political and ethnic battles turn karachi into beirut of south asia

7/27/2019 Political and Ethnic Battles Turn Karachi Into Beirut of South Asia

1/6


2/6

MLPNLNO m~=~==~= =h~~==_ ==p = ~

K L~L~J~JJ~J J~~J J JJ J~~LNRUTRQQRK

Bangladesh; and finally after 1980s from Afghanistan, Burma and rest of the Pakistani provinces.

If analyzed, there are two indigenous ethno-linguistic groups in Sindh -- Sindhis forming majority by being 65 percent of the province, Baloch of Makrani and Jadgali (Sindhi) origin mostly settled inKarachi, and the third one is semi-indigenous Sindhi ethnic groups of Memons and Kutchis whomigrated from Kutch and Bhoj - the Sindhi areas of Indian Gujarat.

The post-1947 mass migrations have three categories: Indian partition refugees, whose second andthird generation is inhibiting Sindh; 197 1 war refugees whose first and second generation is inhibitingthe province, and finally post-1980 refugees, who either illegally migrated to Sindh or sought refuge

due to Afghan war and Burmese crises. Who is who of ethnicit ies in Sindh?

The strings of politics in Sindh, especially in its c apital Karachi can only be understood through ethno-linguistic point of view. Nine ethno-linguistic groups are residing Sindh particularly in Karachi. It

would be wise to understand their characteristics.

- Indigenous Sindhis: Indigenous population of Samat and Baloch origin that speak, read, and write inSindhi language and claim Sindhi identity.

- Indigenous Baloch: People of Makrani coastal Baloch background who speak Balochi and claimBalochi identity; however can understand and talk Sindhi language due to being indigenousinhabitants of Karachi.

- Indigenous Sindhi of Gujarati and Lasi origin: There are two groups in this category. Speakers of Memoni and Kutchi dialects of Sindhi language migrated to Karachi from Sindhi areas of Kutch andBhuj of Gujarat, India and settled in Karachi before and after 1947. Whereas Lasi are ethno-linguistically Sindhi who hailed from Lasbela princely state of Sindhi population, administratively annexed to Balochistan during 1960s.

- Rajasthanis: Mostly consisting three Muslim clans of Qaimkhani Rajputs, Silawats, Gazdars andShaikhs. Majority of them speak various dialects of Rajasthani language; however c an understand andspeak Sindhi. Silawats migrated to Sindh during 1930s on the invitation by Pir Pagara. Gazdar cameeven earlier. Later both are also considered as an indigenous population; meanwhile earlier two clansare culturally and linguistically similar to Sindhis.

- Malyali Maplas: Migrated from Kerala province of India to Sindh in 1935 after Maplapuram

movement in Kerala during British Raj. They identify themselves as Mapla or Malbari.

- Urdu speakers/ Muhajirs: Speak Lukhnavi and Khariboli dialects of Urdu language and migratedafter 1947 mostly from Delhi, Uttar Pradesh and Andhra Pradesh provinces of todays India. They identify themselves as Urdu speakers or Muhajir.

- Bihari: Bhojpuri lingual community migrated from Bangladesh after 1971 that identifies itself asBihari.

- Punjabi: Migrated from Pakistani Punjab province before and after 1947 in search of employment;after commissioning of barrages in Sindh especially when hundreds of Punjabi landless peasants weregiven thousands of acres land in Sindh between 1950 1971; and after installation of many cantonments in the various cities of Sindh.

- Pashtun: Migrated after military rule of Pakhtukhuwa generals Ayub Khan and Yahya Khan. A largenumber of them migrated from Afghanistan after the Afghan Jihad against Soviet Union in post 1980s.

- Bengalis who did not either go to Bangladesh after 1971 or migrated to Sindh from there illegally after 1990s.

- The rest are a small number of mix population of Maharashtrans, Burmese, Goans, Siraikis, Hindkosand Kashmiris.

If first three categories of indigenous population were combined, the indigenous majority population would roughly count beyond 68 percent. If the Indian partition Muhajirs/ Urdu speakers andBangladeshi refugees of Bangali and Bihari origin are combined, they will roughly form bellow 20percent of the province. In Karachi, if the indigenous population is combined, they will form roughly


3/6

MLPNLNO m~=~==~= =h~~==_ ==p = ~


beyond 40 percent. If exclusively Urdu speaking and Bihari / Bhaujpuri speaking are combined, they will count bellow 25 percent of the city . If Sindhi speaking of Samat and Baloch origin are c ounted(excluding Makrani Balochs and Guajarati Memons) they will cross 30 percent in the city. If map of Karachi is analyzed they absolute Urdu and Bihari speaking majority districts will form bellow 10percent of citys geography.

An undisclosed demography

Sindh has 23 administrative districts out of which five form Karachi city. If these are ethnically analyzed on the principles of absolute majority, simple majority, and mix population based on the

1998 census and last 15 years migration trend, an entirely new scenario will come out.In the category of absolute majority, Sindhis dominate 17 districts including district Malir of Karachi,

whereas Muhajirs/ Urdu speakers dominate one district of Karachi Central. Sindhis are in simplemajority in Karachi East as well as Hyderabad district. If culturally similar ethnic groups are clubbed,Sindhis and Baloch are absolute majority in district South Karachi followed by Punjabis as well asBurmese and Bengalis illegal immigrants. Muhajirs / Urdu speakers and Biharis, if combined, aremajority in District West Karachi followed by Balochis, Pashtuns and Sindhis.

