Private Lives, Public Policy: 100 Years of State Intervention in the Family by Jane UrselReview by: Ellen M. GeeThe Canadian Journal of Sociology / Cahiers canadiens de sociologie, Vol. 18, No. 3 (Summer,1993), pp. 333-335Published by: Canadian Journal of SociologyStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3340884 .

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Book Reviews/Comptes rendus

Jane Ursel, Private Lives, Public Policy: 100 Years of State Intervention in the

Family. Toronto: Women's Press, 1992, 401 pp., paper.

Private Lives, Public Policy addresses an important debate in feminist scholar- ship concerning the relationship between women and the modem state, i.e., is the state an instrument of women's oppression, or a power that can be used by women to break down patriarchal authority? Or, is the "welfare state" good or bad for women? No easy, slick answer here. Ursel, not inclined to simplistic either/or thinking and favouring an approach focussed upon dynamic and dialectical relations, argues that the state is a "contested terrain" on which battles both for and against patriarchy have been, and are, fought. The paradoxical role of the state in regard to women and family results from a structural contradiction between the state's interests in production, on the one hand, and reproduction, on the other. More specifically, the modem state is committed both to the wage labour system (production) and to the patriarchal-based reproduction, while attempting to mediate between these two conflicting spheres. The result of this dual allegiance is conflicting and inconsistent policies that sometimes further and sometimes hinder women's interests.

To examine the macro-dynamics of production, reproduction, and state action, Ursel uses an historical materialist methodology (an appendix gives details of the methods used) framed by the parameters of time, place, and legislative arena. The book focuses upon three areas of legislation (family, welfare, and labour law) in three jurisdictions (the federal government, Ontario, and Manitoba) over an eighty-four-year time period (1884-1968). The eighty- four years capture: the growth of the wage labour system; changes in reproduc- tion, i.e., the development of social patriarchy wherein control over and support for children and women rests increasingly with the state (cf. the home/family); and a restructuring of the state, concomitant with economic and social transfor- mation. The three jurisdictions allow for comparative analyses, and the three legislative areas selected illustrate the stresses - and hence contradictions - in the intersection of the productive and reproductive spheres.

Private Lives, Public Policy contains three majorparts. The first part provides a discussion of the theoretical stance of the book - a dual systems theory that integrates radical and Marxist feminism and that views reproduction and production as interdependent phenomena of equal social importance. Space does

Canadian Journal of Sociology/Cahiers canadiens de sociologie 18(3) 1993 333

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not allow an overview of the theoretical arguments presented in the book. However, it is important to note that Ursel contends that family patriarchy has not been superseded by social patriarchy (rather, family patriarchy continues to exist, i.e., co-existing with social patriarchy) and that any analysis of the dynamics of patriarchy in modem societies must take into account the interaction of its two types.

The second part of the book begins with a short (twenty page) overview of the

impact of industrialization in Canada, focussing upon: family change (e.g., declining birth rates, increases in abandoned and "illegitimate" children); the Social Reform Movement at the turn of the twentieth century, which viewed family disorganization as the cause of social problems, and its relation to the early feminists; and the role of business and organized labour vis-d-vis women. The remainder of the second part provides in-depth analyses of the legislative changes occurring in three time periods. The cut-offs for these were determined by Ursel in the light of structural indicators of changing relations between

production and reproduction and of changing mediation strategies: 1884-1913, 1914-1939, and 1940-1968, with the period 1940-1947 treated separately because, in the war and immediate post-war years, the federal government took over the management of the economy, thus significantly altering the state mediation process. For each period, the description of legislative action is framed in explanations/interpretations of family-state relations and tensions.

The third part of the book deals with family-state relations in the present, highlighting their (continuing) contradictory nature. Issues discussed include: the global organization of production (and, consequently, the state's apparent lessening interest in controlling reproduction on the home front); the continued

patriarchal structuring of the labour force; and the state's commitment to gender equality in conjunction with strategies of reprivatization of the reproductive unit

-strategies which depend on patriarchal family arrangements. The title of this book promises less than what is delivered; a rare but welcome

occurrence. The book is about much more than family policy; while it is concerned with a number of different types of policy that affect family life, it is also a social history of Canadian families and Canadian women.

Private Lives, Public Policy is a richly descriptive work. 'The chronologies of legislation in the three periods, appearing as an appendix, represent a daunting effort, and are an extremely useful reference for readers. Without downplaying the sheer volume of information that exists in the book, its major contribution lies in the development and application of a theoretical framework in which to view women and families vis-d-vis the state. While some may quibble with this or that

interpretation, overall the book represents the best of theoretically-informed social-historical analysis.

