from Ngati Raukawa.
5.5 Barton Commission
In 1885 a Commission was set up to II inquire into all applications for the removal of
restrictions referred to me by the Hon. the Native Minister or by his direction" The
Commission directed II to ascertain whether the persons to whom the lands were proposed to
be alienated had acted with good faith in their negotiations with the Natives, and were paying
sufficient prices" and to report in writing. Tauranga was considered the district" where inquiry
was most urgently called for".
40 Ibid. 41 Ibid
131
It was found by the Commissioner that the Natives were either absent in the gumfields or were
reluctant to disclose any misconduct even if they had suffered from loss for fear of loss of face
or character or threats. The Commissioner could only ascertain "misconduct had taken place
was through the quarrels of rival purchasers or from evidence such as accounts and receipts
taken during the negotiation of purchasers, and upon documents of transfer.
In 1886 an application for removal of alienation restrictions for Pori pori No.1 and 2 was
rejected by Barton who investigated the applications and he concluded that:
in respect of these two blocks at least-Le., Waimanu No 1 c and Pori pori
No 1 -the agents had defrauded the Natives of moneys, and had endeavoured
to defraud them of a part of the Waimanu Block which they have not sold,
and for these reasons I felt it my duty to recommend that the restrictions
on these blocks be not removed. 42
and Poripori No.2 Block was a reserve for Native purposes made inalienable by
Commissioner Brabant.
In 1878 an advertisement was published in the Bay of Plenty Times as a consequence of a
report of the Native Affairs Committee that" no other portion of the land in the Tauranga
District which was returned to the Natives by the Government should be alienated by way of
sale, or by way of lease, for a longer period than twenty one years: and then by way of public
auction". But the Commissioner found that this public statement was ignored by both land
purchasers and the Government.
His Excellency was advised to remove, and did remove, restrictions on
many purchases made subsequently to its publication, not only in favour
of persons who had settled upon and improved their purchases before
42 AHJR 1886, Gll:6
132
applying but also in favour of speculators who had not settled on their
lands.43
The Commissioner was obliged in his opinion to follow the policy of the Government at the
period when the purchases had been negotiated.
At the time when the Tauranga purchases before me were initiated - that
is, in 1878, 1879, 1880 - and the rival agents were struggling to
secure the blocks in advance of each other, none of the lands had gone
through the Commissioners Court nor through the Native Land Court,
their boundaries were undefined, no reserves for the permanent use of
the Natives had been selected, and the conflicting claims of contending
tribes and individuals had not been adjusted. Consequently the dealings of
the purchasers and their agents in making their money payments and in
taking signatures to transfers were loosely conducted. In excuse for this
looseness, it was pleaded that purchasers were compelled to come into the
field before anything was settled, because otherwise they would lose their
chances against their competitors. 44
5 .. 7 Pori pori Block - Ngati Pango
Hori Ngataijoined the ranks of "friendly chiefs" and used his status with the Crown to
manipulate the inclusion of Ngati Kuku in the Pori pori Blocks or Ngati Pan go lands when this
was administered by Brabant in the early 1880's. In 1906 Ngati Pango under Te Aorangi Poria
43 44
Ibid. p2 Brabant to Wilson Ibid. p2
133
- . . ,'; ~ ~. :':h
'.
PORIPORI . KUMIKUMI A Rosidue
762.8324
Puromu a. p
PT5D2 8018364
PTI3
676.2424
Returll1ed Lall1ds. Kaimai Blocks
Ngati Kahu, Ngati Tira
'T 58
'--fl __ _
PORI PORI
PT3 287.9300
and others took an appeal to the Native Land Court to challenge the Crown allocating "take
Korell to the Poripori lands:
the land should not have been brought before the Native Land Court for
definition of relative interests. The Commissioners put in people who had
no right by Ancestry and should not have been put in the title.45
The case was conducted in December 1881 before the Commissioners by Hori Ngatai as
agent with speakers Hamuera, Renata Toriri of Ngati Kuku or Ngaiterangi. Hori Ngatai
had presented himself as the principal claimant to Poripori and Rangiora for Ngati
Pango. At the land court Morehu Himiora spoke for Ngati Pango:
I was agent for the parties and that fact should have been set forth in the
Appeal. I say that the land should not have been brought before the Native
Land Court for definition of relative interests. The Commissioners put in
people who had no right by Ancestry and should not have been put in the
title. I have drawn up what I consider would be a fair distribution of the
shares that is one share each for Ngati Pango owners and 1 /1 6 each for
the take kore46.