Sindhis and Balochis dwell in strategically lesser important areas, mostly out of extremely centralorbit of the city, and a large number is rural population of the Karachi, which is divided in severalelectoral constituencies. This gives an edge to MQM, with a highly organized mechanism and use of

violence, to hold the city ev en representing a minority ethnic group.

One in the same thing: Urban and Rural Feudalism

The fundamental meaning of term feudal lord is the one who hold power of war making and feudmanagement in certain rural geography. Mode of production has been their source of keeping privatearmies, which in classical terms remains agriculture and pastoral.

The power in Sindh lies in two hands: feudal of rural Sindh, which is mostly Sindhi and urban-feudal of Karachi city, which is mostly Urdu speaker; however, in Hyderabad both are the Urban feudal. Ruralfeudal in Sindh are feudal in material terms having Sindhi variant of mercenaries and exploitingpeasantry, whereas urban feudal have characteristic of classical feudal lords, which means keepingurban mercenaries for the feuds and violence to exploit urban poor take hold of majority ethnicgroups of the c ity.

Both behave almost similarly except that the earlier behave in rural and unorganized manner and later behave in urban and well-organized way. There are paradoxical behaviors in both. One can opposeand contest a rural feudal in Sindh and not necessarily be killed due to this action; however in Karachisuch action necessarily invite a murder attempt by the urban lords. Rural feudal are secular unliketheir urban counterparts. Urban feudal meanwhile behave positively regarding the matters likeinfrastructure development, in which their rural counterparts are parasites.

PPP, MQM, and Sindhi Nationalists

A large number of Sindhi feudal lords and a small number of Urdu speaking and Sindhi middle classnormally control Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) in Sindh. Ethno-linguist Urdu speaking Muhajirpeople usually control MQM. Mostly Sindhi nationalists and PPP Murteza Bhutto group, a splintergroup of PPP, oppose PPP in Sindh. Two groups oppose MQM openly -- MQM splinter group led by

Afaq Ahmed, and the Bihari population of Karachi. Ethnic Biharis in Karachi, after the murder of second most popular leader of MQM Imran Farooq in London, formed Bihari Qomi Mov ement (BQM)in Karachi. Sindhi politicians are also divided into ideological groups: secessionists, advocates of provincial autonomy, and federalists.

PPP and MQM have a few basic common interests therefore they tend to ally. Both want to keep their vote bank and hegemony intact in their area of support (rather control). Both mostly do not challengeeach other in the election contest except a few constituencies in Karachi and Hyderabad; therefore,they consider themselves natural allies. MQMs street control of Karachi is also important factor. Ithas a history that whenever a government, no matter they are part of it or opposition, denies or delaystheir demands, Karachi observe violence. It is the fear of violence in the economic capital of Karachithat they are becoming coalition partners in various governments since last 15 years.

Basis of contemporary conflict


4/6

MLPNLNO m~=~==~= =h~~==_ ==p = ~


The basis of ongoing contest and conflict in Sindh are a few but highly important:

- Contest on the distribution of resources combined by development not on the urban-rural basesalone, but on the ethnic bases as well. This includes urban-rural and district-district disparities atKarachi city level, urban-urban at provincial level, which means between the cities where eitherethnicity is in the significant number and between urban- rural in general across the prov ince.

- Growing urbanization has started changing the demographic characteristic and population size of thecities across the Pakistan especially in Sindh province. In Sindh, this ultimately means the change inthe ethnic composition of the cities, which are ethnically diverse. An overwhelming majority of non-

Punjabi refugees who migrated from India after partition of sub-continent and settled in the cities of Sindh. Therefore, urbanization in Sindh today means urbanization of Sindhis. MQM, which has beencontaining electoral rule in Karachi and Hyderabad even having typically Urdu speaking minority in

both of the cities, has fear of losing hold of cities in terms of electoral and street power.

- MQM want a political edge of ethnic aspects in provincial and local government system. Theadmissions of Sindhi students are already banned in Karachi educational institutions; and now the one

who have not been born in Karachi cannot get a government job there . MQM wants some importantdepartments under the local governments control that include police, revenue, land utilization,colonization and settlements, education and fisheries along with others. This ultimately gives feelingto Sindhi population of virtual separation of Karachi from Sindh and hindering their right tourbanization and development in their historical land.

Sindhi nationalists have apprehensions regarding MQM politics that have grown since the military ruleof General Pervez Musharraf. T he general altered the constituencies of Karachi and Hyderabad city ina manner that Sindhi voters may not influence majority of the seats, meanwhile MQM may win fromthe areas where it has not majority e thnic support. Besides, indigenous Sindhi think that an organizedminority, which is virtually ruling the province since 1947, keep aspirations of carving out a separateprovince out of Sindh. This of their feeling was further strengthened when MQM presented a bill in thenational assembly in 2011 for creating new provinces in Pakistan, which mentioned in its preamblethat provinces are not sacred and can be divided.