Could the book be better? The answer to this question is always yes, as

perfection eludes all of us. I would have preferred an easier-to-read writing style;

334

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books providing such rich description and interpretation should be more acces- sible to general readers, who, I fear, will abandon the book in frustration. Also, I would have liked more focus on family-state relations focussed on eldercare, given the changing demographics that are upon us. Still, this book makes a significant contribution to Canadian sociology; all who profess an interest in, or

expertise regarding, Canadian society would profit from reading it.

Simon Fraser University Ellen M. Gee

Augie Fleras and Jean Leonard Elliott, Multiculturalism in Canada: The Challenge of Diversity. Scarborough, Ont.: Nelson Canada, 1992, 326 pp.

This book analyzes the principles, official policies, and actual practices of multiculturalism in Canada. Primarily sociological in approach, the authors examine the origins, scope, and implications of Canadian multiculturalism, which is the doctrine that promotes ethno-racial harmony by encouraging cultural preservation and intercultural exchanges. They distinguish between multiculturalism as "fact" and as "ideology," and as "policy" and"process," all in an effort to explicate political goals and initiatives, as well as public attitudes and the reactions of ethnic minorities. They also consider the effects of multiculturalism on educational institutions, the mass media, and the criminal

justice system. Fleras and Elliott first examine the relevant demographic features of Canada

in the form of immigration patterns, and in the composition and spatial distribu- tion of the major ethnic groups. Particular attention is given to the expansion of the "third force" in Canadian society, namely those of non-British, non-French, and non-aboriginal ancestry. The authors show how demographic diversity is sustained by the influx of immigrants and refugees from "non-conventional sources," and how continued diversification will lead to an even greater role for multiculturalism in reordering government-minority relations.

The authors illustrate how a "descriptive" reality of multiculturalism has been elevated into a prescriptive ideal for collective images of Canada. As an ideology for managing diversity, multiculturalism is contrasted with other forms of racial

management, most notably segregation, assimilation, and integration. Multicultural principles, such as collective rights and ethno-racial equality, are shown to be at odds with important Canadian values including individualism and meritocracy. In reviewing official government policies at federal, provincial, and municipal levels, the authors demonstrate how both the content and the focus of multicultural policies have shifted from "cultural preservation" to an empha- sis on the attainment of economic and social integration through affirmative action and other institutional changes.

Multiculturalism is also portrayed as a strategy adopted by various sectors to enhance their interests. The Canadian state embraces multiculturalism for social

335

books providing such rich description and interpretation should be more acces- sible to general readers, who, I fear, will abandon the book in frustration. Also, I would have liked more focus on family-state relations focussed on eldercare, given the changing demographics that are upon us. Still, this book makes a significant contribution to Canadian sociology; all who profess an interest in, or

expertise regarding, Canadian society would profit from reading it.

Simon Fraser University Ellen M. Gee

Augie Fleras and Jean Leonard Elliott, Multiculturalism in Canada: The Challenge of Diversity. Scarborough, Ont.: Nelson Canada, 1992, 326 pp.

This book analyzes the principles, official policies, and actual practices of multiculturalism in Canada. Primarily sociological in approach, the authors examine the origins, scope, and implications of Canadian multiculturalism, which is the doctrine that promotes ethno-racial harmony by encouraging cultural preservation and intercultural exchanges. They distinguish between multiculturalism as "fact" and as "ideology," and as "policy" and"process," all in an effort to explicate political goals and initiatives, as well as public attitudes and the reactions of ethnic minorities. They also consider the effects of multiculturalism on educational institutions, the mass media, and the criminal

justice system. Fleras and Elliott first examine the relevant demographic features of Canada

in the form of immigration patterns, and in the composition and spatial distribu- tion of the major ethnic groups. Particular attention is given to the expansion of the "third force" in Canadian society, namely those of non-British, non-French, and non-aboriginal ancestry. The authors show how demographic diversity is sustained by the influx of immigrants and refugees from "non-conventional sources," and how continued diversification will lead to an even greater role for multiculturalism in reordering government-minority relations.

The authors illustrate how a "descriptive" reality of multiculturalism has been elevated into a prescriptive ideal for collective images of Canada. As an ideology for managing diversity, multiculturalism is contrasted with other forms of racial

management, most notably segregation, assimilation, and integration. Multicultural principles, such as collective rights and ethno-racial equality, are shown to be at odds with important Canadian values including individualism and meritocracy. In reviewing official government policies at federal, provincial, and municipal levels, the authors demonstrate how both the content and the focus of multicultural policies have shifted from "cultural preservation" to an empha- sis on the attainment of economic and social integration through affirmative action and other institutional changes.

Multiculturalism is also portrayed as a strategy adopted by various sectors to enhance their interests. The Canadian state embraces multiculturalism for social

335

This content downloaded from 194.29.185.25 on Sat, 14 Jun 2014 23:09:18 PMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions