1

Chapter One

Introduction

Historians are agreed that the interaction between a people and their environment

influences, to a large extent, the evolution of their culture which also impacts on their

character as well as their relationship with other groups. The Igbo inter and intra ethnic

relations are underpinned by three but not exclusive, major elements, namely trade and

economic pursuits, marriage, and politics. This could be adduced from the fact that the

Igbo developed distinct characteristics that have set them aside from their neighbours like

the Efik, Ibibio, Igala and even other ethnic groups such as the Yoruba and Hausa groups.

These oddities include; their scholarly dispositions, industry and business astuteness, as

well as their culture and world view. Indeed, the Igbo culture and political consciousness

have a lot of regard for successful people, hard work, creativity and moral uprightness.

Another peculiarity of the Igbo is his perceived migratory nature, although this

oftentimes resulted into confrontations with the interest of his host. Indeed, there is the

belief that wherever one does not find the Igbo suggests the inhabitability of such area.

Indeed, the astuteness, industry and ingenuity of the Igbo have oftentimes led to their

comparison as the Jews of Africa. This view has most times been extended to the point of

associating the Igbo with oriental origins and migrations, from Israel.

The Igbo is found in the present day states of Abia, Anambra, Ebonyi, Enugu, and Imo. A

sizeable proportion is also found in the South-South states of Delta and Rivers.

2

The attempt at systematic investigation and record of Igbo history goes as far back as the

late 18th

century, from the works of Olaudah Equiano. During the colonial period, the

Niger area was partitioned into different administrative units. These included Enugu,

Owerri, Aba and Onitsha. The current indigene/settler crisis between the Onitsha and

Obosi people in Anambra state could probably be traced to this colonial divisions and

administrative centers.

The work of contemporary Igbo historians has done little to solve these emerging

conflicts in the contemporary times. Igbo history in recent times have shown more

interest and concern with only establishing Igbo cultures and world view as well as the

effects of inter group relations on the Igbo border communities, rather than drawing

attention to the roots of intra ethnic crisis resulting from claims and counter claims of

resource control and issues of boundary by contiguous Igbo communities. Igbo

historians have also failed in the attempt at reconstructing local histories, which could

have formed the component of the larger Igbo historical scholarship.

Statement of Problem

In recent times, there have been conflicts arising from claims and counter claims of land

and territories which include the present day Aguleri/ Umuleri crises, Obosi/Nkpor crises,

and the Onitsha/Obosi crises. Onitsha extends from the shores of the River Niger to the

boundaries with Iheala by both the Onitsha people and the Obosi people. These claims of

ownership were, no doubt, driven by socio-economic and political considerations. Indeed,

just like the indigene/ settler conflict in Osun state between the indigenous Ife and

Modakeke people in Yoruba land, the crises between the Onitsha and Obosi people has

3

some historical roots. The worrisome aspect of the Onitsha/Obosi crisis remains its

intractability despite several conflict resolution and management instruments employed

to resolve it. The question therefore is, have the instruments employed in resolving the

problem not suitable enough or has the root of the problem not really been diagnosed.

This work therefore, is an investigation into the history, origins, migrations and the

general peopling of this area as a strategy for getting at the root of the crisis. In doing

this, priority will be given not only to the history and culture of this people‟s but also the

various aspects of interactions that these people were involved in over time.

Significance of Study

Over the years Igbo historians have neglected the study of local historians perhaps

because they have been subsumed in the general Igbo historical scholarship.

Consequently, most of the problems on the issues that would have been addressed by the

study in local histories are left to develop into more complex and protracted conflicts.

This work attempts to investigate the local history of the Obosi and Onitsha people in

order to address the current indigene/settler crises involving the area. Therefore the work

provides the first hand insight into the issues at stake in the conflict.

Secondly, this work seems to be the first conscious attempt to investigate the history of

this conflict around the Niger area and therefore forms a veritable mine of information

upon which the historical reconstruction of the general history of the peoples of the Niger

area can be undertaken.

4

Thirdly, the study also provides the foundation for further investigation into other salient

areas that are prone to conflicts and probably a blueprint for conflict resolution and

management.

Scope of study

This study deals with the intergroup relations of two very similar yet opposing traditional

Igbo societies therefore, it is very important to begin from the very genesis of their

settlements and interrelationship while in their present locations; from the earliest times

to the present day. This is to effectively register the evolution of two typical societies

who have a lot in common and have influenced each other in various ways but will

always be separated by the love of the natural man to protect his land. The study will be

restricted to Obosi and Onitsha communities of Anambra State.

Research Questions

This work will be guided by the following research questions:

1) What are the major forces behind the Onitsha and Obosi conflict?

2) To what extent does the conflict affect the general social relationship of the

people?

3) In what ways has the conflict been expressed and addressed?

4) What are the major issues utilized by either party to back up their claims?

5) To what extent are they ready to carry out their claims?

5

6) What is the current state of events, the developments in contemporary times and

the suggested solutions?

Research Methodology

Secondary sources will be used for a marginal part of this study. This includes textbooks,

journals etc. However the bulk of the work will come from primary sources which will

make up the core of the work. The primary sources include oral interviews, newspapers,

legal documents, pictures etc. The analysis of the data collected shall aodopt the

multidisciplinary approach while the historical narrative style will be adopted for the

presentation of the work..

Chapterization

This study is divided into five chapters: the first chapter is the „Introduction.‟ It contains

the background, the objectives of study, scope of study, sources and methodology,

literature review, definition of relevant concepts, significance of study, limitations of

study and the summary of chapters.

The second chapter is geography and origins of myths and settlement. It contains the

origins and settlement of both the Onitsha and the Obosi people outlining the myths and

theories surrounding their origins and settlements as well as their migrations, cultural

borrowings and their impacts, if any.

The third chapter is traditional institutions from pre-colonial to colonial period. It deals

with the traditional institutions of both Obosi and Onitsha communities such as the

Obiship, Ozo as well as other chieftaincies and titles. It also examines the myth of

6

Ezechima and the family lineage, cultural borrowings and ceremonies resulting from

inter-group relations between these communities and their neighbours as well as other

factors culminating in the processes of the dispute and attempts at its settlement.

The fourth chapter is the land dispute between Onitsha and Obosi from the late 18th

century till date. It will discuss the current state of events in contemporary times in

relation to the impact of their intergroup relations in terms of social, economic, political,

and cultural developments.

Finally the whole study is summarized and in conclusion, suggestions gathered from the

indigenes, scholars and the writer shall be proffered in chapter five.

Literature Review

The core texts in this review have been examined using the thematic approach. Therefore

the following themes are the major guidelines for this review; the intergroup relations

among the Igbo people, the conflict between the Onitsha and the Obosi people, conflict

and conflict resolution. The use of comparative analysis shall also be adopted.

L.C Dioka‟s “Group Inter Relations Among Nigerian Communities”, in Akinjide

Osuntokun and Ayodeji Olukoju‟s (eds.) Nigerian People‟s And Culture1 and P.I

Oguagha‟s2 “The Igbo And Their Neighbours: Some Patterns Of Relationships In Pre-

colonial Southern Nigeria”, in A.E. Ekoko and S.O. Agbi (eds.) Perspectives In History-

1 L.C Dioka, „Inter-Group Relations among Nigerian Communities‟ Akinjide Osuntokun

and Ayodeji Olukoju (eds) in Nigerian Peoples and Culture. Ibadan: Davidson Press,

1997. 2 P.I Oguagha, „The Igbo and Their Neighbors: Some Patterns of Relationships in

Precolonial Southern Nigeria‟ A.E Ekoko and S.O Agbi (eds) in Perspectives in History;

Essays in Honor of Professor Obaro Ikime. Ibadan: Heineman Educational Books, 1992.

7

Essays In Honor Of Professor Obaro Ikime, using the aid of primary and secondary

sources deal with the issue of intergroup relations among the Igbo and their neighbours;

the significance of war and peacetime relations as well as borrowings of culture and

traditions. As for the former, it examines the evolution of the Igbo inter-group relational

culture from one of a sect with desire for peace and self survival which could be

overridden only by territorial expansions and compulsory migrations; to the emergence of

a sect whom the Idoma came to identify as the controllers of administration. Both works

explore the various cultural influences of the Igbo over their neigbours (the Aro people‟s

take over and transformation of the Arochukwu deity from the Ibibio) and vis versa as a

result of conquests and alliances among indigenous Igbo neighbours (this is illustrated by

the Bini/Igbo relations from which the Igbo people especially those towns around the

River Niger such as the Onitsha) inherited the Obiship system and the earliest myth of

their origin. The former work, no doubt, illustrates the fact that the Igbo at a particular

time began to appreciate land, education and trade.

The latter establishes the Igbo as a group whose history shows that there is a tendency to

emphasize warfare as the dominant theme in their interactions. It illustrates, with

examples of the Igala, Benin, Efik and Ibibio peoples, that rather than an exchange of

culture, the Igbo societies seem to have been influenced by their interactions with the

above named rather than being an influence. The kingship titles (such as those of Onitsha,

Osomari and Odekpe) and bilingual tendencies of some Igbo societies seem to have been

as a result of Igala influence. Oguagha howeve,r concludes that some of the later

development of new societies around the Igbo environs were as a result of the internal

developments within the Igbo societies themselves. For example, the relationships of the

8

Igbo religious centre (Nri) and her neighbours. Both works give strong indications that

the Igbo people were not necessarily a combatant people, they mostly resorted to less

violent and babaric ways to settle disputes and most of their wars were with non Igbo

peoples such as the Bini, Igala and Ibibio. Oguagha and Dioka have contributed a great

deal disputing and dismissing the Eurocentric idea that “Nigeria is a recent colonial

fabrication of groups of peoples that had little or nothing in common in the past”.

However even though these works are very good reference points for information on the

basics of intergroup relations among the Igbo and their neighbours, they did not do much

justice to the intergroup relations between the Onitsha and Obosi people. Therefore this

work will attempt to enlighten the reader on the intergroup relations between both towns

and in addition, examine areas of similarities, as well as differences between them.

On origins and the important role of myths, Nzimiro‟s Strangers at Our Gate: the Igbo

Nationality in Nigeria Oguta 3

and Iwu Ikwubuzo‟s Toward Pan- Igbo Unity In the 21st

Century- Igbo myths of origin as a tool,4 both examined the importance of myths as a

guarantee of solidarity that binds societies together historically, thereby keeping them

from war or disunity. Nzimiro went as far as stating that just as myths in other cultures

are indispensable in telling the story of who they really are, so it is for the Igbo as well;

3 Nzimiro.I. Strangers at our Gates: the Igbo Nationality in Nigeria. Oguta: Zim Pan Books, 2001.

4 Iwu Ikwubuzo, ‘Towards Pan Igbo Unity in the 21

st Century: Igbo Myths of Origin as a tool in Journal of

Nigerian Language and Culture,’ (JONLAC) vol.7 September, 2005.

9

“Among the Yoruba‟s we have the myth of Oduduwa, the Hausa the myth of Byagida, the

Benin- Edo the myth of Oraniyan, the myth of Asada of Ata, the Umuezechima myth of

Ezechima, the myth of Tschedo”5

Both works strive to convince the reader of the indispensability of myths as an indication

of historical evidence and historical episodes. Myths should therefore, not be regarded as

mere storytelling but rich source of information on the intergroup relations of patriarchs

of most African societies. These works are instrumental to this study because they, in

their own ways, express the importance of the Ezechima myth of the Igbo across the

Niger. According to Myth, some families of both the Onitsha and Obosi people are

descendants of the Ezechima and are called the Umuezechima. Also on this concept, the

book Ezechima: the Historic King that Binds The East and West Niger Igbo deals with

the similarities in Igbo and Benin culture, it examines the various similarities in

languages as well as the variations that have occurred as time evolved into the language

that the Igbo speak presently. The chapter was an attempt to vindicate the historic validity

of the Ezechima of West Niger and eastern Igbo communities. 6

On the Origins of the Igbo and the paucity of materials on the subject, A.E Afigbo in his

contribution, “Towards A History Of The Igbo –Speaking People‟s Of Nigeria,” in F.C.

Ogbalu and E.N Emenanjo‟s (eds) Igbo Language And Culture 7 blamed these on the lack

of interest by historians; the unavailability of Igbo historians; the lack of interest of some

in research keys to solution; recovery and preservation of all data relating to the past; the

5 Nzimiro.I. Strangers at our Gates: the Igbo Nationality in Nigeria. Oguta: Zim Pan Books, 2001.

6 Uche U. Okonkwo, Ezechima: the Historic King that Binds the East and West Niger Igbo, Lagos: Grace

Anasiudu Press, 2006. 7 A.E Afigbo, ‘Towards a History of the Igbo-Speaking Peoples of Nigeria’, F.C Ogbalu and E.N Emenajo

(eds) in Igbo Language and Culture, Ibadan: Oxford University Press, 1975.

10

analysis and reduction of this data into conventional history. In emphasizing the two main

aspects to the work of reconstructing a people‟s past he highlighted first, the recovery and

preservation of all data relating to the past. According to him, every lay individual who is

interested in recovering the history of the Igbo people should participate in this process.

The last aspect is the analysis and reduction of these data into conventional history. This

latter aspect can only be performed by professional historians. Similarly, Afigbo traced

the effort made by trained and amateur historians to build some synthesis of Igbo history

from 1789 with the work of Olaudah Equiano The Interesting Narrative Of The Life Of

Olaudah Equiano Or Gustavus Vassa, referring to him as the first Igbo historian and

ethnologist.

On the socio-political life of the Igbo, Onuora Ossie Enekwe in his book Igbo Masks: the

Oneness of Ritual and Theatre8 dedicated a whole chapter to the socio-political life of the

Igbo. He examined the geography and distribution of population; their economy; socio-

political organization; their age grade system in politics and arts; their women; the new

theories of Igbo political structure; the place of their gods in sociopolitical affairs; Igbo

cosmology and so many other issues that affects their all round lifestyle.

The work exposes the dutiful and obedient but nevertheless important role of women as

pillars of the society while also modifying the notion of the Igbo as a completely

decentralized people. The hegemonic control of the socio-political aspect of the Igbo

society is explained as being in the hands of the gods and the ancestors in order to ensure

the complete obedience of the people. The strength of the work lies in its ability to

8 Onuora Ossie Enekwe, Igbo Masks: the Oness of Ritual and Theatre, Lagos: the Department of Culture,

Federal Ministry of Information and Culture, 1987.

11

dispose preconceived misconceptions of Eurocentric historians that Nigerian women

were subordinated and that the Igbo were completely autonomous and decentralized in

political administration. In all, it is a useful guideline for this project. It however failed to

refer specifically to any particular Igbo group except for the Nri on rare occasions. This

project will be a basis for a relatively integral introduction to the Onitsha and Obosi

people.

Obi Iwuagwu in his chapter titled “Igbo food economy up to 1990” in Onwuka Njoku

and Obi Iwuagwu(eds), Igbo Economic History 9

discussed the role of the sexes and

labour utilization in Igbo food production. He examined the fertile areas of the Igbo land,

the high and low population density areas, the distribution of land and the factors guiding

land ownership and finally he examined the various crops that are produced in the Igbo

economy alongside their various areas of production.

The major strength of the work lies in its attempt to cover as many parts of the Igboland

as exists and even give an aggregate total of the overall Igbo population, Area per square

km of population and density according to their divisions up till 1963. For a very long

time the economic history of the Igbo people has been ignored, rich as it is, therefore, this

particular effort is a long awaited development towards the knowledge of the Igbo people

in terms of what went into making them what they are today. The use of oral sources as

well as statistical data makes the work self explanatory and recommendable for the most

basic research of the Igbo people. The strength of the work would have been more

9 Obo Iwuagwu, ‘The Igbo Food Economy’, Onwuka Njoku and Obi Iwuagwu (eds), in Topics in Igbo

Economic History, Lagos: First Academic Publishers, 2008.

12

pronounced if it had included the effect of the economy of the Igbo people on their

neighbours.

.Chinyere C.P Nnorom and Augustine O. Agugua10

with the use of primary and

secondary sources examined the success of the military federal Government of Nigeria‟s

post- civil war policies in terms of destroying the relevance of the Igbo in the economic

and political mainstream of activities within the Nigerian state. The crux of the work

examines the concept of poverty among the Igbo people within and outside their

indigenous localities.

Ajibiade O. Agunbiade11

in his work treated the importance of local governments and

their autonomy to the development of any nation. Citing the examples of countries like

the Federal Republic of Germany and the United States, he emphasized the necessity of

government to consciously implement regional development. Most of the development

plans of Nigeria since independence have ended at the level of the commissioning of

investigations into the potentials for development. The second national development plan,

despite signs that it showed that federal government was now more conscious that the

eastern Nigerian region was in dire need of development because one of its major

objective was to reduce the disparities in the levels of development in different parts of

the region focusing on the Cross River Basin and the Niger Delta area, there was no

10

Chinyere C.P Nnorom and Augustine O.Agugua, ‘Malignant Self Reliance as Post Civil War Self Sufficiency Prophesy Among the Igbo’, Onwuka Njoku and Obi Iwuagwu (eds) in Topics in Igbo Economic History, Lagos: First Academic Publishers, 2008. 11

Ajibiade O. Agunbiade, ‘Towards a Model of Convergent Regional Growth and Welfare for Nigeria; Phase two of a Study on Regional Problems in Nigeria.’ Ibadan: Nigerian Institute of Social and Economic Research, 1996.p. 4-8.

13

specific policy beyond improving transport and connection linkages between urban

agglomerations and rural areas. This work touches on the a little part of the essence of

this work which includes an attempt to contribute some quota to the popularization of

Igbo culture outside their hemisphere. The Cross River Basin and the Niger Delat are oil

producing areas so it is easy to see why they are in the mind of the government but it is

important to bear in mind that core Igbo areas such as the Anambra and Enugu regions

are practically forgotten by the government; if they cannot share in the development

(especially in areas of education and the promotion of literacy) of the country, the

concept of a unified Nigeria is defeated before it began.

In the article written by Obaro Ikime 12

entitled “In Serach of Nigerians Changing

Patterns of inter-group Relations in an Evolving Nation State (Historical Society of

Nigeria)”, he gives an orderly categorization of the dynamics of inter-group relations

from the pre- colonial era up till the post colonial era in Nigeria. The central focus of the

study is the pre-colonial perspective. The patterns identified by Ikime are closely related

to the origins of dynasties were the relations is triggered by a “transfer of sovereignty

from an aboriginal population to a foreigner. He makes an example of Nsukka which has

similarities in political culture with the Igalla (just as the Onitsha, and probably the

Obosi, has similarities to the Benin political and glotto-chronological culture). Ikime

using this case study shows a form of cultural cum political integration that can develop

from the borrowing of political institutions and titles. The author drew the minds of

historians to the fact that political adaptation does not necessarily mean political

12

Obaro Ikime, ‘In Search of Nigerians: Changing Patterns of Intergroup Relations in an Evolving Nation State’ (Historical Society of Nigeria), 1985.

14

domination. Even though the Onitsha managed to diffuse some of their culture to the

Obosi when they arrived their present location, it must be emphasized that they did not

necessarily have political authority over the latter in terms of exercising any form of

hegemony over them; it can be seen from the work of Obaro Ikime being reviewed that it

is very likely that they co-habited without one dominating the other.

In conclusion, a review of an unpublished B.A special project by Nwoko Kenneth

Chukwuemeka titled13

“A Socio-Political History of Emekuku from the earliest Times To

1900” examined the geography, origin and settlements, political organization, the

relationship of the Emekuku with her neighbours, her traditional religion and Emekuku in

transition. His work is all the more original because it stems mostly from oral traditions.

It enlightens an observer to the richness of the Emekuku culture especially as an

independent people who have managed to preserve their historical personality even

through the period of colonial influence and corruption of most people‟s of the Nigerian

sub region. This work helps to compare experiences of the Emekuku people with that of

the Onitsha and Obosi communities, in terms of how they managed conflicts especially

those arising from land disputes as well as the effect of external influence on relations

with their neighbours

13

Nwoko Chukwuemeka Kenneth, ‘A Socio-political History of Emekuku from the Earliest Times to 1900’, A Special B.A Project of the Department of History and Strategic Studies of the University of Lagos, 1998.

15

Chapter Two

Geography and Myths of Origin and Settlement

Geography

Anambra state (Light of the Nation) was created on the 3rd

of February 1977 with Enugu

as its capital and on the 27th

of August 1991; its capital was moved to Awka. It is in

south-eastern Nigeria with one of the highest population densities in Africa. This has

posed other serious problems from undue pressure on the state‟s resources, fragile

infrastructure, environmental to sanitation and social services, etc. This pressure is

especially evident in its huge commercial nerve centre of Onitsha. The fact that the

location of Anambra this has posed other serious problems from undue pressure is

especially evident in its huge commercial nerve centre of Onitsha.14

The state derives its name from the Anambra River which runs north to south through the

state. The industrious and hospitable people of Anambra State are Igbo, they are great,

entrepreneurs, and craftsmen. Onitsha has the largest market of its kind in the ECOWAS

sub-region, Anambra state consists of Aguata, Anambra East, Anambra West, Anaocha,

Awka North, Awka South, Ayamelum, Dunukofia, Ekwusigo, Idemili North, Idemili

south, Ihiala, Njikoka, Nnewi North, Nnewi South, Ogbaru, Onitsha North, Onitsha

South, Orumba North, Orumba South, Oyi. It is bounded by Delta state on the west, on

the south by Imo State, Enugu state on the East and Kogi state on the North. The origin of

14

http://www.ngex.com/ads/adclick.php?n=acc2159f. Accessed July 4, 2009.

16

the name is derived from the "Omambala River" which is easily called the “Anambra

River” depending on which dialect is used in pronouncing it. Omambala River is on the

northern part of Anambra state and stretches to the famous River Niger.15

The indigenous ethnic groups in Anambra state are the Igbo (98% of population) and the

Igala (2% of the population).16

The state is one of the most highly populated in Nigeria.

Oba and Uli contain a stretch of more than 70km of land which includes a cluster of

numerous thickly populated villages and small towns giving the area an estimated density

of 1500-2000 persons living within every square kilometer of the area.17

Although most

of the population is overwhelmingly rural, over the last two decades the rural/urban

exodus has caused a shift in that balance. The shift of human migration has posed

problems regarding the state's resources, infrastructure, environmental sanitation, erosion

control and social services. This increase in demand is especially evident in its huge

commercial city of Onitsha. Pipe borne water, electricity and housing for the many

residents of Onitsha are a challenge for many.18

The state has several raw industrial materials and agro-products including Oil Palm,

Maize, Rice, Yam, Cassava and Fish. It produces mineral resources such as Enamel-ware

and Cotton Textile Mills at Onitsha. Most of the people in Anambra state are mostly civil

servants. In fact among the states in contemporary eastern Nigeria she houses some

universities, polytechnics, college of education and schools of technology such as

15

Ibid 16

Ibid 17

"Anambra: How Etiaba Became Governor”. http://www.thisdayonline.com. This Day

(Lagos). Accessed July 4 2009 18

Ibid

17

Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka; the Federal Polythechnic Oko, College of Education,

Nsugbe and College of Agriculture Igbanam, Anambra State University of Science and

Technology. Also it is a centre of attraction for tourism; it is the site for the Ogbunike

cave, Rojeny Tourist Village (manmade) in Oba, Agudu lake/Gully, Aguleri Game

Reserve, Igbo Ukwu Archaeological Monuments Reservations, the yearly Ofalla festival,

the Ijele Masquerade and also the yearly new yam festival. 19

Onitsha, also known as the capital of Igbo kingdom, it is currently one of the most

prominent towns in modern day eastern Nigeria; Literacy rate in the state is

comparatively high. Some of the more notable secondary schools include; St Charles'

Special Science School (SCSSS),Onitsha, Christ the King college (C.K.C) Onitsha, Our

Lady's High School, Onitsha; Dennis Memorial Grammar School (D.M.G.S) Onitsha,

Queen Of the Rosary College (Q.R.C.) Onitsha. It is the largest market town of the East

and home to the largest market in the whole of West Africa (Onitsha Main market). This

makes her the largest cosmopolitan market in eastern Nigeria.20

The town is guided by

the Oze on the North, by the Obosi and the Nkpor on the south by the River Niger on the

West and on the southern side by the Ogbaru.21

The area lies within the tropical rain forest zone thereby justifying the growth of trees,

particularly in the center of the town. As in other areas of Nigeria the major seasons

19 http://www.thisdayonline.com/nview.php?id=62287. Accessed September 4th 2009

20 Ibid

21 Oral Interview: Olisah Agusiogwu, 57years, Onitsha Palace Secretary, Onitsha, July,

2009

18

experienced in this environment fall in the categories of the dry and rainy season. The dry

season often times begins from the middle of September even though the nights are

usually very cool. The rainy season on the other hand begins from March up till early

September sometimes. Although recently the weather has been somewhat unpredictable.

The harmattan season which begins from November and ends in January is usually very

dusty.22

Some of the older generation of about 65 years and above were civil servants are either

farmers or civil servants. However a remarkable majority are traders, business men and

entrepreneurs and spare part dealers. The economy of the town is dependent on trade and

agriculture.23

Onitsha became an important trading port for the Royal Niger Company in

the mid 1850's.24

Following the abolition of slavery, trade in palm kernels and other cash

crops boomed around this river port. Immigrants from the hinterland were drawn to the

emerging thriving town as did the British traders who settled there and coordinated the

22 http://www.igbofocus.co.uk/html/enugu state.html. Accessed in October 9, 2009.

23 "The Daily Sun”, 2009,

http://www.sunnewsonline.com/webpages/opinion/editorial/2007/feb/20/editorial.

September 12, 2009.

24Oral interview: Enyi Helen (Onyoma Adiko), 78years, President of Onitsha women co-

operative society (retired staff of First Bank), Onitsha, August, 2009.

19

palm oil and cash crops trade. In 1965, a bridge was built across the Niger River to

replace the ferry crossing and plans have been in place to add a second bridge as well.25

Trade soared between the East and West of Nigeria. This made Onitsha the strategic

gateway for trade between the former eastern and western regions. The Nigerian Civil

War (1967- 1970) years brought widespread devastation to Onitsha. The subsequent oil

boom years brought a huge influx of immigrants into the city. The damaged facilities,

still under repair, could not cope with the pace of the rural-urban exodus into the city.

These factors have historically made Onitsha a major centre for trade between the coastal

regions and the north, as well as between eastern and western Nigeria. Onitsha possesses

one of the very few road bridge crossings of the mile-wide Niger River.26

Today, Onitsha is a textbook example of the perils of urbanization without planning or

public services.27

The people pride themselves on scholarship. The major indigenous commodities of trade

are foodstuff such as fish, yam, pepper, vegetables and non perishable goods such as wall

paints, roofing sheets and spare parts.28

25

S.I Bosah, the Groundwork of the History and Culture of Onitsha, Onitsha, unknown, p.

94 26

Azikiwe Nnamdi, Fragments of Onitsha History- The Journal of Negro History,

unknown, 1930

27Ibid

28Oral Interview: Sam Ethan Chike Modebe, 61years, retired senior immigration officer,

Onitsha, July, 2009.

20

The practice of Christianity is popular among the people. The town is made up of about

30% Anglicans. The largest Anglican diocese (the All Saints Cathedral) in the Eastern

region, even up till date, was built within the town in the late 19th

century with the labour

of indigenous workers under the supervision of the white colonial masters.29

Catholics

make up the majority of the Christians in Onitsha (60%), various catholic parishes are

scattered around the Onitsha towns and villages in their large and small sizes. It is

important to state that the Cathedral Basilica of the Most Holy Trinity is the seat of the

Roman Catholic Archdiocese of Onitsha.30

The lowest percentage of Christians is

Pentecostal (10%). Although as is the practice among majority of Nigeria‟s older

population (from the mid 50‟s downwards) this western religion is diluted with “pagan”

practice (the worship of traditional and ancestral deities) but there are also individuals

who are completely traditionalists.31

29

Oral Interview: Olisah Agusiogu, 57years, Onitsha Palace Secretary, Onitsha, July,

2009. 30

M. V Chigere Nkem Hyginus. „Foreign Missionary Background and Indigenous

Evangalization in Igboland‟. Berlin: Hamburg-Münster. ISBN 3-825-84964-

3.http://books.google.com/books? Accessed September 12, 2009.

31 http://www.igbofocus.co.uk/html/enugu state.html. Accessed October 9, 2009.

21

Onitsha

Onitsha

Location in Nigeria

Source: "Full World”. http://www.fullworld.eu/biggest-cities-nigeria. Accessed

September 12, 2009.

The first Igbo graduate- Nnamdi Azikiwe- came from Onitsha as well as the first Igbo

lawyer- Louis Mbanefo.

According to the Obosi, the government and the governed alike, the people believe that

the town actually begins from the Bridge Head, across the town including the land on

which the Holy Trinity (Otu Obosi) stands and the present site of the Dennis Memorial

22

Grammar School, through the Main Market, through Ose Market and past the Awada

area up to the Oshimilli River.32

This is an outright claim to the ownership of a large

proportion of the land presently occupied by the Onitsha people. It is interesting to note

that Obosi is said to have been “Abushi” before the coming of the Europeans. However

the name it bears at present is as a result of the adaptation of the European tongue.33

Obosi is one of the major autonomous towns in the North-Western part of Anambra state.

The town comprises five quarters of villages which include Umuota, Ire, Ugamuma,

Mmakwum and Urowulu. It sits on the hill like area bordered by Onitsha on the South,

Nkpor on the south west, Oba on the north- west and Ojoto on the south- east; all part of

the Idemilli local government area with the exception of Onitsha.34

As at 2007 the population of the area was estimated to be 144,203 making it one of the

most densely populated areas in West Africa. Majority of the people are farmers,

although in recent times (since the early 1900‟s) there has been an increasing trend of

scholarship; they have produced renowned individuals such as Chief Emeka Anyaoku, a

former Secretary General of the United Nations and Chief Mike Ajaegbo.35

The economy

is dependent on agriculture. The food crops include cassava, vegetables, yam etc.36

32

Oral interview: Ugosi Abonefo, 70years, Obosi Palace Secretary, Obosi, July, 2009. 33

Oral Interview: Francis Obi Molokwu, 68years, retired civil servant, Obosi, August,

2009. 34

I.Iweka, History of Obosi, Unknown; p. 6 35

Oral Interview; Celestine Offor, 66years, business man, Obosi, August, 2009. 36

Oral interview: Ugosi Abonefo, 70ears, Obosi palace secretary, Obosi, July, 2009.

