Fortnight Publications Ltd.

Proportionality in All ThingsAuthor(s): Oliver HunterSource: Fortnight, No. 85 (Jun. 21, 1974), pp. 6-7Published by: Fortnight Publications Ltd.Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25545061 .

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6/FORTNIGHT \ On the purely tribal basis of "them" and "us" there was

atisfaetion that traditional Unionism had been destroyed, : {hat the Catholics had representation at the highest level of

local government and that the old days of discrimination in

housing, of new factories being almost always sited in Unionist areas, and of job promotion being decided on

political affiliation rather than on ability were finally giving way. In other words there was quiet optimism within a

\ majority of the minority that the dawn of a new era had arrived. There were, of course, complaints about "selling

i out" and about the slowness in achieving a more equal I judicial system which intensified as the SDLP were seen to be i giving ground on their election promises. I Austin Currie's 25p 'tax' on those still on rents and rates

1 strike was regarded as an outrageous imposition and more so I as Austin himself had been the instigator ofthe strike. This

about face on his part alienated not alone a sector of Catholic

support for the SDLP but created a split within the party itself, signs of which were evident to all political observers.

Yet there was still the belief that the SDLP could be utilised as the voice of the minority, a belief shown clearly at the

I February elections in West Belfast. Both Republican I candidates lost their deposits leaving Gerry Fitt to win the I seat at the expense of Shankill's John McQuade. The dream

| of Irish unity was still there but so also was a reluctance to

jj vote for candidates identified with violence. And there j

j was the possibility that a vote for either republican candidate

| would only split the minority total and let the Unionist

f representative slide in.

\ With the SDLP sharing governmental power there were

\ some compensatory factors; the army were definitely easing I off in their tactics of harassment in the Catholic ghettos and i whenever an army patrol, or an individual soldier, stepped | out of line an approach by an SDLP MP to the company I officer or other higher-ups could bring an apology or a more

j strict adherence to the governmental low profile policy.

j; Casement Park was handed back to the GAA, republican f paper sellers were setting up stands and going around the I doors with their literature without the interference they \ suffered in previous months, and the 'midnight knock' was

nowhere near as prevalent as before. But the UWC 'strike' altered almost everything.

Physically the 'strike' did not affect the Falls/ Andersons town districts too much. There were indeed the cutbacks in electric power and at its end the loss of gas, but the buses still

> ran, the black-taxi service still functioned, the shops were

open as were the public houses and by and large the 'strike'

J was more of an annoying hindrance than a punishment. And

| the spirit seemed to be that "they" are suffering worse than

j us, "they" have no pubs, no buses, no shops, no jobs to go to.

| (With the high unemployment in all regions of Catholic West

\ Belfast and with a good percentage of those who do work

j employed in local or in Catholic-owned establishments there

j obviously was not the same loss of wages to be endured.)

\ The collapse of the Executive and the end of the UWC

j action blasted open many misconceptions. The average ' Catholic had been willing to stick it out in the confidence that the UWC would ultimately fall under pressure from the

| ordinary Protestant people and by so doing eliminate the militant Loyalist element. However the reluctance of the army to act decisively against the road-blockers, the apparent recognition ofthe 'rights' of Hawthornden House as the provisional government and the obvious collusion between sections of the RUC and army with the 'strikers'

dispelled many hopes. The Wilson speech was a disaster; he brought back memories of two small boys standing at either end of a street calling each other names but neither brave enough to venture into the other's territory.

It was known that both IRAs were on full alert in the

advent of an attack by Loyalist extremists on areas such as Andersonstown.

The effect of the ending of power sharing was depressing. People with whom I spoke?and they included strong republicans as well as the apolitical?felt that the minority had lost heavily; that the UWC had demonstrated what had always been maintained about job discrimination; that the army had adopted a one-sided position and that now the Catholic had no voice in government. There was perhaps no

great regret at the loss to the SDLP, but it was felt that all

hope of peace with honour had gone and the end result would be to drive more of the younger people into the belief that only by the use of physical force could justice be gained, even if that should mean in the short term an intensification of the

suffering. Figures issued shortly after the ending of the 'strike' show

an alarming increase in those wishing to emigrate and all signs are that the bulk of those wishing to leave Belfast are from the Catholic ghettos. The visual evidence of this is in the

| number of "For Sale" boards in Catholic private housing j estates in which it was almost impossible to purchase a house I a couple of months back. And it is the young couples with

young families who are the first to go. They feel that the 'strike' was enough; that Northern Ireland has little to offer

| them other than endless violence and that there is no sense in

j condemning their children to such an existence. They cannot move safely within the six counties so they are emigrating to

; within the British Commonwealth, to England or to the South of Ireland where many have found employment and peace in the industrial estates on the Shannon or in Dublin.

Those who remain are slowly emerging from their

depression and are wrapping that old Irish tradition of fatalism around them which teaches that ultimately they, or their children, or their children's children will win through. In the meantime all must accept the inevitability of more

grieving unless the reported talk of a ceasefire among the gunmen and bombers becomes a reality.

Proportionality in All Things Dr. Oliver

Hunter argues here that power sharing throughout the whole community is the only way forward and suggests ground rules for the three blocks in Northern Ireland

When the belief that democ

racy is rule by the majority, for the majority, with total disre

gard for the minority and when the minority aid this injustice by opting out, one is then left with a politically arrested

society. This was the situation in Northern Ireland prior to 1969. Local government was in

a shambles, the police were a

para-military force controlled

by a politician and discrimi nation, especially in housing, was common practice. I

li

Since 1969 reforms have been implemented intended to

bring Northern Ireland up to date in its institutions with other western democracies.