Hori Ngatai in response:
I cannot agree to their proposal. I conducted the case and drew up the list
of names. Morehu opposed me and was defeated, now he asks the Court to
leave the matter entirely to him. I will hand in the whakapapa of Ngati
Pango. Pori pori was dealt with in 1882. Hori being the conductor.
Hamuera from evidence, they were both of Ngatikuku they proved 'Pango
45 1MB 6:6 46 Ibid
135
right through Pukaki, Rotu and Wahanui. All Pango elders were dead, the
people were Hauhau then like the Pirirakau, that was the reason why
Taiaho took the lead. When the list were prepared Ngatikuku who had no
right were included and ... who had no right. The Appellants would like to
cut them out altogether but we here give them 1/1 6 each. We ask that the
shares should be defined but JUQge Edgar said shares were equal. Judge
Brabant having information to that effect. Whakamarama No.1 was in the
same .. when the case was heard I appeared and the take kore 's got reduced
shares 1 9 of them got 1 acre each. The same plan should be followed with
regard to Poripori. Ngati Pango lived on the block in 1882 they had burial
places there. T aiaho and company have no urupa or kainga with land and
yet he objects to his shares being reduced in this case but he wants to
reduce the take kore in Matakana No 1. This is not consistent. We did not
want to divide this land. I objected in Court and was not aware until I came
to this Court that the block had been partitioned.47
Hori Ngatai was to utilise the theme of the conquest of Ngati Ranginui by Ngaiterangi
which placed Ngaiterangi as superior to Ngati Ranginui in any land claim .. He stated
that:
Ngamarama first occupied this land. Then Ranginui conquered Ngamarama.
Then Rangihouhiri Ranginui and took all this country and obtained the
mana which they continue to hold. The tupuna mentioned were chased away
to Waikato and Ngaiterangi alone held this country. The tupuna named by
the Appellants belonged to Ngamarama and Ranginui. This land is in our
We protected some of the refugees and let them here in the forest country
under the mana of Ngaiterangi . Some of our hapu went to live in the back
country at Whakamarama, T e Waimanu, TePa whakahorohoro,
47 Ibid.
136
Purakautahi, Te Taumata, Te Ahiroa and Ngati Kuku to Pori pori they
planted at these places. We lived with Ngati Pango in this land. We Ngati
kuku had mana over the people and the land from ancient time until now.
The trees for canoes were brought out to Otumoetai. Each hapu of
Ngaiterangi went back to its serfs who prepared food for us and not for
anyone else who are living there now. Pango and Kuku lived together but
the ancestors named had fled to Waikato never to return. In the Pakeha
war Ngati Kuku fell back to Poripori and other back places. After Sir
George Grey wrote to me to come out to the sea. I brought Pango out to
Otumoetai then this land was confiscated I considered that Pango had no
land, I asked the Government for some land for these back hapu. They gave
me 200 acres at Wairoa, and I put Ngati Pango on it and they occupy it
now. When this block was surveyed it came before the Commissioners.
Ngatipango and Ngatikuku gave evidence. Ngati Pango did not put up a
witness, nor did they wish to. Te Morehu opposed me so did Ngati
Hinerangi but the land was awarded to my section. Te Morehu and all other
counter claimants were defeated. I fixed the shares as being equal all
named. The Pango sold part of the block which was unrestricted and tried
to sell the restricted part too. An European who had advanced money gave
notice that he would have the land sold by auction Then Ngati Pango were in
a state of mind and Koperu came to me for money to take him to Auckland. I
collected money from Ngati Kuku and gave 40 to Ngati Pango. They spent
the money on themselves. The pakeha and came to me and a paper was
signed.
The my son Rewiti went to Wellington and laid the matter before the
Government and the sale be stopped but for me the land would have been
passed from Ngati Pango long ago and yet they have turned against me.
I do not know whether Government refunded 0 M Creagh
137
the money which he paid. If they did ... they have a claim on this. I suppose
this Hinerangi man T e Morehu induced Ngati Pango to turn against me ..
What right have they to make lists and the shares.48
te Monehu replied:
I did not set up a case for Hinerangi. I have given my uncle Parawhau
1/16 in the lists of shares. Hori statement is false. My tribe Hinerangi
owned part of Pori pori and Ngaiterangi never disturbed us. Hori Ngatai did
conduct this case but he did not set up mana in his own tupuna. The back
lands were awarded to the hapu to whom they ... were awarded.49
He was here referring to Mangatotara Block which partly went to Ngati Hinerangi.