23

Majority of the indigenes of Obosi are Christians. There is freedom of religion in Obosi.

Notable evangelists like Reverend Ekpunobi, Reverend Ejindu, PA G.O.C Mortanya,

Bishop Nkemena, and Pastor Igbebisiokwu of the Faith Church were instrumental in

evangelizing the gospel.37

The mother church of sanctuary is Saint Andrews Church, the

only structure that was affected during the Nigerian Civil War (1967- 1970) in the

town.38

Below is a map of Obosi as at the 4th

of April 2007.

Jump to:navigation, search

Obosi

Obosi

Location in Nigeria

Source: „the World Gazetter‟ http://www.worldgazetter.com.accessed 09/09/09

37

www. wikipaedia. com, ”The World Gazetteer”, Accessed September 2009

38 Oral Interview: Okey Chukwuria, 62years, civil servant, Obosi, August, 2009.

24

2.2 Accounts of Origins and Migrations

The myths and traditions that outline a people‟s origin automatically determine their

culture as well as the tenets guiding their relationship with others because it guarantees

their identity and self impression. It is therefore important to examine the origin,

migration, the reason for their migration and the settlement of both the Onitsha and the

Obosi in order to understand their lifestyles. The importance of the origin, migration and

settlement of these people cannot be over emphasized because it affects their socio-

political relationships within and outside their localities even in contemporary times

when the Igbo people are noted as one of the business oriented group among the Nigerian

peoples, this therefore, makes them migrate often. In recent times there have been series

of migration within the two towns. Only one in twenty of the residents of Obosi can be

said to be indigenous; there have been migrations from exclusive housing districts such

as Awada, Mgbuka, Ime- Obosi, Odume, Onitsha, Enekwasumpu, Achaputa, Ozala and

Little Wood. There is also a similar case in Onitsha whereby majority of the residents are

from neighboring towns such as Asaba, Obosi, Enugu, Oba, Ihiala, Owerri and

Otuocha29

.

25

Obosi

The name “Obosi” (“mbosisi”), referred to as “Abushi” by the Europeans, is derived

from the Aro dialect which translates into erosion.39

The adjective was first used by

Adike- Ogu to describe his newly found territory to his brothers when he discovered that

every foundation he erected was continually disturbed by erosion.40

Actually the name

Adike is an adaptation of the name “Nwoke Adike Ogugu Ikemkpa” (if u are not fit

enough to fight u will at least help in the war). These were the kind of names given by the

ancient people who believed that it was more important to have the reputation of an

elephant than be seen as a weakling.41

The Obosi oral traditions have very few variations

referred and they refer to Adike‟s wife either as Akugo or Adim. However there are some

important facts which are not clear such as the true state of Adike. While some accounts

claim that he was a hunter, others say that he was mad.

As is common among the native people of Nigeria, especially the eastern region, the

account of the origin of the Obosi is surrounded by variations and some controversies.

The date of the origin, migration and settlement of the Obosi cannot easily be ascertained.

However it should be noted that their evolution began before they settled at their present

location. According to one oral tradition, Adike was a hunter who migrated seven miles

from Ojoto with his wife Adim. They subsequently had two sons, Oba and Okodu, who

bore the sons that eventually made up the five village quarters of Obosi- Umuota,

39

I.Iweka; History of Obosi; Unknown; p. 4 40

Ibid 41

Oral interview: Francis Obi Molokwu, 68years, retired civil servant, Obosi, August,

2009.

26

Uruowulu, Makam, Ugama and Ire.42

The evidence in support of this tradition of their

migration is supported by the people‟s reverence of Ojoto even till date. This is

demonstrated in the practice of every new “Ozo” title holder to visit Ojoto, from where

the ceremonial stick known as “Ofo” as well as other interesting traditional ceremonies

and practices.43

It should be noted that most of these practices originated from the Nri.44

Nri was the ancient town created by ancient migrants from the town of Aro- Chukwu (the

capital of the whole of Ibo land and also the oldest of all of them) alongside the people

who also founded Oze and Ora- Eshi.45

It is reported that the immigrants stopped at

various locations such as Ihala, while others journeyed on to Alo (now Aro), others then

continued on to Ojoto where Adike left his extended family in search of greener pastures

with his wife.46

A number of these immigrants are said to have gone on to present day

Ibuzo.47

One of the traditions went further to claim that an additional descendant of Adike called

Chima migrated from the other side of the Niger.48

His children are referred to as

Umuezechima.49

This is obvious in the fact that they have their own legitimate quarters

within the Obosi town called Umuota, like the other descendants of Adike. Also some of

the names of the Umuezechima in Obosi are very similar to the names of some of the

42

I.Iweka, History of Obosi, Unknown, p. 10 43

Oral Interview: Ugosi Abonefo, 70years, Obosi Palace Secretary, Obosi, July, 2009. 44

Ibid 45

I.Iweka, History of Obosi, Unknown, p. 10 46

Oral Interview: Francis Obi Molokwu, 68years, retired civil servant, Obosi, August,

2009. 47

I.Iweka, History of Obosi, Unknown, p. 9 48

Oral Interview: Francis Obi Molokwu, 68years, retired civil servant, Obosi, August,

2009. 49

Ibid

27

families of the Umuezechima in Onitsha.50

As a matter of fact it is almost impossible to

find one name among the Obosi Umuezechima family and not find exactly the same

among the Onitsha Umuezechima.51

According to one account the Umuezechima

families in Obosi are legally capable of claiming the Obiship title in Onitsha.52

This same

tradition went further to add that Obosi was popular for their acrobatics and housing

structure. It claims that the Obosi, right from time, never built a house without a room

and parlor which they learnt from the Italians and Spanish who traded with them before

the British took over the western region of eastern Nigeria with Onitsha as the local

resident. This account is not verifiable since it could be an attempt to claim any form of

cultural superiority and development over their neighbors. Moreover it has no significant

relevance to this study except to prove that the Obosi had trade relations with the

Europeans before the 20th

century just like the Onitsha.

Another account by the palace secretary, while confirming the accounts about Adike as

the founder of Obosi, states that “the origin of obosi is traceable to our forefathers who

were hunters and who migrated from Alor, Ojoto before they settled down”.53

From this

account this writer observes that the implication is that the Obosi has been at their present

location for a very long time.

According to these traditions of origin Adike never married more than one wife and he

had only two sons. As a matter of fact it was Adike‟s grandsons who established the five

50

Ibid 51

Ibid 52

Ibid 53

Oral Interview, Ugosi Abonefo, 70years, Obosi Palace Secretary, Obosi; July, 2009.

28

village quarters of Obosi. His sons were Oba and Okodu.54

Oba bore three sons- Okpala

(named after his paternal grandfather), Ezeana, and Okpo while Okodu bore Nnebo, Uru

or Umuru and Owuluebe. The village quarters in order of seniority include: Umuota, Ire,

Ugamuma, Mmakum, and Uruowulu.55

It should be pointed out that the Obosi have

practiced a matrilineal system from the earliest times therefore, it could safely be said

that these villages were related by matrilineality ties.56

None of the accounts indicates

where Akugo‟s family came from.

The founding family of Obosi from all indications was mostly family oriented and

focused on internal development and togetherness rather than territorial expansionism

like her neighbours such as Onitsha, Umuleri and Aguleri whose history is characterized

by territorial acquisition. There are no indications that the sons of Adike attempted to

expand beyond their settlement. However they consolidated the ownership of their

settlement by instituting socio- cultural norms and institutions. For example since 400AD

the Obosi have held the Ito-Ogbo ceremony which involves the gathering of every person

who had reached the age of 80 at a particular time of the year with their families in the

Eke Market square. After the ceremony, the men are given red caps with the title of

“Ogbueshi” while the women are titled “Ogbueshi –Nwanyi”.57

The veneration of the

Idemilli River which runs across the town must also be mentioned. It is one of the most

reverenced deities of the Obosi.58

The python is a symbol of this deity and as a result, the

54

I.Iweka, History of Obosi, Unknown; p. 12 55

Ibid 56

Oral Interview: Francis Obi Molokwu, 68years, retired civil servant, Obosi, August,

2009. 57

I.Iweka, History of Obosi, Unknown, p. 12 58

Ibid

29

killing of a python is considered a great sacrilege. Anyone who commits such is required

to perform the funeral rites normally reserved for a human being.59

Onitsha

The Onitsha monarchy is said to be over 600 years old therefore, the origin of the Onitsha

began over 600 years ago.60

Indeed, their culture had begun to evolve a long time before

that time except for the factor of cultural borrowings and adaptation which is bound to

occur given the mixture of cultures and peoples that settled into the present location of

the Onitsha indigenous community.61

Some traditions of the Onitsha claim that their

ancestors came from Egypt and first settled in Ife and then Benin before they left for

Onitsha in the 16th

century during the reign of Oba Esigie.62

The name “Onitsha” was

given to the new aggressors who plundered and destroyed everything in their way by

their victims on the East of the Niger.63

It means “despiser”.64

Therefore, it can be said

that the term was inspired by the characteristic of the people and not the place itself

59

Ibid 60 Oral Interview: Ofilli Upkabi, 68years, Secretary of the Ruling Age Grade of Onitsha

(Century Age Grade), Onitsha, August, 2009.

61 Ibid

62 S.I. Bosah, The Groundwork of the History and Culture of Onitsha, Onitsha: unknown;

p. 6 63

Ibid 64

Ibid

30

considering the fact that they were already carrying the name before they reached the

bank of the River Niger.

Another version blames the migration to the East on a misunderstanding between the

Onitsha family and Oba Esigie who reigned between 1404 and 1550.65

The fight was as a

result of the slight on the Onitsha shrine (Udo) by the Oba. According to this account it

was customary for newly installed oba to pay homage to all important shrines in the

kingdom by killing a cow in each of their enclaves but the Oba refused to do this at the

Udo shrine.66

The Onitsha blazed a trail of terror from Ile-ife as a result of the wars prevalent in that

region provoked by the Islamic wars.67

As in many other African traditions of origin, the

myth of origin of the Onitsha is riddled with a lot of controversies. One traditional

account states that the Onitsha migrated from ancient Benin as a result of a quarrel

between the king and his younger brother over an issue of a fertile piece of land. The

younger brother who happened to be Chima or “Chime” decided to leave the land for his

elder brother to go and settle in “Ado n‟ idu” meaning the boundary (outskirts) of the

kingdom.68

Another tradition states that the reason for the migration was the fact that a

65

Azikiwe Nnamdi, „Fragments of Onitsha History‟, The Journal of Negro History,

unknown; 1930

66 Ibid

67 Ibid

68 Oral Interview: Ofilli Upkabi, 68years, Secretary of the Ruling Age Grade of Onitsha

(Century Age Grade), Onitsha, August, 2009.

31

royal prince called Chima beat up the mother of the king for coming into his farmland to

gather firewood and was pursued by the great giant warrior of the Oba, Aguala or

Gbuwala.69

However, it is important to establish that the Queen Mother (Iyabo) could not

have been in search of fire wood since the mother of the Oba customarily lived in the

Queen Mother‟s court.70

Therefore the second account should be taken with a pinch of

salt. However the essence of the account must be kept in mind and upheld which is that

the Onitsha (Onicha) migrated from Benin.

Another fact to consider is that the Obiship system practiced by the Onitsha cannot be

found among any other Igbo people except for those who have had some form of

intergroup relation with the Onitsha and have consciously or unconsciously borrowed the

tradition. A good example is the Obosi, from documented accounts.71

After Chima or the

leader of the group died and some of the people decided to settle along the virgin sites to

form new settlements or live among the settlements already in existence along the Delta

area before the Niger- Bridge.72

An influence of the Benin can be found among these

towns today in terms of dialect, political as well as social structures. These towns include

Onicha Ado, Onicha Olona, Onicha Ukwu, Onicha Abo, Dei in Ugwuta, Dei in Ogwashi,

69

S.I. Bosah, The Groundwork of the History and Culture of Onitsha, Onitsha: unknown;

p. 9 70

Nnayelugo Benedict Chukwudebe, Onitsha quo vadis, (Nigeria: Peace Enterprise

Limited), 1986. p. 16 71

I.Iweka; history of Obosi; Unknown; p. 99 72

Oral Interview: Ofilli Upkabi; 68years; Secretary of the Ruling Age Grade of Onitsha

(Century Age Grade); Onitsha; August, 2009

32

Agbor, Illah, Issele- Ukwu, Obior, Ibusa and Ezi.73

However his son was determined to

fulfill his father‟s dream and they eventually arrived at Asaba where they met the Igalla,

predominantly fishermen, who helped him across the river in their canoe and settled with

them.74

Therefore, the Onitsha, today, is made up of the Benin, Igalla and the Oze who

inhabited the land until the new settlers expanded and conquered them. It is important to

also state that the tradition claims that the earlier settlers of Onitsha spoke pure Igalla

until the influx of other civilizations.75

The evidence that corroborates this story is that

the dialect of the Onitsha is very different from that of most of her neighbors even within

the Anambra region. For example the Amaobia speak comparatively similar dialects with

other Anambra indigenes compared to the very dissimilar dialect of the Onitsha.76

Benin is historically renowned among ancient kingdoms within the Nigerian territory for

her aggressive expansionism and lust for continuous territorial aggrandizement which

they expressed in very advanced ways with the use of modern European weapons gotten

in exchange for slaves from the Portuguese as early as the 15th

century. Therefore, it is

not so hard to believe that the early settlers from Benin (who were expert in war) could

easily have conquered the Oze who must have seemed weak. The Oze people were driven

by the Onitsha to the outskirts of the town, today they occupy a place called old Tarzan

73

Nnayelugo Benedict Chukwudebe, Onitsha Quo Vadis, (Nigeria: Peace Enterprise

Limited), 1986 74

Oral Interview: Ofilli Upkabi, 68years, Secretary of the Ruling Age Grade of Onitsha

(Century Age Grade), Onitsha, August, 2009.

75 Ibid

76 Nnayelugo Benedict Chukwudebe, Onitsha Quo Vadis, (Nigeria: Peace Enterprise

Limited), 1986.

33

just on the outskirts of the Onitsha territory on the road that leads towards Awka, the

capital town of Anambra state.77

The Obosi was their closest neighbour and being

enlightened in the complexities of military strategies, they sent the Ajaegbo family to live

among the Obosi.78

The preceding pages and analyses of the traditional account of both towns have shown

their way of life as a result of their historical backgrounds. A geographical environment

that enhances their livelihood and also contain the continually expanding population

consisting of people from other tribes and ethnicities, especially in the case of Onitsha,

has enabled the development of two separate civilizations that may or may not be related

but nonetheless represent a significant evidence relevant to Nigerian historiography it has

also demonstrated the effect of the potency of the effect migrations on any community as

an avenue of cultural evangelism. Indeed, these immigrants were also able to conquer

their environment by maximizing the most generous gifts of nature even though in the

case of the Obosi, the erosion could have been a serious impediment to the settlement of

the people in that area. It is clear that these towns have been neighbours for a very long

time so they related commercially and also intermarry.

77

Oral Interview: Ofilli Upkabi, 68years, Secretary of the Ruling Age Grade of Onitsha

(Century Age Grade), Onitsha, August, 2009.

78 Ibid

34

Chapter 3

TRADITIONAL INSTITUTIONS; FROM PRE-COLONIAL TO POST

COLONIAL PERIOD.

Introduction

The existence of intergroup relations among the Nigerian peoples engenders cultural

borrowings: while this derives from common cultural antecedent, it also suggests a

similarity and certain peculiarities in their traditions of origin. The tradition of the Igbo,

the Hausa and the Yoruba in their separate unique ways imply that the founders of these

tribes came from somewhere, and must have left their former place of abode and origin as

a result of certain factors such as war, ambition, or expansionism.79

However, over time,

these events and facts have become subsumed within the whims and caprices of the

ancestors and subsequent generations.80

Before the domination of the Europeans, some

ethnic groups in Nigeria had developed a level of civilisation strong enough to dominate

other ethnic groups so much that they were able to influence their history, tradition and

development. As early as the 16th

century, the coastal lands of eastern Nigeria had begun

to mix with their neighbours; enough to distinguish between the various pre-colonial

communities determined by their traditions of origin and their place of former settlement.

As late as the 17th

century the people of Igbo Ukwu were still flourishing in the trade with

their neighbours; they produced artefacts and sculptures which were made of bronze and

79

L.C Dioka, „Inter-Group Relations among Nigerian Communities‟ in Akinjide

Osuntokun and Ayodeji Olukoju (eds) Nigerian Peoples and Culture. Ibadan: Davidson

press, 1997. p 56. 80

Interview: Owelle Azikiwe, 52 years, agriculturist, Onitsha. August 2009.

35

brass objects.81

Thus it can be observed that the people in the eastern region of Nigeria

were already interacting within and without their region before the advent of colonialism

in such areas as trade, wars, dispute resolutions etc.82

Indeed, contact between the Igbo and the Igala appears to be of great antiquity. Igala oral

tradition records that their first Achadu (head of „Gala Mela‟ the king makers) was an

Igbo hunter.83

The left bank of the Niger was peopled by the Igala originally as a trading

station or market. Onitsha folklore also claims that Igala fishermen ferried the first

Onitsha indigenes that crossed from the west-bank of the Niger to settle on the east.

These traditions underline centuries of social, political and economic ties between the

Igala and other northern neighbours of the Igbo on the one hand and the Igbo on the

other.

81

L.C Dioka, „Inter-Group Relations among Nigerian Communities‟ in Akinjide

Osuntokun and Ayodeji Olukoju (eds) Nigerian Peoples and Culture, Ibadan: Davidson

press, 1997.p 57. 82

Ibid 83

Oral Interview: Mr Ejike Atuona, 60 years, Onitsha, journalist (Secretary of Onitsha

council of Diokpas and the secretary of Onitsha indigenous land owning families),

August, 2009.

36

Among the Nsukka, for example, the cultural interaction is manifested in vocabulary,

titles, masquerades and facial marks. Indeed, during the Nigerian Civil War, some

Nsukka people had to embark on giving facial marks to the young ones in order to

disguise themselves and save the people from the wrath of federal troops occupying their

territory.84

Similarly, like the Igala priests, the Nsukka priests are known as Atama.

The Niger was an artery of communication and intercourse between the Igbo and the

Igala as well as between the Igbo and other neighbouring peoples near the Niger. The

Onitsha/Asaba sand bank for centuries was a commercial and cultural centre for people

from the west, north and south. Some elements of Edo cultural impact can be seen in the

west Niger Igbo area and across the Niger.85

We have examined in previous chapters the

traditions of origins of the communities in these areas which claim that the people

derived from Benin, based on the existence of petty monarchies and chieftaincy

institutions. Undoubtedly, some aspects of the Edo monarchy and its organization are

present in the monarchies of the western Igbo communities and even of Onitsha. Some of

the western Igbo Obi (Kings) in the pre-colonial period bore Edo names. Certain titles

and offices of the political elite among the west Niger Igbo seem to have Benin origins,

although it must be stressed that the functions attached to them were not generally the

same as in Benin.86

Thus, such political functionaries as Iyase, Ezomo, Ayobaban; Ihaza,

Ologbose, were, and are still, found in the west Niger communities, in Onitsha and even

84

Oral interview: Francis Obi Molokwu, 68years, retired civil servant, Obosi, August,

2009. 85

F. L Agadagidi, Umunede Kingdom; the History and Culture of a dynamic people.

Paper submitted to the museum centre, 2004. 86

Ibid

37

Ugwuta. The borrowing of titles, offices and culture-traits from a powerful neighbour

such as Benin can hardly be surprising.

Apart from intercourse engendered by trade relations, there were instances where rival

princes in the Niger Igbo communities appealed to the Oba of Benin from time to time to

adjudicate in succession disputes.87

There are also claims that in certain areas, the Oba

presented the Obi an ada, staff of office, to symbolize the Obi‟s authority to rule over the

chiefdom. Thus, it may be said that Benin had some relationship of a political nature with

many sections of the western Igbo area.88

The time perspective and the exact character of

this relationship are uncertain. But, in all probability, the relationship might have helped

to shape the political institutions of the areas affected.

Among the Cross River Igbo, some institutions such as the Ekpe (called Okonko in some

Igbo areas) and Ekpo societies were probably copied from Efik, Ibibio and Ekoi

neighbours. The language of the two societies is still Efik among the Cross River Igbo

people. The Aro spoke Efik, the language of trade and diplomacy on the river, fluently

and took up some Efik customs and food. The Efik words for pot, cloth, palm oil,

matches, etc, were until recently, found in Aro and other Cross River Igbo dialects. Inter-

group marriages between the Igbo and non-Igbo neighbours of the Cross River were not

uncommon. On the other hand, the Igbo helped to enrich the food items and the economic

activities of their neigbours. We have already alluded to the itinerant Awka, Nkwere and

Abiriba smiths whose products enhanced the farming activities of the Igbo and their

87

Olaudah Equiano, „The Niger Ibo‟ Philip D. Curtin in Africa Remembered, (ed)

London: Wisconsin University press, unknown. 88

Ibid

38

neighbours. The names of the Igbo four-day week are found among the Edo and Igala.

Thus the relationship between the Igbo and their neighbours was a symbiotic one.

Intergroup relations were quite pronounced and served as the basis of post colonial

politicking in the detailed study of Nigeria in pre-colonial time.89

Although it had been a

controversial issue among most of them, both the Onitsha and the Obosi seem to have

originated from the same stock.90

The Obosi were known to have originated from the Aro

who saw themselves as „descendants of the children of God‟. The town of Obosi,

according to traditions (written and oral) was said to have derived its source from the

Ora-Eshi and Nri who were some of the first people to have first left Aro-chukwu in the

early days at the same time, while some of stopped at Ihala, others migrated to Ojoto and

from there came the founders of the Obosi town. 91

Although it is a known fact that founders of Onitsha town were descendants of a man

called Ezechima (Ezeshime) from ancient Benin, some traditions have stated

categorically that the term Onitsha man could not be used to refer to only one category of

people (for example those from Benin), the term “Onitsha man” can not only be

examined as a factor of origin but also as a factor of time.92

The residents of modern day

89

Uche U.Okonkwo, Ezechima: the Historic King that Binds the East and the West,

Lagos: Grace Anasiudu Press, 2006. 90

Oral interview: Francis Obi Molokwu, 68years, retired civil servant, Obosi, August,

2009.

91 I.Iweka, History of Obosi, Unknown, p.4 .

92 Nnayelugo Benedict Chukwudebe, Onitsha Quo Vadis, (Nigeria: Peace Enterprise

Limited), 1986.

39

Onitsha can be grouped into the Umuezechima, the Ugwunobanpa, the Eke na Ubene, the

Ubulu na Ikem, the Obio, the Isele as well some other minority groups such as the

Nkwelle, the Okija etc, they all claimed precedence over one another. Though Onitsha

can be said to be a heterogeneous, they had agreed to submerge, to a large degree, their

different origins and individual idiosyncrancies and tolerate one another for the growth

and health of their distinct Ibo society even though some accounts claimed that they were

not ndi- Igbo.93

This refusal to identify with the Igbo continued until the arrival of

colonialism and the formation of the Igbo state Union. Some stakeholders in the Igbo

nation has stated that it was colonialism that joined the Igbo nations together; hitherto the

various groups living in the Eastern region had referred to their neighbours as other

“tribes”.94

Most importantly in recognition of origin, derivation, peculiar culture, ways of

life, Onitsha people can be classified into Ebo‟s (inadequately called groups or quarters

by some); there are nine Ebo‟s in Onitsha Ebo Itenani. They are as follows: Awada, Obio,

Ubulu na Ikem, Olu, Eke na Ubene,Ugwunaobankpa, Umuchimaevi, Umuezearoli

(Umuezechima), Okebunabu(also Umuezechima).95

From the various migration and settlement accounts of both the Obosi and the Onitsha

people, it can be observed that they have borrowed different cultures and adapted them,

as is inevitable in intergroup relations. Such borrowings can be found mostly in their

socio-cultural institutions. The socio-cultural system of a society can be categorized into

93

Chief Igwegbe Odum, „the Omenuke of History‟ Nigeria: Magazine.Unknown. 94

Peter Lang, Secularization in Igbo Land: Socio-Religious Change and its Challenges in

the Church and among the Igbo, Frankfurt: Am Main Press, Unknown. 95

Nnayelugo Benedict Chukwudebe, Onitsha Quo Vadis, Nigeria: (Peace Enterprise

Limited), 1986.

40

the following major components; the economic system, the political organisation, the

social structure, the belief system and their arts and leisure. It is everything about their

way of life, their culture and a reflection of their values. Therefore a cultural system may

be defined as the interaction of different elements of the culture of a people.96

Traditional Titles and Royalty

Despite the popular saying that “ndi Igbo enweghi Eze” and the decentralised nature of

the Igbo political structure, some Onitsha traditions claimed that the concept of Eze was

part of the culture of the people which they carried with them across the Niger.97

Some

traditions even claimed that the Eze title began from the reign of Chimaevi, the third son

of Ezechima who beat the Uffie drum at the mouth of the Niger (Udo) ahead of the older

princes.98

Among the Obosi and Onitsha people the Eze (king) was the highest traditional

authority.99

Although the title of the Eze had existed among the Obosi from time

immemorial, it was not until the Onitsha came that the first Eze (Shime) was installed by

Chima, the king of Onithsa.100

That is why presently the royal family of the Eze in

Onitsha is referred to as Ezechima while that of the Obosi is referred to as Ezeshime. It is

pertinent to clarify at this juncture that while the Onitsha claimed that the Obosi did not

have any traditional head such as the Eze title until the arrival of the Europeans who

chose warrant chiefs which became the so called kings, the Obosi continue to claim this

97

Ibid 98

S.I Bosah, the Groundwork of the History and Culture of Onitsha, Onitsha: Unknown;

p. 7 99

Nnayelugo Benedict Chukwudebe, Onitsha Quo Vadis, (Nigeria: Peace Enterprise

Limited), 1986. 100

I.Iweka, History of Obosi, Unknown, p. 35.

41

tradition.101

The Eze title in both towns‟ remains hereditary, the highest title of the land,

his powers were absolute. The Eze in Onitsha was seen as a deity; he was no longer seen

as just a priest. In fact on ascending the throne he dropped every other title and bestowed

it on whom he chose. Another solid cultural exchange between both communities can be

found in the names borne by the various families within each community.102

Furthermore the Ndichie in both towns administered along with the Eze. However, while

in Onitsha, the Ndichie consisted of several offices (Ndichie Ume, Ndichie Okwa,

Ndichie Ukpo and the Ndichie Okwaraeze) with their separate levels of authority, the

Ndichie in Obosi worked hand in hand with the Abumadu and the Obo-Isi.103

In both

towns it was the duty of Ndichie to settle disputes within the town or with their

neighbouring towns; they were warriors and could be compared to dukes, princes,

marquis, viscounts, counts earls and lords in Europe.104

They were responsible for

defence, maintenance of law and order, preservation of the territorial integrity of the

society, dispensation of justice and to carry out internal administration. The Onitsha

Ndichie were powerful priests and warlords (especially the Ndichie Ume) who were

known to pit their supernatural strength against that of the Eze on occasion.105

The Ozo title holders in Onitsha and Obosi neither had judicial nor legislative functions.

Unlike most traditional titles in Africa, this title was not bestowed as an honorary title

102

Oral interview: Francis Obi Molokwu, 68years, retired civil servant, Obosi, August,

2009. 103

Nnayelugo Benedict Chukwudebe, Onitsha Quo Vadis, (Nigeria: Peace Enterprise

Limited), 1986. 104

Ibid 105

Ibid

42

based on wealth, physical prowess or even family heritage.106

In Obosi they had no

priestly obligations to fulfil, however their neighbours on the south see the Ozo title as a

priestly role. In Obosi the main society that performed the rites of sacrifice between any

offended party and supposed evil spirits on minor offences is known as the Umu- Dibia

and Umu- Olisa.107

They were part of the society of Idemiri who attributes their powers

to supernatural sources.

In both Obosi and Onitsha, women have special roles which they occupy. It should be

noted that both communities held their women in high esteem. The women formed

various societies; in Onitsha, the Umuada, the Omu, the Otu Odu society and the

priestesses of the Udo shrine while in Obosi it was the Umu- Okpu. In fact the leaders of

these societies had particular seats within the Eze‟s palace during meetings and the

positions of their seats showed how highly placed they were in the community. Through

these societies the women shouldered the responsibility of seeing to the needs of the poor

and they protected them from any form of oppression. They also performed religious

roles within the society as eminent priestesses. In all, these societies guarded their

womenfolk from their girlhood towards the overall elevation of the dignity of

womanhood.

Marriage Customs

The people of Obosi and Onitsha intermarried among themselves more than any other

town around them. The most peculiar factor that was evident in the marriage customs of

106

S.I. Bosah, the Groundwork of the History and Culture of Onitsha, Onitsha: unknown;

p. 160. 107

I.Iweka, History of Obosi, Unknown; p. 46

43

both communities was the respect for elders and the intimate involvement of the whole

family in the betrothal and marriage. In Onitsha the father of the bride gave the bride

price of his first daughter to the Okpara of his family and the same was applicable to the

mother of the bride. The two communities both accepted return of dowry to the man as a

symbol of divorce, however other children she had with another man belonged to her

husband as long as her dowry had not been returned to the man whether she lived with

the man when she had those children or not. However, though it was customary among

Igbo‟s that any person that married from a family also automatically marries the whole

family, there was no law that allowed for undue interference in the affairs between the

husband and his wife. There were long processes to be observed before the marriage

could be legal and their children could be legitimate. The bride price involved symbolic

fruits such as kola nuts, hen, yams, gin, wine etc. There is no doubt that when two

communities continually intermarried overtime, they would come to a melting point on

customary issues which ordinarily were peculiar to each of them.

The Obosi claimed that they had relations with the Europeans (Portuguese in particular)

before the 19th

century. However all documented and traditional evidence point to the

fact that the town of Onitsha was the doorway through which the Europeans (British)

penetrated the eastern region of modern day Nigeria because of her location on the mouth

of the River Niger. With the arrival of the Europeans came numerous adaptations to the

whole old traditional African system and the eastern region of Nigeria was not left out.

Most of the traditions were modified and corrupted to suit the exploitative and ambitious

44

British colonial masters and their collaborators. Thus most of the traditions and practices

which had been exchanged across the ethnic groups also became corrupted as education,

drive for wealth, and westernization made the various groups perceive their culture and

traditions as inferior to that of the “civilized” West. Therefore most of the impacts which

these borrowed cultures had on the communities involved were sometimes an indirect

effect of colonization. For example in contemporary times, the consent of the bride to be

was important if the marriage ceremony was to be held at all. This was such a contrast to

the traditional practice whereby the girl was already betrothed to the man that asks for her

hand in marriage right from when she was just a few months old. Also, no man was

supposed to marry a second wife without the consent of his first wife as long as she had

not returned her dowry to him; this made for peace in polygamous homes.

Finally unlike contemporary practice, the European method of divorce was, earlier on,

not considered to be the final break between the man and his wife, she was considered

still married to him and belonging to him until the proper traditional methods were

observed. There was a higher rate of inter marriage between the Obosi and Onitsha than

within either of the towns or with any of their neighbours. It was a common occurrence

within both societies to see a lot of men/women who have married into the other society

without any objection whatsoever from the families on either side. It was also natural for

an Obosi man to marry from an Onitsha born and bred family and vice versa. In fact, the

extended family joined the man and his immediate family in going to Obosi or Onitsha to

perform the necessary ceremony for a proper marriage.

45

Another impact of the cultural relationship that evolved as a result of the intergroup

interaction between Onitsha and Obosi was migration. Both communities shared a

common boundary. Presently, Onitsha is a great metropolitan town within the eastern

region (it is home to the largest market in West Africa) therefore, it is inevitable that it

will become a cultural pot with many people from different cultural backgrounds, hence

the presence of a large number of the Obosi people for the purpose of education, trade

and settlement (Obosi families have, over time bought land from Onitsha families). In the

same manner, the town of Obosi, despite its small size and its quiet way of life, has been

home to a considerable number of Onitsha natives who have settled there, own businesses

as well as own land and property there. Even though there is a large market in Onitsha, it

must be stated that based on the accounts of both the Onitsha and Obosi people on their

origin and settlement, Onitsha people were not traders but scholars and civil servants.

Umuezechima

The Ezechima myth was a theme that held a chord of unity around the people of western

Igbo land. This myth was the basis for the peculiarities of these Igbo groups which

distinguished them from other Igbo groups.108

For example, the concept of kingship and

military prowess which they adapted from Benin where they came from.109

“Chima” is an

Igbo name and the “Eze” means king in Igbo.110

Even though this man and his relatives

and followers were said to have come from Benin, it was believed that he had actually

108

Uche.U. Okonkwo, Ezechima: the Historic King that Binds the East and West Niger

Igbo, Lagos: Grace Anasiudu press, 2006. P. 10 109

A. E Afigbo, the Igbo and their Neighbours, Ibadan: United Press Limited, 1987. p.

172. 110

Ibid.

46

migrated from Aro in a bid to gain from the slave trade in the Edo region and he became

a chief priest in the Benin kingdom.111

Various accounts of the myths made differing

suggestions for the most likely reason why Chima must have left Benin in the 16th

century.112

However the most important detail in this study as regards this myth is its

implication to the interrelatedness of most Igbo groups even before the migration from

Benin across the Niger. Although before the progression got to this point, some who did

not have the tenacity to muster enough strength or stay alive long enough to reach the

destination of their leader stopped at various points and founded communities presently

known as Onitsha- Ugbo, Onitsha- Ollona, Onitsha- Mili, Obior, Issele Uku Ossomari,

Issele- Azagba, Issele- Mkpitime, Ezi, Obamkpa and Agbo. The most tenacious reached

the coast of the Niger, befriended the Igalla, crossed the coast, an conquered the Oze.113

It has been suggested that the largest group of the Onitsha people was the Umuezechima

(children of king Chima). Chima was mostly referred to as Chime; he was a distinguished

figure to be reckoned with in the analytical history of most communities in the west and

east Igbo areas. Although the real home of Chime before he finally settled across the

Niger in Onitsha is controversial, according to the Onitsha account, Ezechima was a great

warlord who fell out with an Oba‟s wife and had to migrate with his family eastward

(Ado) in order to avoid the wrath of the Oba. Ezechima did not cross the Niger, but his

descendants were said to have settled at different times in various places such as Onitsha

111

Ibid. P.173 112

Uche.U. Okonkwo; Ezechima: the historic King that binds the east and west Niger

Igbo, Lagos: Grace Anasiudu press, 2006. P. 12 113

C. Ifemesia, Traditional Humane living among the Igbo: a historical perspective,

Enugu: Fourth dimension publishers, 1979. p. 23

47

Ugbo, Onitsha Ukwu, Onitsha Olona, Issele Ukwu, Issele and Azagba.114

Other

descendants of Ezechima have also been traced to Oguta, Ogbaru, Aboh, Oko, and Obosi.

Chima took with him the ability to calculate time and foretell events.115

The first King of

Obosi was Shime. He was the first to be proclaimed king in Obosi.116

According to Obosi

oral tradition, when the Onitsha people first came from Benin to Obosi, Chima tried to

proclaim himself king over the Obosi.117

Shime, a close friend of Chima, redeemed the

title of Eze from him without the help of his two brothers who refused to help him; they

signified this by making signs with leaves touching their ears.118

Shime led the first civil

war against the Onitsha emigrants. However he commanded that no harm should be done

to his friend Chima and that he should be allowed to stay in Obosi while the Onitsha

emigrants were driven out of Obosi.119

Presently, the descendants of Adike and Chima

are within the same family name called Ota and they are referred to as “Umuota”.120

On the other hand, however, the Onitsha account claimed that they had deliberately sent

some of the Umuezechima families into the midst of the Obosi in order to ensure that

they stay abreast of their activities and progress.121

This was the claim put forward to

explain the presence of the Umuezechima among the Obosi. Whatever the case may have

been, it is important to state that in contemporary times, it is taboo for the Ezechima in

114

Oral Interview: Ofilli Ukpabi, 68years, Secretary of the century age grade of Onitsha,

68, Onitsha, August, 2009. 115

Olaudah Equiano „The early travels of Olaudah Equiano‟ Philip Curtin (ed) in Africa

Remembered, London: Wisconsin University Press, 1968. p 15 116

I.Iweka, History of Obosi, Unknown, p. 15 117

Ibid. p. 36 118

Ibid.p. 37 119

I.Iweka, History of Obosi, Unknown. p. 65 120

Ibid p. 13 121

Oral Interview: Ofilli Ukpabi, 68years, Secretary of the Century Age Grade of

Onitsha, 68years, Onitsha, August, 2009.

48

Obosi to intermarry with the Ezechima of Onitsha both consider themselves blood

relations. To further demonstrate the closeness of the two communities, their bitter kola

traditions are very similar; in contrast to the general kola tradition practised by majority

of the Igbo communities in the Nigerian Eastern region, both the Obosi and the Onitsha

can allow a woman who it has been confirmed that she is pregnant with a male child to

break the kola and even chew it with the male folk of her family in any gathering.122

Post Colonial Institutions and Structures

With the arrival of the Europeans came a turnaround in the political, social, economic,

and cultural relationship of the people within and outside their locations. Communities

which hitherto related on the bases of cultural exchanges such as titles and installed

chieftaincies based on merit and integrity became material conscious. Indeed, in the post

colonial period, education as well as financial affluence dictated the level of interaction

which one group could have with the other. An example, prior to this period every

individual or family belonged to one important group or the other depending on his

ability to prove himself worthy of the criteria for such titles not because of his family

background or affluence. The only special people was the royalty; the Eze who was no

longer a priest as the Ndichie but a deity. He was forbidden to even take a wife after his

ascension to the throne until the Europeans arrived and took over the proceedings of

administration without fully understanding the already existing traditions.

122

Oral Interview: Francis Obi Molokwu, 58years, retired civil servant, Obosi, August,

2009.

49

Second the advent of Christianity made all the traditions cultural practices and

ceremonies of the people seem fetish and terrible. With the influence of western

education the people began to drift away from the culture they had once seen as a way of

development; they trained their children to read the bible and see their own native

traditions as sinful. It is however interesting to note that the ceremonies became corrupted

and modified in various places in Igbo land such as Onitsha and Obosi so that the so

called educated and Christian gentry could partake of these titles in order to remain

acceptable to their communities. An instance was the adulteration of the ceremonies of

the Ozo title taking as well as that of the Ndichie and the Eze.

Before the coming of the Europeans (the Royal Niger Company in 1886) and the taking

over of the administration of the market by the British government, what is today known

as Main market was known as Otu Okwodu; it was located at the current location of the

Ose market, at the water front.123

The market attracted other traders from other riverside

areas of the Niger; from Lokoja to Brass. It can be seen that Onitsha was already a

blooming trade centre, a cultural melting point and meeting place of various kind of

traders and commodities, before colonialism. Little Onitsha became the first settlement of

the Europeans who came for missionary and economic purposes. Banking houses and

commercial houses such as the Royal Niger Company, John Holts and Company, the

Bank of British West Africa and the Colonial Bank were established around the area,

along the beaches. This colonial enterprise, as a result of its size and prosperity attracted

people form far and wide into Onitsha all the more, even from outside Nigeria. People

123

S.I. Bosah, the Groundwork of the History and Culture of Onitsha, Onitsha: unknown.

p. 80

50

from neighbouring Sierra- Leone became a part and parcel of the development of what

Onitsha enjoyed as a great market town today as well as worthy and loyal citizens.124

It is

worthy of note that these immigrants were not just traders and professional in their trade

but also devout protestants, thus the influence of the Europeans was established and

legalised just by the support of these pillars of the Onitsha society.125

Their contributions

to its development are evident in the various political, religious and economic structures

that determined the historical development of Onitsha (at least form colonial era till date)

such as churches (the Holy Trinity, the All Saint‟s Cathedral etc), schools (Dennis

Memorial Grammar School, St Charles college etc) and hospitals like the Borromeo

hospital. Similarly, commercial Unions relevant to the political atmosphere of eastern

Nigeria at the time were, established to organise people working in towns outside Onitsha

into societies in order to encourage friendly living and enhance communication among

members. The unions also assisted those with financial issues especially job seekers and

above all to upheld moral standards by which every Igbo individual was expected to live

by. Similar societies and ethnic unions in other parts of the country were inspired by the

appeal from this Onitsha Friendly Society.126

It has already been implied that these organisations had a hand in the political

development and wellbeing of the Eastern region but it must be stated as a fact that they

were more than just involved. They were involved in the life and families of their

124

Ibid 125

Ibid 126

Ibid

51

members (in fact membership was compulsory and not to join exposed one to the risk of

being ostracized socially and otherwise). Indeed, the societies were involved in

marriages, all kinds of celebration and funeral obsequies, they had developed a herd

instinct among their members just like traditional societies of pre-colonial era.127

Therefore it is understandable that they had a great influence in determining the direction

of politics in the region. In September 1966, the Onitsha indigenous Community was

formed in order to breach the estranged relationship between the eastern region and the

Federal Government which was caused by the massacre of the easterners in the northern

parts of the country. The Agbalanze society, the Age Grade societies, the Otu Ikporo

Onitsha, the Otu Odu, the Youth League, the Market women‟s Association (Umu Ada),

the Catholic Women‟s Society, the Anglican Women‟s Society etc were religious and

cultural organisations affiliated to the OIC. Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe was nominated to

represent the Eastern region.128

The place of Obosi in all these new developments in the Eastern region and the colonial

experience of the Igbo people is relevant, though it was only in the area of missionary

work, and was obscured by the events that occurred at the time within the region. This

has already been stated in the previous chapter that Obosi was known as the root and

foundation of evangelism in Igbo land. Moreover the Obosi people claimed the first

community to experience a visit by the Europeans; the Niger was the only entry or exit

into the eastern region and even before the taking over of the region by Europeans and

the massacre of the Obosi people who lived in the area around modern day Fegge by the

127

Ibid 128

Ibid

52

Federal Government, the Obosi lived just at the tip of the Niger. Indeed, the Obosi had a

long standing cordial relationship with the Igalla, the same group of people who assisted

the Onitsha in travelling across the River Niger.129

During the course of the missionary

visitation of Bishop Ajayi Crowther, he visited Obosi accompanied by a native Christian,

Josiah Obianwu in 1838. However as at the end of 1884, there were no teachers in Obosi

to teach the converts so some teachers from Onitsha volunteered to travel to Obosi every

two weeks.130

It could therefore be observed that the Onitsha and the Obosi people had always had a

cordial relationship even till present. The current dispute therefore, could be traced to the

feeling of insecurity by the Obosi and the perceived expansionist tendencies of the

Onitsha. According to the Obosi, the Onitsha had been encroaching on their land for

years even beyond the area they were allegedly given as a sign of hospitality, until the

Obosi was left with their current mass of land that can hardly contain their now

increasing population.131

In simple terms, the new awareness of the need to claim their

land and put their own stamps on it by every means available was engendered by

education and the rise of Obosi indigenes who have risen to renowned heights in the

international and local scene such as Chief Emeka Anyaoku(the former Secretary General

of the Common Wealth).

129

Oral Interview: Mr Ejike Atuona, 60years, Onitsha, journalist (Secretary of Onitsha

Council of Diokpas and the Secretary of Onitsha Indigenous Land Owning Families),

August, 2009. 130

I.Iweka, History of Obosi, Unknown, p. 105 131

Oral Interview: Ugosi Abonefo, 70years, Obosi, Obosi Palace Secretary, July, 2009

53

Chapter Four

The Land Dispute between Onitsha and Obosi; From the Late 18th

Century to Date

Introduction

The land dispute between the Onitsha and Obosi cannot be appropriately dated especially

since both communities have different accounts of how the Onitsha settled at their

present location and who they met therein. The Onitsha and Obosi have battled with each

other, as a result of this land dispute, with all the resources at their disposal; through

testimonies of their origin, migration and settlement, by sabotage in various ways (an

example is the sign boards that have been tampered with by Obosi touts who used paints

to erase the inscriptions that signify that the lands around Npkor beginning from Dr

Nnamdi Azikiwe‟s house belonged to the Onitsha and replacing Obosi on them), and

through judicial means. They have repeatedly charged the Onitsha to different courts at

different levels since the 20th

century and even after independence. According to the oral

history of the Obosi people, they were the main occupants of the place that is presently

called Onitsha along with the Oze people. The account claimed the Obosi were hospitable

to the Onitsha people and offered them land as brothers from the other side of the Niger;

they gave them the area from the mouth of the river (then referred to as Otu -Obosi but

now referred to as Fegge) to the present site of the Holy Trinity parish.132

On the other

hand however, account by the Onitsha people claimed that the Onitsha people migrated

132 Oral Interview: Ugosi Abonefo, 70years, Obosi Palace secretary, Obosi, July, 2009

54

from Benin and met only the Oze people whom they conquered; their stand is that even if

they had met the Obosi people as the Obosi claimed they were conquered, the latter were

conquered and driven to their present location. Therefore the Obosi could not legitimately

claim the land since they (the Onitsha) had earned the right to the ownership of the land

by the unwritten law in those days of territorial conquest based on survival of the

fittest.133

The Onitsha claim that the Obosi have always felt inferior to them because of

their higher rate of development and enlightenment right from the time they arrived form

Benin.134

The Obosi were even accused by the Onitsha of being barbaric. There is a

rumour among the Onitsha that the Obosi eat human flesh (this is an obvious sabotage

instrument, implemented to place a dark cloud on the people of Obosi. There is no

arguing the fact that the Onitsha and the Obosi are in a serious battle for land even though

on a first visit, a visiting researcher might be disappointed and tempted to abandon the

story because it seemed like the whole story had died and there was nothing new to find

out. Indeed, this is not unconnected with the cordial intergroup relations especially in the

areas of marriage the two groups in contemporary times.

It must be stated that the first occupants of the land is secondary in ascertaining the

question of who owns the land because history already helps us to see that it was

characteristic of pre-colonial Africans to claim a land as long as the settlers were strong

enough to subdue the people in any way that kept them from rising again to wrestle for

133 Oral Interview: Ofilli Upkabi, 68years, Secretary of the Ruling Age Grade of

Onitsha(Century Age Grade), Onitsha, August, 2009

134 Oral Interview: Olisah Agusiogu, 57years, Onitsha palace secretary, Onitsha, July, 2009

55

their land. The questions that should be first answered in solving the riddle of the actual

owner of the land are thus; how did Obosi give the land to the immigrants all those

centuries ago; was it a transfer of ownership?

Onitsha versus Obosi Wars.

The Obosi claim that their king at the period of the arrival of the Onitsha from across the

Niger, gave the area presently called Head Bridge (Otu-Obosi) to the Onitsha to welcome

them and help them from their long journey from Benin.135

Also some documents written

by an erstwhile king of Obosi, states that the Shime and Chima were friends and so they

were given the land even though the Onitsha were involved in certain implicating

situations; an Obosi man was found murdered around the place where the Onitsha lived

alongside some other foreigners on Obosi territory and neither could prove that he was

innocent of the murder. This was the first Onitsha and Obosi dispute.136

The second dispute between the Onitsha and the Obosi was some time after this. The

Obosi had sent the Onitsha away from their land after the last incident but the Onitsha

came back after peace was restored between them and the Obosi.137

Although this

account does not state where the Onitsha migrated or settled prior to this peace-making, it

however states that the Obosi allowed the Onitsha to settle between the border towns of

Obosi called “Akpuali” and “Nnene”.138

Also both communities were agreed on certain

norms and had a symbiotic relationship whereby the Onitsha men lent their European-

135 Oral Interview: Ugosi Abonefo, 70years, Obosi Palace secretary, Obosi, July, 2009 136 I.Iweka, History of Obosi, Unknown. p 66 137 Ibid 138 Ibid

56

made guns to the Obosi hunters who in turn were supposed to give a portion of the meat

(a tiger) to the owner of the gun. This same arrangement was instrumental in the victory

of the Obosi in the war with the people of Nkpo in 1866, although the dispute was settled

by the intervention of the Onitsha. However after the Obosi acquired guns of their own

and the Onitsha demanded for the practice of the usual custom and the Obosi man, who

happened to be a relative of the ruling king, was prevented by the king from paying the

usual tribute on the grounds that the gun used in killing the tiger was not borrowed from

the Onitsha.139

This caused a great dispute between the two communities which lasted for

years.140

The Onitsha had the upper hand in the war that resulted thereof because of their

superior military strength and the large number of armament in their possession. The war

came to an end with a false call for a peace treaty by the Obosi who had planned an

ambush attack. The Obosi took advantage of the drunken state of the Onitsha at the

reconciliation meeting and after defeating the already weak warriors of Onitsha,

proceeded to commit immeasurable havoc on the towns and inhabitants of Onitsha. It was

during this long period of war that the Obosi allowed a portion of their land, opposite that

of the Onitsha to grow into a bush known as Ofia- Nbu (fortress bush) which was cut

down by the Obosi Christians in 1906.141

It was also after this war that the Obosi began to

claim their lands which they had allowed the Onitsha to inhabit out of the fear that the

Onitsha had left some juju there. This is why, for a long time, the Obosi would invite

some members of any family whose forefathers had dwelled in the area to come and

139 Ibid 140 Ibid 141 Ibid

57

remove the supposed juju left by their forefathers. The Obosi believe that the claim by the

Onitsha to their land arose from this situation and gave rise to the dispute.142

According to the Obosi, it was after this incident that the Onitsha actually migrated to the

place that was then occupied by the Oze. However two families did not immediately

leave with them but joined them later in their present location. This claim is also

corroborated by the Onitsha and one of the said families was the Ajaegbo family, the

family whose son represented Obosi in court at the beginning of the legal tussle for the

land.143

After these two wars, the Onitsha and the Obosi never had to engage each other in any

form of physical fight as autonomous communities (occasional tussles between the land

selling touts of both communities are hardly worth mention).

By the middle of the year 1889, at the early stages of the expedition of the Royal Niger

Company, an Obosi man named Iredu murdered a young Onitsha woman and buried her

corpse in the town of Uke. After it had been proven that the Obosi man was responsible

for this act, the Royal Niger Company demanded that Iredu be brought for punishment

but the Obosi failed to do so because they could not find the culprit. This resulted in a

war between the Obosi and Onitsha who were aided by the Royal Niger Company for

their own selfish interests. The Royal Niger Company had been trying, unsuccessfully, to

gain access into the Obosi territory; this war gave them an excuse to attack the Obosi and

142 Oral Interview: Mr Okey Chukwuria Uruowulu, 62years, civil servant, Obosi, August, 2009 143 Oral Interview: Ofilli Upkabi, 68years, Secretary of the Ruling Age Grade of

Onitsha(Century Age Grade), Onitsha, August, 2009

58

finally gain that entry. The Obosi ended up with more losses because the Royal Niger

Company gained entry into their land and rendered them vulnerable to the British whims

by forcing them to accept unfavourable terms of peace.144

A retired journalist who is now the secretary of the Onitsha council of Diopkas and the

secretary of the Onitsha indigenous land owning families who gave an account of the

various settlements of the Onitsha, beginning from Oshogbo through Ilesha, Benin and

finally at Opkoko and Awada stated that the Obosi sold the Awada and Upper Iweka

lands for 12.5 million Naira to the Onitsha.145

The Onitsha, claim that the Obi of Onitsha

was responsible for issuing warrants to all the eastern Nigerian communities and to

particular individuals, to take up the role of warrant chiefs such as Okoli Aguagbu of

Nnewi.146

According to them, this was how the concept of kingship became widespread

across the eastern Nigerian region. The authority to issue warrant certificates was a sole

prerogative of the Obi of Onitsha permitted by the British. As far as they could boast,

they were the only ones with a central authority within the whole region when they

arrived at their present location as late as the 15th

century.147

Thus the Obosi had no king

to even issue any land to settlers.148

144 Oral interview: Mr Okey Chukwuria Uruowulu, 62years, civil servant, Obosi, August, 2009 145Oral Interview: Ejike Atuona, 60years, secretary of the Onitsha indigenous land owning families, Onitsha, August, 2009 146 Oral Interview: Ofilli Upkabi, 68years, Secretary of the Ruling Age Grade of Onitsha

(Century Age Grade), Onitsha, August, 2009.

147 Ibid 148 Ibid

59

Since 1949 the people of both communities have resolved to settle their disputes in the

court of law rather than continue to sort out their differences through extrajudicial

means.149

They both pride themselves on their civility as individual cultural entities.

For over two centuries, the Onitsha and Obosi have battled each other in court over lands

in the northern and southern regions of Onitsha; Obosi claims that these lands are part of

Idemilli Local Government area but the Onitsha are confident that they have earned the

right to claim these lands based on evidence that they presented in court. After each

ruling against the Obosi, they relentlessly push forward to a higher court of appeal to save

their lands for their posterity.

The court cases, their dates, their rulings, and the lands in dispute in each situation is

drawn out below with the use of tabular representation in order to assist the reader to

better have an idea of the cases that took place between the Onitsha and the Obosi

between 1932 and 1957.

Suit No.

Court of Decision Land in Dispute Judgements Passed

No. 8/32 High Court Isiafor Land In Favour of Onitsha

0/31/1949 Supreme Court Awada and Ugbulo

Lands

In Favour of Onitsha

149 Oral Interview: Olisah Agusiogu, 57years, Onitsha palace secretary, Onitsha, July, 2009.

60

0/34/1949 Supreme Court Isiafor Land In Favour Onitsha

3753, an appeal in

suit 0/31/1949

Supreme Court Awada and Ugbulo

Lands

In Favour of Onitsha

16/4/1926 Divisional Court of

Eastern Nigeria

Odoaruru ans Udo

Lands (also referred

to as Ozalla)

In Favour of Onitsha

29/4/1926 Calabar Divisional

Court of Onitsha

Odoaruru and Udo

Lands (Ozalla)

In Favour of Onitsha

0/3/1949 Supreme Court of

Nigeria

Ugbo-Orimili Land In Favour of Onitsha

3323, an appeal in

suit No 0/3/1949

Supreme Court of

Nigeria

Ugbo-Orimili Land In Favour of Onitsha

39/1951 Privy Council Ugbo-Orimilli Land In Favour of Onitsha

12A of 1958 Provincial Court Nkitaku/ Akpeiku

and Okpoko Lands

In Favour of Onitsha

0/44/1952 High Court Nkitaku and Okpoko

Lands

In Favour of Onitsha

14 of 1929 Supreme Court of

Nigeria

Arito and Ugwuocha

Lands

In Favour of Onitsha

61

0/3/1949 Supreme Court of

Nigeria

Ugwuagba In Favour of Onitsha

0/58/1957 Supreme Court of

Nigeria

Ugwuagba In Favour of Onitsha

F.S.C 319/1962- an

appeal Suit in No

0/58/1957

Supreme Court of

Nigeria

Ugwuagba In Favour of Onitsha

Source: Onitsha Indigenous Community “Public Notice/ Warning,” unknown, Vanguard,

unknown, June 17, 2009.

After the case got to the Privy Council on the 15th

of June 1949, the judicial committee

made their judgement thus:

“......on the one hand is the Onitsha who after protracted litigation, have established

themselves to a large scale occupation and building operations in the name of Obosi

community. The Onitsha have always been vigilant to assert their right in the land and to

evict those who could not claim an interest as their own tenants... on the other hand are

the Obosi who have failed to prove any legal rights in the land, either by way of local title

or by way of possession under customary law. All that their community can say is that,

with its eyes wide open to the existence and nature of the dispute, it has for years, been

62

putting people and buildings on the land, and despite the injunction that the land was not

to be interfered with” 150

Even after the ruling of the court, the Obosi have continued to rent these lands that are

supposed to belong to the Onitsha out to Obosi and non Obosi people. Even after the

Crown gave up the land in 1948, they still continued to trespass. Honourable justice

Adetokunbo Adegboyega Ademola opined that the Obosi did not take any of the court

rulings as particularly binding on their own convictions that the land in question belonged

to them, rather they seemed to see it as nothing more than the “trumpeting of a cricket

which does no harm to anybody”.151

On the 6th

of July 1967, an out of court settlement was signed on both the Onitsha and

Obosi sides between Chime Ikeazor Igwe‟s nephew (a nephew of the Igwe of Onitsha)

and R.I.C Iweka (a son of the Igwe of Onitsha. The terms of the agreement were as

follows:

“The defendants have agreed not to defend the action anymore.

The plaintiffs have agreed to discontinue the action.

The defendants have agreed that they and their privies shall never claim any interest

in the land in dispute against the plaintiff or any person or persons claiming through the

150Onitsha Indigenous Community ‘Public Notice/ Warning,’ unknown, Vanguard,

unknown. June 17, 2009.

151 Ibid

63

Plaintiffs. The land in dispute is as shown painted pink in the Plan No MEC/224/62 filed

by the plaintiffs in this Suit.

“The Defendants have agreed never to lay claim to the portion of the land

delineated green in the said plan No. MEC/224/62 which the plaintiffs

have granted to Chief N. Araka, P.H A.O. Asolo and Jacob Iheme.

The Plaintiffs have also agreed never to lay claim to the portion within the

area delineated green in the Plan No MEC/224/62 which is occupied by

the family of late Chief I.E Iweka.

There shall be no order as to costs”.152

With this agreement, the Iweka‟s retained the land granted to them by an Onitsha family

and conceded the rest of the land in dispute to the Onitsha people. The families concerned

on both sides, in this case, had only agreed to come to this agreement when the Obosi

realized that they might forfeit the land granted to their father, Okolu, years ago because

they denied the title of their grantors and that the only way out for them was to enter into

an agreement with the plaintiffs by which they would return their land, even if that meant

conceding to the plaintiffs the rest of the land in dispute to which the Obosi people were

laying claim.153

On the 24th

of October 1994, based on an agreement between both communities, Awada

was placed in Onitsha North Local Government Area Council and it was published in the

152 Ibid 153 Ibid

64

Anambra state of Nigeria Official Gazette No. 9 Volume 4.154

The families that own the

Awada lands are the Ogbo- Ozoma and the Ogboli- Olofi.155

The Obosi have embarked on planting billboards on Onitsha lands (even the ones in

dispute) in some parts of Onitsha North and South Local Government Areas. They even

write on buildings on these lands referring to them as Obosi town in Idemilli Local

Government Area, to the chagrin of Onitsha people.