The numerous reforms concerning security control, focal

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FRIDAY 21st JUNE 1974/7 I government and the franchise were acclaimed by outside

j observers and in Northern Ireland by the secular block. This block was in the process of development during the

instigation of these reforms and in fact they met their

political requirements very well and were supported by them. The religious blocks did not find them at all to their

liking. The Protestants saw them as wide ranging and felt themselves losing control. The Catholics were dissatisfied

with the breadth ofthe reforms and saw no change in their

position. Neither religious block made any attempt to see

j the point of view of their opposite numbers, each examining the reforms strictly from their own point of view. These attitudes are assisting the continuation of sectarian division.

INTEGRATION

Integration is the process through which a society with

conflicting interests must proceed before they can live in

harmony. This can only be achieved through the mutual

trust of the people who are in conflict. Of course it can be

argued that mutual trust cannot exist before a society is

fully integrated. In a stable society mutual trust is achieved

through mixing of people at all levels possible. If a society is divided by colour, class or creed but mixes

at the other points of contact then this society will live in

harmony. But if the groups are so antagonistic that there are no points of contact then separate communities will

evolve with their initial differences exaggerated. This has

happened in Northern Ireland.

Integration can occur in two ways, naturally or by administration. Natural integration occurs by the random

contact of people from different groups. This process was

operating on an increasing rate prior to 1969. The borders

of the ghetto were becoming less well defined. Trades

unions, business and professional associations made a large

passive contribution. Sports also played a Big part. Unfortunately this process came to a stop in 1969 and went

into reverse until today polarisation is virtually complete. Administrative integration is fostered by the Establish- .

ment. Prior to 1969 no effort was made to integrate the

community. Official policy by both religious blocks

encourages separate education. Public employment and

participation in decisions by the government of that time was not fostered. The effective power rested in the Protestant block.

A SOLUTION In a society such as Northern Ireland the Westminster

system of government with total power vested in the ruling party cannot successfully work. It leads to complacency on one side and frustration on the other. The events of the past five years have clearly shown that either religious block is

capable of bringing the community to its knees. They must work together and power-sharing is the only tenable method to achieve this.

But if the country is to develop conflicting elements need

points of contact, no matter how tenuous, on which to build. The minimum common ground which should be shared is:

(a) Recognition that there are three power blocks (two

religious and one secular) each of which has a valid claim to

I exist here; (b) Recognition that co-existence is essential to

peace; (c) Recognition that the people of Northern Ireland have more in common than they have differences; (d)

Recognition ofthe right of each block to develop in its own

way so long as it is not to the detriment of the community at

large.

These points of contact should be accepted by the

politicians as the minimum bases of co-operation. The j following rules would then reduce friction to a minimum at

j parliamentary and grass roots level.

Politics should be regarded as a business?to run the

country. Doctrinal disputes can not stand in the way of

getting the work done. There should be an acceptance at a practical level of

ideological differences and a conviction that the other block must at least be tolerated.

Decisions should always be made at the highest possible level by the leaders of the different blocks involved, somewhat as occurs in international negotiations and

agreements. In areas on conflict the units to be distributed are done on

a strictly proportional basis. This will apply mainly in: (a!

money matters, (b) housing, (c) security, (d) public offices,

(e) employment. Secrecy should be used in negotiations in sensitive areas

between the power blocks. The end results only of these

negotiations should then be held up for public examination.

Applying these rules the Executive of Government would do business in those areas of common interest in which there is no conflict and Rule 1 will be the only one brought into play.

In the traditionally more delicate areas of housing, education and public appointments a pragmatic acceptance of the facts of life and application of the full set of rules will allow the business of government to continue. To clarify!, how this would work an example will be used.

EDUCATION Rule 1: Politics is a business?Children must be edu

cated?no disagreement here, Rule 2: Agree to disagree?Education is segregated?

actively by the Catholic block, passively by the Protestant block. All schools to be completely financed by government. Integrated schools will also be provided to accommodate the secular block.

Rule 3: Summit diplomacy?The type of arrangement suggested in Rule 2 will be made at the higher level between

politicians, leaders in education and church leaders. Rule 4: Proportionality?Schools built and administra

tive funds to be distributed on a proportional basis. Rule 5: Secrecy??The above decisions would be made

behind closed doors. Acrimony would not be publicised. The final results of the "deals" would be published.

The success of this system will depend on the sincere efforts of the politicians to maintain peace and progress.

The key to the success of this system is in the application of Summit diplomacy and proportionality. These could be

applied by the three blocks, Protestant, Catholic and

Secular, in all areas of government, in the police and civil service and in the local boards.

In considering the long term political aspirations of the three blocks the Rule to agree to disagree must apply. The

primary aim of all politicians must be the well being of the total community. Therefore all other aspirations must be

secondary. If, through working together, the politicians develop a degree of trust that allows long term aspirations to be discussed (behind closed doors)?fine. Until that time, and it may never come, they can agree to disagree.

From this system integration can occur. Not integration in which people lose their identity, but integration in which

each block can develop in harmony. This is integration at the administrative level.

Natural integration is a pragmatic phenomena and is best left to those natural forces operating in society. It can be fostered and encouraged by those organisations that are committed to bringing people together.

The people want peace?they are war weary and indeed are politically weary. They would be content with politicians

j who sincerely want a united community to work on their behalf.

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