Morehu Himiora continues:
I object to Hori assertions that my ancestors were driven away all those
blocks were dealt with under tupuna right. Hori did not set up any claim
Hori Tupaea was the great chief of Tauranga. He and his children were put
in those blocks by other take. I gave them 1/8 shares then. The mana of
Ngaiterangi was never manifested in the investigation of title of these
back blocks. I am descended from Ranginui, we avenged ourselves in Te
Rangihouhiri, Ngati Pukenga conquered Ngaiterangi at Oruamatua. The land
in the Wairoa in the possession of Ngatipango was not procured for them
from Hori Ngatai. Re 40 referred to by Hori Ngatipango collected the
money it was derived from the sale of Mangatotara. I deny that Ngatipango
were serfs of Ngaiterangi. They did not present Hori presents of food nor
did they provide him with canoes. SO
48 Ibid. 49 Ibid. 50 Ibid.
138
Hori in reply:
All Morehu Himiona statements this morning have been created since
yesterday afternoon. Everybody knows that my people raupatu the
Ranginui and took Tauranga from them. Morehu is descended from the
remnant who were spared as tangata. Hori Tupaea mana was established
over Waimana and other lands about there just as our mana was
established over Poripori and other places. I contend that the mana of
Ngaiterangi has always been recognised by Native Courts over all the
lands. Ngati Pango never thought of setting themselves up against us until
this Waikato man Morehu Himiona appeared on the scene. I maintain that
it was I who secured the 200 acres for the use of Ngatipango. I repeat that
Ngatikuku provided 40 and I handed it to Koperu to be used in paying a
lawyer to fight their case in Auckland. I prepared the original list for this
land and no one disputed them. The statement that a man of Ngaitukairangi
was killed by them is untrue, none of us heard the name before. 51
In 1906 we see Hori Ngatai repeating the "raupatu" argument of Ngaiterangi against Ngati
Ranginui hapu. The Land Court judge did not acknowledge the case brought before him by
Ngati Pango as in his judgement, the land was confiscated under the New Zealand settlements
Act 1863 and this act extinguished "customary title" or ownership of land according to custom.
51 Ibid.
139
Figure 14
50,000 Acre and Returned Lands INIgati Parogo, NgatU Rarogn, Ngati Kahl!..ll
Rangiwaea
OPS 21G7 "'9
5.8 Ngati lane
In 1883 Edwin Moss a local solicitor wrote to Brabant enquiring on behalf of Ngati Tane
why Lots 175 and 176 Parish ofTe Puna was granted to Maihi Haki in 1878. He said it
was promised by McKay and Clark to Ngati Tane.52 Brabant replied that he had seen
Maihi Haki who stated that the land was awarded by Mr. Commissioner Clark to him
personally. Brabant was unable to find any record of the issue of the grant.53
In a document of H.T. Clarke's Schedule of Awards54 with his signiture is a list of
allocation:
Pukewhanake Maihi, Ihaka, Wiremu te Matewai
Te Uara and others
52 53 54
Lett Moss to Brabant dated 3 Nov. 1883:RDB Vo1.27: 48912 Lett Brabant to Moss Nov. 19 1883 RDB Vol 127:48911. H.T. Clarke's Schedule of Awards 1868-1875 RDB Vol. 125 p47999
l00acres
141
Bibliography
Books and Articles
Borrell, D 1964 Historic Te Puna. JTHS No.21
Kaimai School Revisited. 75th Jubilee of Kaimai School. 1993
Kelly L.G. 1949 Tainui Wellington, Polynesian Society.
Jenks, H.J. Forgotten Men. Survey of Tauranga and District 1864-1869
Tauranga Historical Society
Jones P.T.H. 1995 Nga Iwi 0 Tainui. Edited by B.Biggs. Auckland University
Press
Stafford D. 1967 Te Arawa
Stone, R. C. J. 1967 The Maori Lands Question And The Fall of The Grey Government
1879. The N.Z. Journal. of History. Vol. 1 No. 1
1973 Makers of Fortune: A Colonial Business Community and Its
Fall. Auckland.Auckland and Oxford University Presses
1995 James Dilworth.Dilworth Trust Board
Steadman, J.A. W. 1984 Nga Ohaaki 0 Nga Whanau 0 Tauranga Moana
Publicity Print
Te Kani, T. 1970 Journal of Tauranga Histoical Society.
Wilson, J.A. 1906 The Story of Te Waharoa and Sketches of Ancient Maori
Life and History. Auckland, Whitombe and Tombs.