In some areas of Onitsha North Local Government Area like the Omagba area, the Obosi

have mounted billboards and buildings on lands that are supposed to belong to the

Onitsha claiming that the area belongs to Obosi town. Most of the writings were

purportedly enumerated by the Obosi youths to make the strangers living in these areas

(Onitsha North Local Government Areas) believe that they were on Obosi Idemili Local

Government Area. This is not only detrimental to the Onitsha in terms of revenue and

taxes but it also helped in bringing down the census figures of both the Onitsha North and

Onitsha South Local Government areas; coupled with the mayhem of the MASSOB

(Movement for the Actualization of the Sovereign State of Biafra) which was unleashed

on the census officials during the exercise which led to major casualties among them.156

Recently, the Obosi, in their quest to evolve into fourteen electoral wards, two local

government areas and federal constituency, have actually re- enforced their claims to

154 Onitsha Indigenous Community ‘territorial limits of local government areas,’ unknown, Anambra State of Nigeria Official Gazette. No 9, 24th of October. 155 Oral Interview: Ofilli Upkabi, 68years, Secretary of the Ruling Age Grade of

Onitsha(Century Age Grade), Onitsha, August 2009

156 Uknown ‘In Onitsha, MASSOB mayhem reigns,’ Metro, Guardian, unknown. November 9 2005.

65

these lands (mentioned above) as theirs.157

They now refer to them as Awada community,

Ugwuagba community, Ozalla community and Odume community to actualize their

desire even though these lands are collectively called Awada land in ward 4 Onitsha

North local government area. 158

In all these, the Onitsha is very confident that the Obosi will never get ahead in their

“empty dreams and illusions”.159

In the month of July1965, the remaining Obosi minority left in Onitsha as a community

of its own finally displaced from residing in Onitsha without paying tenant dues on the

lands by the federal government.160

The President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria at

the time was Chief Dr Nnmadi Azikiwe, an Onitsha indigene and one of the architects of

Nigeria‟s independence, and the Owelle of Onitsha at the time. According to reports, the

federal government had given a warning to the Obosi residing within the area of the head

bridge and Fegge environs to vacate the area within a stipulated time span.161

The police

came into that area when the Obosi had refused to comply with the ultimatum of the

federal government in the middle of the night and set fire on the houses of the people.162

This resulted in severe injuries and minimal death of a few Obosi people. The Obosi

recognize these people as the seven martyrs because they were among the few who

157 Modestus Chukwulaka ‘Obosi demands 15 wards, 2 state constituencies from INEC,’ political news, Daily Sun, unknown. September 12 2008. 158 Onitsha Indigenous Community ‘territorial limits of local government areas,’ unknown, Anambra State of Nigeria Official Gazette. No 9, 24th of October 159 Oral Interview: Olisah Agusiogu, 57years, Onitsha palace secretary, Onitsha. July, 2009 160 Oral Interview: Celestine Offor, 66years, Business man, Obosi. August, 2009 161 Ibid 162 Ibid

66

refused to vacate the area even at the heat of the commotion on that fateful night and died

in the fire. Their graves are raised as historical memorials at the town square today. The

people who escaped for their lives ran to Obosi and have since settled there. From this

period, there has existed a cold but cordial relationship between the people of Obosi and

Onitsha. However the Obosi are ever ready to fight to the finish no matter what the court

rules, no matter the number of times they have to prove that the land belongs to them.163

Moreover, the Onitsha indigenous community has been disturbed by light skirmishes and

a flurry of propaganda such as that mentioned above (the erection of sign boards and the

alteration of such by the Obosi on lands that have been legitimately ruled by the highest

court of the country as belonging to the Onitsha community.164

Also there have been

publications in newspapers after 1994; precisely a letter written to the Editor of Vanguard

Newspaper of Thursday March 11, 2009, page 35 alleging that the Onitsha obtained

positive court judgements in the protracted court cases for the past decades by fraud and

asking in paragraph four of the letter that the suit No. 0/246/80 be reviewed.165

The

Onitsha are less anxious but rather watching with chagrin as the Obosi people lend their

lands to land speculators who encourage and equip them in their battle to harass,

intimidate, and subdue Onitsha family members who want to assert their rights over their

land.166

An example is the case of Akunwata Nwagbogu and two others of Onitsha versus

163 Oral Interview: Engineer Chiokwu Solomy, 34years, school proprietor, Obosi. August, 2009 164 See pictures appendix 1 165 Onitsha Indigenous Community ‘Public Notice/ Warning’ unknown, Vanguard,

unknown. June 17, 2009.

166 Oral Interview: Ofilli Upkabi; 68years, Secretary of the Ruling Age Grade of Onitsha

(Century Age Grade), Onitsha. August, 2009.

67

Okonkwo Ezealu, Isaac Iweka, Dr Jonas Iweka and two others on behalf of Obosi

community on the Upper Iweka Axis/ Owerri Road.167

All those who acquired lands that

have been ruled by the court as belonging to Onitsha from Obosi people are presently

unsettled in their legal rights to the land, because the Onitsha have demonstrated their

resolve to fight them individually and collectively in court.168

The Obi of Onitsha is very

concerned about the ongoing situation because lands that legally belong to the Onitsha

have been bought by non Onitsha and non Obosi indigenes form Obosi touts and even

non indigenes who are posing as members of indigenous land owning members.169

It is

also alleged that some people acquired the land by bribing the officials at the state capital

into giving them plots to build their own houses. 170

It is interesting to note that the Onitsha claimed that the perpetrators of these acts may not

be Obosi people themselves but non-indigenous traders who, it has been discovered, that

they have an office at the main market (at Ozomaghala) who refer to themselves as the

non- indigenous landlords.171

They have been allegedly the protagonists of the renewed

attempts to steal Onitsha lands disguising as Obosi indigenes. It will not be out of place

to question the feeling of the Obosi on this allegation that they are being impersonated in

this case since the so called perpetrators would not have a chance of a successful disguise

167 Onitsha Indigenous Community ‘Public Notice/ Warning,’ unknown, Vanguard,

unknown. June 17, 2009.

168 Oral Interview: Olisah Agusiogu, 57years, Onitsha palace secretary, Onitsha. July, 2009 169Ibid 170 Oral Interview: Ofilli Upkabi, 68years, Secretary of the Ruling Age Grade of

Onitsha(Century Age Grade), Onitsha. August, 2009.

171 Ibid

68

if the Obosi indigenes were not involved in the cause at all. Ironically, the Obosi also

claim innocence of the allegations of militancy, alleging that some of these activities are

perpetrated by unknown groups that are in no way affiliated to Obosi.

The colonial surveyor general made a plan that clearly defined the demarcation between

Onitsha indigenous community and Idemili and in 1949 and 1956 this plan was copied

and recopied and trans-copied by Sam Emodi and M.N. Chukwurah respectively; all the

court judgments have been tied to this plan and was deposited with the state governments

and national archives of Enugu, Ibadan and Lagos.172

Since 1980, the Obosi have kept quiet on the issue of their land dispute with Onitsha and

have therefore been misunderstood as unserious and dubious. In fact, the Onitsha

described their sudden agitation for the case to be re-opened as “an incoherent outlook of

a grim situation that approximates a decoy!”173

The Onitsha accused the Obosi of

contempt of the provisions of the Anambra State Local Government Law of 1994 by

referring to Anambra State Law of 1999 and the Local Government Law, No 5 of 2000 in

an attempt to fabricate a defense.174

Available facts and documents reveal that even

though the Anambra State Law of 1994 was amended in 1999, the Onitsha landscape was

172 Onitsha Indigenous Community ‘territorial limits of local government areas,’ unknown, Anambra State of Nigeria Official Gazette. No. 9, 24th of October 173 Onitsha Indigenous Community ‘Public Notice/ Warning’ unknown, Vanguard,

unknown. June 17, 2009.

174 Ibid

69

in no way altered.175

Since the position of the law has not changed, Awada, according to

various court decisions belongs to the Onitsha North Local Government Area and is

therefore, Onitsha land.176

On the 1st of February 2006, the chairman National Population Commission Abuja, Chief

Danko Makama addressed a letter to Onitsha indigenous community confirming that

Awada lands (all the lands in mentioned in the announcement dated 28th

January 2009 on

the desk of the Director of news, Delta Broadcasting Service ) belonged to Onitsha

families.177

On the 6th

of March 2009, It was alleged that Obosi paramilitary thugs invaded open

spaces and market stalls belonging to Onitsha people at the Owerri Road, Onitsha

approach and Upper Iweka Road axis and demolished market stalls that had existed for

over thirty five years and dug trenches to erect a tall fence in an attempt to acquire the

land and make it ready for direct sale to an indigenous motor company.178

175 Onitsha Indigenous Community ‘Public Notice/ Warning,’ unknown, Vanguard,

unknown. June 17, 2009.

176 Ibid 177 Onitsha Indigenous Community ‘territorial limits of local government areas,’ unknown, Anambra State of Nigeria Official Gazette. No. 9, 24th of October 178 Oral Interview: Nwachiuzo Oka, 65years, trader, Onitsha. August, 2009

70

Recent Developments on the Dispute

The Onitsha indigenous community submitted memoranda to the Independent National

Election Abuja and ASIEC Awka on the 4th

of November 2008 and the 12th

of December

2008 appealing for all their lands regarding the following cases;

All the lands mentioned in the announcement, including

Okpoko, should be in the proposed Onitsha East Local

Government and a federal constituency; Onitsha is currently

appealing to the federal government to return the Okpoko

(currently at Ogbaru local government area) land to the

Onitsha indigenous community (it was acquired by the latter

in 1960 to build some steel mills and other companies) as part

of Onitsha East local government area.

To discountenance any application by Obosi of Idemili Local

Government Area for the creation of fourteen additional

wards, two Local Government areas and a federal

constituency out of Onitsha lands, of Onitsha North and South

Local Government Areas. Idemili North Local Government

has been forcefully collecting revenue and exercising her

influence, irrespective of numerous representations made to

Idemili Local Government, by the Onitsha North and South

Local Governments to stop and be law abiding but all to no

71

avail. The Obosi have, supposedly been using their people in

positions of authority to achieve this vaulting ambition.179

This letter was signed by the Agbalanze Onitsha (Onitsha titled men) representatives Otu

Odu Onitsha (Onitsha titled women) representatives, Onitsha improvement Union

Representatives; Ikporo Onitsha Representatives; Onitsha Age Grade Representative

Council Representatives; Onitsha Indigenous Lawyers Association Representatives and

the Onitsha Iregwu. According to the Secretary of Onitsha land owning families, they

have also tried to compensate the Obosi by creating employment and encouraging good

neighbourliness. According to the same source as well as other reliable sources like that

of a 78 year old retired staff of first bank and the president of the Onitsha Women Co-

operative Society, “the Obosi have become very violent in their bid to stake their claim

on land that has been ruled as not belonging to them by the highest court of the land; in

the middle months of 2009, they attacked the main market and the Ose market, injuring

so many people and leaving a few casualties”.180

Amidst this testimony is the conviction

in the minds of the Onitsha stake holders that the Obosi is also aided by non indigenes

who have their “greedy eyes” on the lands surrounding the boisterous market town.181

179 Ibid 180 Oral Interview: Enyi Helen (Onyoma Adiuko); 78years, president of Onitsha women co- operative society, Onitsha. August, 2009 181 Oral Interview: Ejike Atuona, 60years, secretary of the Onitsha indigenous land owning families, Onitsha. August, 2009.

72

The Obosi Case

It is significant to note that according to facts and historical evidence, the first and second

court cases regarding the issue of these lands were between the Obosi themselves and the

Royal Niger Company; it was a struggle, albeit judicial, between the whole of the Eastern

Region and the town people of Obosi.182

The Royal Niger Company sought lands to

construct residential and working quarters for their employees, especially European civil

servants. As was common with every colonial situation, the Royal Niger Company

undoubtedly had the upper hand because they had the court, the people and the land

decrees under their influence.183

The area that in presently referred to as the Government

Residential Area used to be the residential quarters of the European civil servants; the

area, before it was extended by the democratic state government in 2002 to include other

areas in the Onitsha environs, lies along the same axis as the Holy Trinity cathedral and

the Ose market and main market; all these parts were called the red parts of Obosi

because those lands were water logged just like most of Obosi.184

The European civil

servants had their place of work located in the area called Enu Onitsha (today those

streets in that area are named after European settlers and merchants. For example, Bright

street, Bernard street). Their hospitals and schools were located within the same areas and

even close to the Fegge district.185

Their names are enough indications of their history.

For example, Dennis Memorial Grammar School, Queens College and Saint Charles

182 Oral Interview: Francis Obi Molokwu, 68years, retired civil servant, Obosi. August, 2009. 183 Oral Interview: mr Okey Chukwura, 62years, civil servant, Obosi. August, 2009 184 Oral Interview: Francis Obi Molokwu, 68years, retired civil servant, Obosi. August, 2009. 185 Oral Interview: Ugosi Abonefo, 70 years, Obosi Palace secretary, Obosi. July, 2009.

73

science school; most of these schools are missionary contributions to the eastern region

and it even benefitted the whole of the Eastern region, Obosi inclusive. It is therefore no

surprise that the Europeans felt justified to sell the land to the people of Onitsha just as

they were leaving the country. In consequence the Onitsha is left to fight for the value of

her money, paid into the coffers of the departing exploiters, apart from creating

disaffection among communities that were formally cordial neighbours, co-habiting in

fluid agreement. According to the Obosi, the area presently called Fegge (Otu Obosi),

Ogbaru, Oba, Nkpor and Awada were all parts of Obosi that was stolen by the Onitsha;

they were boundary settlements before the coming of the Europeans.186

According to the

palace secretary of the Igwe of Obosi, “the map of Obosi (see chapter two) illustrates, to

large extent the wide reaching coasts of the Obosi community”. The Obosi claim that

they were once a powerful community in the eastern Nigeria region before the 20th

century.187

When the Europeans arrived and found Onitsha at the mouth of the River,

they made it the local government headquarters.188

Thus, according to the Obosi, this

empowered the Onitsha in court and in the view of the court, the local government, the

local council.189

Also according to the Obosi account, Onitsha had some connections with

the police and the state government.190

Apparently, this was a reference to the power that

the Onitsha born Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe had at his disposal as the president of Nigeria after

independence. One fact that remains interesting is that while the Onitsha have continued

186 Oral Interview: Francis Obi Molokwu, 68years, Obosi, retired civil servant. August, 2009. 187 Oral Interview: Ugosi Abonefo, 70years, Obosi Palace secretary, Obosi. July 2009. 188 Ibid 189 Ibid 190 Ibid

74

to accuse the Obosi over the blemishes on the board posts throughout the Nkpor area, the

Obosi had consistently denied that they have no hand in it. Most of the indigenous youths

of Obosi think that it would be a cowardly thing to do if they let the Onitsha continue to

claim land that belongs to them.191

Presently Obosi has only one electoral ward even

though she has a population of over 200, 000 people as at 2006; they account for 4.8

percent of the 4.18 million people in Anambra state whereas about 29 states in the

federation with less than 100, 000 people have local governments scattered within

them.192

In 2008, the Obosi asked the Independent National Electoral Commission to split

their town into state constituencies and fifteen electoral wards in order to finally correct

what the Obosi feel had become a marginalization of the town by successive

administrations; and the creation of two separate local government areas and a federal

constituency out of Obosi (they claim that it is the largest town in Anambra state and the

second largest in Nigeria).193

Currently the Obosi have no state constituency, no local

government, and no federal constituency despite their various repeated letters and

delegations to INEC.194

There is a notion among the Obosi, re-enforced by the purported discovery of a document

by the Obosi, suggesting that the Onitsha forged the so called deed which stated that the

Royal Niger Company signed over the land to them when it was about to fold up in

191 Oral Interview: Engineer Chiokwu Solomy, 34years, school proprietor, Obosi. August, 2009. 192 Modestus Chukwulaka ‘Obosi demands 15 wards, 2 state constituencies from INEC,’ political news, Daily Sun, unknown. September 12 2008. 193 Ibid 194 Ibid

75

1882.195

According to the Obosi, the letter head of the Royal Niger Company was

instrumental in making this whole farce believable as well as the forged signatures. This

was discovered just recently and not only explains Obosi appeal to re-open the case; it

also explains the accusations of fraud mentioned above.196

195 Oral Interview: Chief Emeka Anyaoku, 70years, former Nigerian representative to the United Nations, Ogun state. November, 2009 196 Oral Interview: Francis Obi Molokwu, 68years, retired civil servant, Obosi. August, 2009.

76

Chapter Five

Summary, Conclusions and Recommendations

Summary

Chapter one of this study was an introduction to this topic and acted as a basic

information guide to the background information of the Igbo and their neighbours in

general, gave insights into the intent behind the study and the issues it hopes to resolve.