142
Reports
O'Malley 1995 The Aftermath of the Tauranga Raupatu, 1864-1981
Report for the Crown Forest Rental Trust.
Riseborough, H 1994 The Crown and Tauranga Moana. Report for Crown
Forestry Rental Trust
Sorrenson, M.P.K. 1978 The Tauranga Confiscation tis
Stokes, E 1990
1993
Tau, Te Maire
Unpublished
Te Raupatu 0 Tauranga Moana: The Confiscation of
Tauranga Lands: report for Waitangi Tribunal
Te Raupatu 0 Tauranga Moana: The Confiscation of
Tauranga Lands: report for the Waitangi Tribunal
The Tribal Landscape of Tauranga Moana. (draft), n.d
Brown, A.N. Journal 1835-1846, Tauranga Library Archives
Brown, A.N. Letters and Papers 1835-1884, Tauranga Library Archives
Kahotea, D Evidence to Planning Tribunal. Ngati Kahu vs Tauranga District
Council 1994
Maori Affairs Archives. National Archives, Auckland
Raupatu Document Bank Tauranga District Council Library:Archives
Sorrenson, M.P.K. 1955 The Purchase of Maori Land 1865-1892. M.A. thesis,
Auckland, University of New Zealand
Tauranga Minute Books (passim)
Waikato Minute Books Maori Land Court, Hamilton
Hauraki Minute Books Maori Land Court Hamilton
143
Official Published
Appendices to the Journals of the House of Representatives
British Parliamentary Papers
New Zealand Government Gazette
Newspapers
Bay of Plenty Times 1872-1886
Te Hokioi 1859 - 1863
The Daily Southern Cross 1864-1865
The New Zealand Herald
The Tauranga Argus
The Tauranga Record
Manuscripts
Te Teira Ormsby
Ngawharau
Calloway papers
Maps
1864 Tauranga, Topographical Depot of the War Office, National Archives
1867 Heales Map S.D. 428
1867 S. O. 9760
Plan of Native Reserves Between the Wairoa And The Te Puna Rivers
144
Appendix I Settlements
T.H. Smiths Report 11th February 1864
Papaoharia, Potiriwhi
Pukekonui, Purakautahi
Ngatitamahapai, Ngatirangi
Ngatipango, Ngatimotai
Putman 1872
Ngatirangi
Ngatitama
Ngati Pango
lrihanga
Kaimai
Rangiora
AJHR Census 1878
Ngati Kahu Poteriwhi
AJHR Census 1881
Ngati Pango Wairoa
Ngati Kahu WairoaiKaimai
Ngati Rangi Huharua
Raumati (Taupe)
Herewini
Tuiwi
31
25
31
15
30 43
145
Appendix 2 Surrendered Rebels (Rice's Report 1864)
Ngati Kahu
Warepapa, Tihema,Terea, Te Marne
TeRei
Ngawaru
KoRomeka
TeTeira
Hiakita
Ngati Rangi
WiremaRota
TeApapa
Others - Penetaka
146
Appendix 3 Rarangi IngGa 0 Mga Hapu
Official List of Landless Maoris, Waikato, Thames Valley and Tauranga
Dis tricts
Landless maoris in the ... who loss their land by confiscation. 22 Mei
1900
Ngatitamahapai
Rahiri Ngawahrau
Paraiki Ngawharau
Tawii Ngawharau
Te Oti Ngawharau
Raroa Herewini
Keti herewini
Te Teira Taumataherea
Taukotahi
Rakauhemo Toka
Tangi Rapata
Matetu Rapata
Ngakuruura Parera
TioTokona
Rawhiti Wharepapa
Amokura Herewini
Tiaki Wharepapa
PeneApaapa
Taupe Tokona
MereRahiri
Kapene Rahiri
Wiwi Rahiri
Kuira Teira
Ripoi Teira
Wairua Ngawharau
Perahia te Hemo
Kechi N gawharau
Rauriki Rawharau (Ngawharau)
Wenerei Whaiapu
Wahineiti te Whaiapu
147
Te Wairoa Tauranga Oketopa 1883
Ko nga ingoa tenei 0 Ngati Rangi 0 Ngati Kahu mo to raua whenua i te
pura Wairoa Tauranga
Ngatiti Kotuku Raumati Ngamanu Ngakuru Parera
Te Apaapa Ngamanu MitaRapata Wahawaha Ihiata
Whina Rapata Hamiora Ngakuru Ngati tuaia
Nga hoori Mihinui Mereana Rangihaere Ngarama Rapata
Mere Rahiri Te Tie Ngakuru Tarukiteawa Tuaia
Hamuere Wiremu Te Aomanaka Mihinui Hohepa Ngarama
Riripeti Ngarama Te Taupe Ngarama Puti Ngarama
PeneApaapa Penetaka tuaia
Ngati Kahu 50acres
Wharepapa tihe Terei te hora Te Teira Taumataherea
Te Raroa Herewini Taukotahi Heteria Te Keeti Herewini
Hipirini Apaapa Rahiri Ngawharau Whaiapu Wiremu
Hera Ngawharau Tiori Wahawaha Taiapo
Ngakoere Te Teira Haua Herewini Harata herewini
Rauriki Ngawharau Te Waikawa te Wharepapa Tutamia Ngawharau
Paraiki Ngawharau Hera Wharepapa Te Ripoi Te Teira
Tuangahuru Ngawharau Whaewhae Wharepapa Te Keehi Ngawharau
Pihopa Whaiapu Tetere Wharepapa Tuaia te Wharepapa
Mangu A paapa Kui Wharepapa Riripeti Whaiapu (wahine iti)
Ngawharau Herewini
148
I runga ano i kupu Kia bomai be wbenua me te tangata e nobo kOTe wbenua
ana i ram i te raupatu
Aperina 14 1900
Rarangi ingoa 0 nga hapu e rna
Ngati Tamahapai
Ngati Rangi
taua tonG whenua ki te kawana
Te HouRipoi Ngahiraka Tokona
Ngaronoa Tokona PukuKione
Keepa Rakauhemo Kaati Rakauhemo
Haki Te Keeti. Ratuhi Te Keeti
Tama Te Keeti Riripeti Ngarama
Te Hari Tangi Te Whakaata Tangi
Ngawarone Mihinui Haua Herewini
Wahineiti Whaiapu Wenerei Whaiapu
Perahia Te Hemo Ripoi Te Teira
Mere Rahiri Taupe Tokona
Tiaki Wharepapa Rawhiti Wharepapa
Ngakuru Parera Matetu Rapata
Rakauhemo Toka Taukotahi
Keeti Herewini Raroa Herewini
Tawi Ngawharau Paraiki Ngawharau
Kapene Rahiri Rabiri Ngawharau
Hipirini Apaapa
Harata Keeti
Te Rewa Whaiapu
Ngaki Te Keeti
Ngarama Tokona
Te Urukaraka Tangi
Amokura Herewini
Wairua Ngawharau
Ruira Te Teira
Peene Apaapa
TioTokona
Tangi Rapata
Te Teira Taumataherea
Tama Ngawharau
Wini Rahiri
149
Appendix 4
Hohepa Tokona
TumuTokona
MekaApaapa
Tiki Weneti
Ngawharau Apaapa
Kararaina Tokona
Wiremu Tokona
Hare Hohepa
Keepa Rakauhemo
Pati Ngawharau
MoriAppapa
Maui Ngawharau
Puno Ngawharau
Hipirini Apaapa
Iwi Ngati Ranginui 1926 Petition to Sim's
Commision
Ngatirangi Wairoa
'"' If
UII If
Ngatikahu II
Ngatirangi Wairoa
II " II II
Ngatipakango II
Ngatikahu II
" If
II II
II II
If II
Te Teira Taumataherea " II
Te Ripoi Omipi II II
Henare Omipi II II
Hinetu Omipi " TeiraOmipi II
Hapuku Omipi If II
Taretare Omipi II "
TamiRewa
EruOmipi
Amokura Omipi
RinaOmipi
Temaema Terauwharangi
150
Pota Rakauhemo
Whakaata Wheoro
Hoani Rakauhemo
Matioro Rakauhemo
Kowara Rakauhemo
Ern Rakauhemo
Riripeti Tokona
Rahiri Ngawharau
Mere Tokona
Tureiti Rahiri
Kapene Rahiri
Meriana Riki Paraone
Ri peka Rahiri
Hera Rahiri
Pare Rahiri
Hine Rahiri
Rangi Riki
Wiremu
Tini Riki
Te Riria Riki
TeMokaRiki
Waereti Kapene
Pine Kapene
Makereti Peene
Te Oti Ngawharau
MiriaTeOti
Amiria Te Oti
Wiremu Te Oti
II II
Ngatikahu Wairoa
Ngatirangi Wairoa
Ngatikahu "
Ngatirangi
Ngatikahu
151
Te Rauoriwa Te Oti
Hurae Ngawharau
AniHurae
Hererna Hurae
Hourua Pihaka
Maraea Kowaenga
TeTaupo Pui
Pati Pui
Titihuia Ngawharau
Arnokura Herewini
Kuira Teira
Ngatikahu Wairoa
152
Appendix 5 Lists of Owners - Pori pori Blocks
Poripori No!
Enoka Te Whanake Hori Ngatai Heta Tarera TeKahamatao
TeTeipa Renata Toriri Matiu Tarera Rere Kaipuke
Rewiti Ngatai Hori Hamuera Wetini Taiaho Enoka Ngatai
Te Ruatahapari Renata Tarera Herewini TeAria
Hamuera Te Paki Tuari Hohepa Tutaepaea Whakamuhu
Hone Tanuku Rangihau Hikipene Hirini Enoka
Potaua Keni Peta TeKaha Ngarepo*
Te Heke Hoturoa* Maihi Te Poria* Te Parawhau Te Kohe
Maihi Te Ngaru* Rapata Tukere Ranapia Tukere Tupara
Koperu Hamuera* Te Kiriwai Ngaaikiha Maihi Haki
Taukotahi Te Manu* Ngahoro Ngatai Huhana Ngahuia
Poia Taruke HiriaHori Ani Patene
Heni Tamati Tanupo Hamuera* Te Hirhiri Hikipene*
HiriaEnoka Riria Toru MerePeka KaaTeAria
MutuTeTaau Kararaina MaataHaaka TeAohau
Te Wharepouri Pukehou Rangikau Ngaaikiha Hinehui*
N gapaki Pouaka * Hineau Te Poria* Te Kahuwairangi Te Poria*
Meri Maihi Haki Te Rehunga Te Ngaru* Te Karamate Maihi*
Te Matekitawhiti Heke* Te Mamae Hoturoa* Te Aorangi Te Poria*
* Ngati Pango
153
Poripori No 2
Torno Aria Harete Tauri Rauhuhhu Renata
Te Kahamateo
Herni Erueti .
TeAria
Waihuia Tuari Te Awaffuari Te Aria
Whana Tauhe/Rangihau Renata
Hoturoa
Turnanako Te Parawhau
Parengaro Te Heke RaepoPaama
Maihi Haki
Hamuera PaId
Mere Maihi Haki Hineau Poria Keni Haaka
Poriporl 1 C3B - Ngati Pango
Partition 1917 Area 945acres
Te Aorangi Te Poria Hineau Te Poria Hori Te Poka
Atarangi Maihi Te Heke Hoturoa Te Hirini Hikipene
Te Aoreki Hori Te Hakunga Maihi Hautapu Maihi
Emera Maihi Koperu Hamuera Koperu Paki
Te Kiriwai Ngakiha Kahuwairangi Te Poria Maihi Te Poria
Te Matekitawhiti Heke Ngarepo Wirernu Karaka Ngaikiha Hinehui
Pareatamira Pouaka Te Poria Maihi Te Parewaero'Maihi
Te Rehunga te Ngaru Rangipahu Maihi Taukotahi Te Manu
Tanupo Hanuera Taikato Te Patu Taraiti Te Rangihau
Te Whana Maihi
154
Appendix 6 Lists of Owners - Kaimai
Te Ongaonga No 1
Ngawharau Herewini* Kipa Pouheke Te Wharepapa Te Kauwai*
Te Wharepapa Te Kauwai Ngaruhe Tuhirae Pita Pouheke
Penetana Te Kauri Terei Te Horn Hunepehi
Wahawaha lhiata* Te Raroa Herewini* Te Teirn Taumataherea*
Te Heti Herewini* Te Apaapa Ngamanu* Menehira Turere
Akuhata Tapaea Hipirini Apaapa* Menehira Turere
Ranhiri Ngawharau* Taukotahi te Manu Te Miritana Tamati
Whaiapu Wiremu Te Awanui Kiritapu Te Kaea Tamati
Hohaia T~ Kauri Te Kotuku Te Aukaha Rota Hohaia
TeTiepa Te Whakahoki Te Ohu Kotai Te Huawai
, Hone Tanuku Maremare Tupaea Wiremu Pepeka (Johnson)
Te Ipu Tauterangi Hera Ngawharau* Te Rauriki Whaiapu
Te Waikawa Pihi Te Kumeroa Wharepapa* Hana Perahia
Ngakoere Te Teira* Harata Apaapa* Ngaroria Tamaohu
TaiapoToko Tiori Wahawaha Maria Te Patu
Riripeti Te Aukaha MaroMetua Ngarori Te Kauri
Ngakohau Whakahoki Te Rau Tunoho Ngatangi Te Kauri
Te Hirihiri Hikipene Te Rarangi Te Kauri Tu Aanumia Pita
Ngapeti Hori Waka Riata Emera Rangiwhetu Awanui
Te Rina Henare Ngainu Miritana Mereana Riripete
Te Ratahi Awanui Ngaroimata Te Aukoha HanaHuarau
Rangi Hune Ranga Te Maro Ngawharau Te Teira*
Paraiki -Baua Pone Apaapa* , Tuangahum Ngawharau*
Tawhaitu Kairiha Taikato Te Patu Hanuere Kairiha
Wiremu Hinare Waata Wiremu Te Rewa Te Kaea
lSS
Raiha Heni Faraki Tiori Peretini Tautika
Porikapa Emera Hori Tatare Henare Tawharangi
Hohepa NgaNgaheke Tupaoa Pehitahi Waikuia Hohepa
Te Mamae Hotu Atareta Menehira OrauKipa
Te Reweti Henare Tutanumia Hera Hera Wbarepapa*.