Most importantly, the first chapter reviewed various literatures relevant to this study in

terms of intergroup relations, the origin of the Igbo, comparative analyses of works done

by different scholars on particular issues relevant to the study.

In Chapter two, the work began to gradually introduce to the subconscious of the reader,

the key factors and variations of both communities‟ myth of origin, settlement and

migration while subtly initiating the idea of factors in both communities‟ myths that

suggest areas of similarities and differences. The attempt was much more obvious in the

third chapter to illustrate the fact that one of the communities is enriched by the culture of

the other; the concept of borrowing was also introduced as an inevitable factor in

intergroup relations. Within this same chapter the evolution of Onitsha as a coastal

commercial metropolis that highlights most of the eastern region (especially Anambra

state) up till contemporary times and the role of Obosi in the development of the eastern

region. Suggesting that perhaps might have allowed Onitsha what seemed an upper hand

in the land claimed dispute.

The fourth chapter is the climax of the whole study because it explains the reason for the

dispute in detail and also illustrates with the use of oral interviews conducted, textbooks

77

and tabular representations, the current state of the dispute and the cases that have

accompanied both communities in their historical evolution as well as currents state of

interrelationship among them. The chapter establishes the views of each community

concerning the other as regarding the land dispute.

Conclusions

Land disputes and boundary misconceptions are a common factor in contemporary

Nigeria. Just as it is an international issue, among African countries, it is also a very

important local factor that causes ethnic and social discord between otherwise cordial

neighbours. It is a negative legacy of colonial leadership of years of exploitation.

This situation is interesting because it has gone beyond mere boundary dispute between

two local communities to involve the state government as well as the whole of the eastern

region. Consequently, if appropriate measures and conflict resolution mechanism are not

employed effectively and efficiently, may linger for a long time to come. Today, just like

in pre-colonial times, the Igwe and Obi of both Obosi and Onitsha respectively, relate

with each other mostly because of the Ezechima heritage that they both share.197

So do

their people, However the cold peace that exists is presently giving way to mutual

suspicion and mistrust and ultimately cannot guarantee development since land

determines, to a large extent the power and influence of any people.

With the alleged discovery of the document that might prove all the previous court cases

null and void, the Igwe of Obosi already intends to re-open the case in court against the

197

Oral Interview: Francis Obi Molokwu, 68years, retired civil servant, Obosi, August,

2009

78

Onitsha and all his people are behind him including renowned members of his

community such as Chief Emeka Anyaoku.198

The Obosi born diplomat is positive that

the Obosi stand a good chance of succeeding in the case against the Onitsha this time199

.

Most of the Obosi are very excited about this new development and they are so confident

that no matter how many state or federal strings the Onitsha pulled this time, justice

would no longer be blind but would take its natural course.200

The Onitsha stakeholders such as the elders and the palace secretary, on the other hand

are of the opinion that the new development is just another trick being employed by

Obosi to gain the sympathy of people and distract attention from the havoc they

constantly wreck on the Onitsha environs and public property.201

On both sides the opinion rests in their minds that the land undoubtedly belongs to them;

Owelle Azikiwe, the son of the late Nnamdi Azikiwe, opined that the Obosi are a

troublesome group who have always envied the Onitsha, their land and political

influence.202

He countered all the accusations of the Obosi that his father was involved in

evacuating the Obosi from their rightful place in the Otu- Obosi (fegge) area when he

was the president of Nigeria.203

According to him, he accompanied his father in the late

60‟s from Lagos to Onitsha to speak with some of the Obosi elders, reminding them how

they have always had a good relationship with the Obosi as a result of the similarities of

198

Oral interview: Ugosi Abonefo, 70years, Obosi palace secretary, Obosi, July, 2009 199

Oral interview: Chief Emeka Anyaoku, 74years, former Secretary General to the

Common Wealth, November 2009 200

Ibid 201

Oral interview: mr Ejike Atuona, 60 years, secretary of the Onitsha indigenous land

owning families; Onitsha, August, 2009 202

Oral Interview: Owelle Azikiwe, 48years, Agriculturalist, Onitsha, August, 2009. 203

Ibid

79

most of their traditional institutions and values.204

The Obosi elders, to the Owelle, were

much quieter about the whole issue than the newer generation of title holders in the Obosi

community cared less about bonds of brotherhood.205

It is worthy to note that the Owelle

(head warrior) exists in Obosi as well and means the same as in Onitsha.206

Throughout both communities, while some people are indifferent to the situation because

Obosi and Onitsha share borders of brotherhood, the stakeholders; market women and

traders, traditional title holders and the heads of indigenous associations are very

interested in seeing to it that the dispute is resolved amicably.207

The tension and mistrust

generated by the dispute has led to a situation in Obosi especially where some people are

afraid to make any statement on the issue because the dispute has already caused the

death of so many people; this writer was warned by a number of citizens on both sides to

desist from this investigation or risk any unpredictable kind of attack. Even in Onitsha,

there were allegations fetish attacks on individuals involved in the case. Intruders in the

case are discouraged from venturing into this unpleasant territory especially if such an

individual is a non indigene. It is hard to actually understand the seriousness of this case

until an investigator begins to dig deep enough to touch skeletons; formerly open sources

become unreceptive or suddenly go on an endless journey.

204

Ibid 205

Ibid 206

Oral Interview: Engineer Chiokwu Solomy, 34years, school proprietor, Obosi,

August, 2009. 207

Oral interview: Nwachiuzo Oka, 65years, Trader, August, 2009.

80

The Ife/ Modakeke and Obosi/Onitsha Conflict: A Comparative Analysis

The importance of this work will be better appreciated if the people and any observer

interested in the case can grasp the desperation of the situation and why a proper

resolution is necessary by relating it to that of the Ife/ Modakeke conflict situation; note

the similarities in concept and history.

Though Ooni Abegunle saw the creation of Modakeke as a means of preventing a war

between the Ife and the Modakeke while the refugees lived within the Ife land and also a

way of saving them from discrimination by the Ife (the land owners), centuries later, the

Ife left their own land to claim the land that no one would actually agree was offered as a

gift by the Ooni of Ife those years ago; they demanded rent from the Modakeke who saw

no reason to pay rent on a land that their ancestors told them and gave them evidence that

it belonged to them.208

This resulted in a rampaging war that dragged on for months,

taking with it lives and properties of Modakeke indigenes, especially those who lived

within the Ife environs.209

These settler indigenes were slaughtered mercilessly by their

fellow ethnic men, like the Christians and the Muslims slaughter each other all over the

world and even within the same country. The dispute degenerated to that level all because

the elders of the 19th

century Ife failed to find ways to settle the conflict while it was still

just brewing in the minds of the people, they chose to tiptoe around the issue.210

208

S.A. Akintoye „Ife‟s Sad Century,‟ Nigeria Magazine. (No 104, March/May 1970), p

36. 209

Ibid 210

Ibid

81

Several external authorities and Yoruba stakeholders attempted to resolve the conflict

without any success at all; instead it seemed to get worse. In 1854 when Balogun Ibikunle

of Ibadan set up a peace initiative to reconcile the two groups because he saw the whole

situation as allowing “the cradle of the race remain perpetually in desolation...”211

In the

agreement reached between Ooni Kubusi and the emissaries of Ibikunle, it was agreed

that each party forgot their grievances and everything they detested about the past, and

that Modakeke would not be asked to restitute for any damages they had caused.212

This

attempt failed because Ife and Modakeke were reduced to the status of vassals of Ibadan;

paying annual tributes and contribution of their fighting force, every time the Ibadan

called for it.213

In fact Ibadan placed an Ajele (resident officer) for over three decades in

Ife and Modakeke to keep surveillance and ensure that both communities remembered

their status.214

In 1886, when the British government extended her commercial interests into Yoruba

land. Her need for peace to prosecute the economic exploitation in Yoruba land caused

her to midwife a “Treaty of Peace, Friendship and Commerce” on the 4th

of June 1886.215

The Ife maintained their position that Modakeke migrated elsewhere.216

The treaty could

not be ratified since Ife could not occupy Ile-ife thus the two parties were

211

Ibid 212

J. F. Ade.Ajayi, Professor of History, University of Ibadan and Sometimes Senior

Research Fellow of the Institute of African Studies, Ibadan and Mr. Michael Olatunji

Onajide, the Clerk of the Oyo State House of Assembly were invited to give expert

advice on the 11th

day of the proceeding. 213

Ibid 214

Ibid 215

I.O. Albert ‘Ife-Modakeke crisis,’ in Onigu Otite and I.O. Albert (eds.), Community Conflicts in Nigeria Management, Resolution and Transformations. Ibadan: Spectrum Books, 1999. p 170 216

Ibid

82

irreconcilable.217

The government became disenchanted and left in November.218

Not

even the concession given by the Ife to the effect that Modakeke be broken up, but its

people could live among the Ife, if they would abandon their separate physical identity,

could resolve the conflict.219

The situation persisted till June 11, 1908 when Ibadan

intervened by providing a new settlement, Odeomu, for the Modakeke.220

Although some

stayed behind till 1909 the Modakeke began to move to Odeomu by 1908 and by 1909

Modakeke was broken-up. Shortage of land and other socio-economic problems faced at

Odeomu led to the agitation for re-admission to Ile-Ife. In 1922, the Modakeke were

readmitted and a Policy of Reconciliation was attempted to manage and resolve the

conflict. As part of the conditions for their re-admission, the new Modakeke quarter was

to be known as the Modakeke of Ife, a part of Ile- ife town. Oba Ajagun, for bringing

Modakeke into native administration, witnessed an era of peace in the Ife-Modakeke

relationships. 221

In 1934, a conflict arose over the selection of a Modakeke Imam by the Modakeke in

1934, the Ishakole issue of 1946 to 1947, and the demand for an all – inclusive local

217

Ibid 218

Ibid 219

J. F. Ade.Ajayi, Professor of History, University of Ibadan and Sometimes Senior

Research Fellow of the Institute of African Studies, Ibadan and Mr. Michael Olatunji

Onajide, the Clerk of the Oyo State House of Assembly were invited to give expert

advice on the 11th

day of the proceeding 220

I.O. Albert ‘Ife-Modakeke crisis,’ in Onigu Otite and I.O. Albert (eds.), Community Conflicts in Nigeria Management, Resolutions and Transformations. Ibadan: Spectrum Books, 1999. p 182 221

Ibid

83

council. All these rocked the boat of the tentative peace that had managed to reign

between the two communities. It offset another round of violence.222

Various governments set up Panels of Inquiry to look into the conflict and proffer

appropriate solutions. The most popular of these being the Ibidapo-Obe Panel of 1981,

National Reconciliation Committee (NARECON) of 1997 and the Royal Fathers Peace

Committee of 1997.223

Representatives were invited from the two communities to

articulate positions of the warring groups and expert opinions were sought on issues

involved in the conflict.224

The commission recommended that a separate, all-inclusive

local council be created for Modakeke as a way of permanently resolving the conflict.225

Perhaps, if as suggested by the Ijebu authorities in 1886, efforts had been concentrated on

finding means of making the Ife and the Modakeke live harmoniously, instead of trying

to ascertain what caused what, who did what and who was wrong or right, the Ife-

Modakeke conflict would have been solved long ago.226

Although the area was politicized in 1989 (Local Government Councils were created to

make both communities feel more independent) the conflict seemed to reach its climax

222

Memorandum from Senior Resident, Oyo to District Officer, Ife Division, Dec. 23,

1948. 223

Ibid 224

S.A. Akintoye „Ife‟s Sad Century, Nigeria Magazine. (No 104, March/May 1970), p

52. 225

J.F. Ade.Ajayi, Professor of History, University of Ibadan and Sometimes Senior

Research Fellow of the Institute of African Studies, Ibadan and Mr. Michael Olatunji

Onajide, the Clerk of the Oyo State House of Assembly were invited to give expert

advice on the 11th

day of the proceeding. 226

Ibid

84

stage.227

Like the Obosi/Onitsha crisis, every attempt was geared towards a win-lose

situation; this created suspicion in the hearts of the leaders of these communities

especially because they could sense the insensitivity of the government and other

mediating party/ delegation. 228

Another probable reason why it was impossible to nip the conflict in the bud at its infant

stage was that most of the stakeholders concerned, failed to realise or even predict the

likely outcome of an unresolved issue especially when it concerned identity and social

superiority and because they took for granted the strength of Yoruba brotherhood. These

issues seem to be playing out in Anambra state and therefore should be resolved or

managed with all the seriousness it deserves.

Recommendations

This dispute began in the pre-colonial times with the ancestors of these people, deals

were made that people of this generation know almost nothing about. Many of their

elders have made various recommendations aimed at resolving the issue, it is high time

therefore, that those who knew the truth came out and not is economical with it. Perhaps,

gather their youths, tell them the facts and then find a way of coming to terms among

themselves (on both sides). On the other hand some people are resolute that there can

never be any settlement outside the court in this case, the Onitsha especially, are ready to

continue to go to the court on this issue for as many times as the Obosi have a viable

227

S.A. Akintoye „Ife‟s Sad Century,‟ Nigeria Magazine. (No 104, March/May 1970), p

36. 228

Ibid

85

reason to re-open the case in court. Over time however, legal approaches to conflicts

especially land disputes have not proved effective in resolving them.

Scholars have recommended that in solving intergroup conflicts, it is best to begin by

determining the root cause of the dispute and then creating opportunities for both parties

to iron out their differences in a civil manner with a mediator.229

It has already been

established, in this study that the major cause of the Onitsha/Obosi conflict is the tussle

over the ownership of lands that lie on the northern and southern border of Onitsha.

It would be of great significance to the historical development of these two communities

if the state government can arrange a podium to sort out the intricacies that surround the

actual handing over of the lands in dispute. Families on both sides that have been unjustly

evacuated from their lands must be adequately compensated.230

If possible, the state

government should acquire the land and evenly redistribute it equally to the two warring

communities.

No matter the historical antecedents of these two communities, the fact remains that they

are a separate community and every community will guard jealously its land or what it

sees as its own therefore.

229

Karl Deutch: Nationalism and Social Communication. Cambridge: Massachusetts

Institute of Technology Press, 1953, p. 71.

230 Oral Interview: Francis Obi Molokwu, 68years, retired civil servant, Obosi, August,

2009.

86

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Celestine

Offor

66 Obosi Businessman August, 2009

Ejike Atuona 60 Onitsha Secretary of the

Onitsha

Indigenous Land

Owning Families

August, 2009

Emeka

Anyaoku

70 Ogun State Former Secretary

General to the

Common Wealth

November,

2009

Enyi Helen 78 Onitsha President of

Women Co-

operative Society

August, 2009

Chiokwu

Solomy

34 Obosi Shcool Proprietor August, 2009

Francis Obi

Molokwu

68 Obosi Retired Civil

Servant

August, 2009

Nwachiuzo

Oka

65 Onitsha Trader August, 2009

Ofilli Upkabi 68 Onitsha Secretary General

of the Ruling Age

Grade of Onitsha

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of the Obi of

Onitsha

July, 2009

87

Owelle

Azikiwe

52 Onitsha Agriculturist August, 2009

Okey

Chukwuria

62 Obosi Civil Servant August, 2009

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Chike Modebe

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July, 2009

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July, 2009

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90