Tiki Pita Ripai te Teira Matire Waikawa
Paerauta Te Mene Ngakata Mauha
Ngati Kahu 1883
Wbarepapa tihe Terei te hora Te Teira Taumataherea
Te Raroa Herewini Taukotahi Heteria Te Keeti Herewini
Hipirini Apaapa Rabiri Ngawharau Wbaiapu Wiremu
Hera Ngawharau Tiori Wabawaha Taiapo
Ngakoere Te Teira Haua Herewini Harata herewini
Rauriki Ngawharau Te Waikawa te Wharepapa Tutamia Ngawharau
Paraiki Ngawharau Hera Wbarepapa Te Ripoi Te Teira
Tuangahum Ngawharau Wbaewhae Wharepapa Te Keehi Ngawharau
Pihopa Whaiapu Tetere Wbarepapa Tuaia te Wbarepapa
Mangu A paapa Kui Wbarepapa Riripeti Wbaiapu (wahine iti)
Ngawharau Herewini
Te Ongaonga No 2
Ngawharau Herewini* Te Wbarepapa Te Kauwai* Te Raroa Herewini*
Te Keeti Herewini* Pita Pouheke Wiremu Pepeka
Penetana Te Kauri Terei Te Hora Hunepehi
Wahawaha lhiata* Te Raroa Herewini* Te Teira Taumataherea*
Te Heti Herewini* Te Apaapa Ngamanu* Menehira Turere
156
Akuhata Tapaea Hipirini Apaapa* Menehira Turere
Ranhiri Ngawharau* Taukotahi te Manu Te Miritana Tamati
Whaiapu Wiremu Te Awanui Kiritapu TeKaea Tamati
Hohaia Te Kauri Te Kotuku Te Aukaha Rota Hohaia
TeTiepa Te Whakahoki Te Ohu Kotai Te Huawai
Hone Tanuku Maremare Tupaea Wiremu Pepeka (Johnson)
Te Ipu Tauterangi Hera Ngawharau* Te Rauriki Whaiapu
Te Waikawa Pihi Te Kumeroa Wharepapa* Hana Perahia
Ngakoere Te Teira Harata Apaapa* Ngaroria Tamaohu
TaiapoToko Tiori Wahawaha* Maria Te Patu
Riripeti Te Aukaha MaroMetua Ngarori Te Kauri
N gakohau Whakahoki Te Rau Tunoho Ngatangi Te Kauri
Te Hirihiri Hikipene Te Rarangi Te Kauri Tu Aanumia Pita
Ngapeti Hori Waka Riata Emera Rangiwhetu Awanui
Te Rina Henare Ngainu Miritana Mereana Riripete
Te Ratahi Awanui Ngaroimata Te Aukoha HanaHuarau
Rangi Hune Ranga Te Maro Ngawharau Te Teira*
Paraiki Haua Pone Apaapa* Tuangahuru Ngawharau*
Tawhaitu Kairiha Taikato Te Patu Hanuere Kairiha
Wiremu Hinare Waata Wiremu Te Rewa TeKaea
Raiha Heni Paraki Tiori Peretini Tautika
Porikapa Emera Hori Tatare Henare Tawharangi
Hohepa NgaNgaheke Tupaoa Pehitahi Waikuia Hohepa
Te Mamae Hotu Atareta Menehira OrauKipa
Te Reweti Henare Tutanumia Hera Hera Wharepapa*
Tiki Pita Ripai te Teira* Matire Waikawa
Paerauta Te Mene Ngakata Mauha
157
Appendix 7 Lists of Owners - Te Irihanga Blocks
Ngawharau Herewini '
Hamiora Ngakuru
Tangi N gamanu
Wahawaha Ihiata
*Te Uara Taharangi
Tuangahuru Ngawharau
Whira Rapata
HohepaRau
Te Matatu Mataitaua
Ngawharau Te Teira
Tiaki Te Wheoro
Tukua Taiawhio
Ngati Rangi 1883
Ngatiti Kotuku
Te Apaapa Ngamanu
Whina Rapata
Nga hoori Mihinui
MereRahiri
Hamuere Wiremu
Riripeti Ngarama
PeneApaapa
, * Ngati Tane
Rahiri N gawharau
Hipirini Te Apaapa
Ngakuru Parera
Hera Ngawharau
Parariko Ngawharau
Tarakiteawa Tuaia
Te Amomanuka Te Mihinui
Te Taupe Raumati
Pene Te Apaapa
Te Tere Te Wheoro
Hanuere Wiremu
Te Rauhea Matatu
Raumati Ngamanu
MitaRapata
Hamiora N gakuru
Mereana Rangihaere
Te Tie Ngakuru
Te Aomanaka Mihinui
Te Taupe Ngarama
Penetaka tuaia
Ngakuru Parera
Wahawaha Ihiata
Ngati tuaia
Ngarama Rapata
Tarukiteawa Tuaia
Hohepa N garama
Puti Ngarama
158
Appendix 8 Lists of Owners - Waimanu Blocks
Waimanu No2
Rapata Karawe Panapa Te Wheko Tawhiao Mauao
Hoani Hupe *Kohu TuRopere
Maihi Haki Paora Keretai Te Uara Taharangi
Mahaki Paikea Keremeneta *Rahiri Ngawharau
Henare Pererika *Ngawharau Herewini Mere Karawe
Kirihitina Karawe Rihi Karawe Harete Karawe
Wawahuia Karawe TeIwiatua TeKapa
Rakakao Iorani Te Wehi 0 Te Whenua Paretapua Karawe
Wikitoria Karawe Huihana Te Arawaere Harete Taharangi
Taiparoro Karawe Te Moori Te Tiwha *Hera Ngawharau
Rerehau Taharangi Mere Maihi Haki AmaPaikea
Rahapa Paehuka TePara
Mere Pareta Makarena Kumeroa Te Kotuku*
Rangi Tohia Hera Karamaene *Te Rauriki Ngawharau
Rawea Karioi Taharangi Taaawhl Ngatiti
Kahurere Heni Tuoiroa *Tutanumia Ngawharau
Whareao Paikea Kahuporera Taharangi
159
Appendix 9
2117179 WMB4
Lists of Owners - Paiakamangoatua (Patetere)
N gati Tamahape
Te Amo Hohaia . Mailri Puahi Hurinuku Te Rina Henare A wanui Kiritapu,
Henare Tawharangi Matataia Hohaia Hoani Huarau Porokuru Te Kiwi
Ngarori Rahera Nikora Huarau Kereopa te mata Ngakohau Te Kotuku
Ngarope Te Awanui Te Rarangi Waaka Kaea Tamati Kiripiti Te Kaea
Ngati Here
. Pita Te wairoa
Hohaia TePenetana~
Te Pukeiti
Penetana te Kauri
Ngati Manu
Hori Te Waka
Hori waaka
Ngakaata Mauha
Te Whareherehere
Heeni Waaka
Rota Hohaia
Haera Te Mahirahi Miritana Tamati Maihi Te Uata
TeKauri
Ngatangi Te Kauri
Te Whakahoki
Te Harawira Hoi
Makere Ranapiri
Ngarou Te Kiri
Roha Kororiria
Taniera Rehua Atarea Tauehe Tamati Tima
Wikitoria Te Mahirahi Heeni Arama Winiata Harawira
Whaiapu Haua Wiremu Hira
Ngati Te Rangi
Kakawaero Tiemi Ranapiri Paora Te Karetai Ropata Ranapiri Henare Hopu
Kaiapa Ngatihi Ruihi Piripi Te Kereama Marire
Ngati Here
Makuini Te Wharetaka
160