The nature of recently promulgated Sindh People Local Governance Ordinance (SPLGO) hasinfuriated Sindhi nationalists enough that they gave a call of strike on September 13, which wassuccessful without the use of violence. In Karachi two districts East and Malir - out of five were oncomplete strike, meanwhile district South observed partial strike; however, majority areas of district

Central and West remained open.

Local governance system

SPLGO gives a feeling that Sindh has become an independent country and it transfers some of itsauthorities to the autonomous district/ c ity governments. It is virtual attempt to divide Sindh into fiveautonomous divisions; more authorized then practices within the federations around the globe interms of political systems. According to a Karachi based analyst, it transfers various state authoritiesof the provincial tier to the Municipals and Districts led by a Mayors and Chairpersons. Theauthorities include land use and utilization, revenue, housing and settlement authorities and evenrecruitment of prov incial departments in the districts.

Sovereignty of prov incial government is compromised in a manner that a degree of autonomy is givento the districts beyond the provincial supremacy. According to the ordinance, as analyzed by aKarachi based journalist, if a scheme or plan proposed by a district / divisional government to theprovincial government is not accepted or ratified by the later within sixty days, it would legally

become approved.

Besides preparation of master plans, local governments are also transferred the authority to approvezoning, c lassification, and reclassification of land, environment control, urban design, urban renewal,and ecological balances. Their approval authorities are vested in the Municipal / District Councils. Italso transfer the authorities to review implementation of rules and bye-laws governing land use,housing, markets, zoning, environment, roads, traffic, tax, infrastructure and public utilities. Besides,the properties and all concerned matters are handed over to the district and municipal tiers.

Primarily it hands over various departments of the provincial nature to the districts. It also authorizesthe district government to change the quantity of officials and size of these departments; recruit


5/6

MLPNLNO m~=~==~= =h~~==_ ==p = ~


employees directly and enhance ten percent budget for additional recruitments. Such authorities,according to a Karachi-based journalist, were also given in the Musharrafs local governmentordinance, which gave edge to MQM recruiting forty thousand new employees. Almost all of them didnot only belong to single ethnicity of the city, but also were the cadres and activists of MQM. Politicalparties has been alleging since last many years that the v iolence is Karachi has been carried thereafterthrough these cadres by using city gov ernment machinery.

Union Councilor (neighborhood representative), in the ordinance, are authorized to recruit thesecurity guards directly. This ultimately has enhanced apprehensions that if a party having militantcapacity wins local government elections, it can recruit its cadres as guards and keep on dominating

people through the legitimized use of violence.

The ordinance also maintains supremacy of municipal/ district government over Tehsil / sub-districtand union level. This will give an edge of ethnic dominancy in the districts of Karachi, which do notcontain absolute majority of any single ethnicity. Two districts of Karachi Central and West havean overwhelming majority of ethnic Urdu speaking and Bihari people jointly, but there are at least twotowns / sub-districts there, which are having Sindhi, Baloch and Pashtun majority population. In suchcases, supremacy regarding recourses allocation at district level can discriminate them. The similarissues may occur in the district East, Malir and South as well, which are mostly Sindh-Baloch-Pashtunmajority districts.

SPLGO gives a feeling that it is a district-states / city-states ordinance, which essentially contradictsthe principles of the federation.

What is the way forward?

A set of comprehensive steps is required in the province to foster harmony and interdependency between various ethnic groups meanwhile maintaining ultimate rights of both.

- In presence of Sindh (legislative) Assembly, the ordinance enforced by the Governor is similar to theBritish rule practices. This ordinance should be taken back; instead, a bill for local gov ernment should

be tabled in the house for the legislation after undergoing a v ast c onsultation with political parties,representatives of the ethnic groups, civil society, and experts.

- No local government law should supersede the sovereign and autonomous authority of theprovincial government, which means the departments, subjects, fields and matters that are of highly provincial nature must not be handed over to the district or municipal governments in an autonomous

manner.

- Land use, utilization, revenue, recruitments, approval of schemes and plans and determining the sizeof departments are the issues that has been used for ethnic dominancy and discrimination. T hey havealso been utilized for changing electoral and ethnic compositions of towns, constituencies, anddistricts. Therefore, they should be under the provincial authority.

- A plan for a weapon free Karachi should be devised. Until all violence-making forces are not madearmless, the peace cannot be ensured in the city .

- Sindhi is legally official language of the province and a mandatory subject for non-Sindhi speakingpopulation in the primary education; but the practice is otherwise. Ethnic harmony will beunachievable until this is not being done.

- Enforcing agenda of less than 20 percent population over Sindh and of lesser than 25 percentpopulation of Karachi over the city will create an unending anarchy over the upcoming decades. Theday people realized that federation is not willing to undone this process, they will popularly bidfarewell to the federation.

- If there can be Afro and Asian Americans or Europeans, there can be Sindhi speaking Sindhis, Urdu-speaking Sindhis, Bihari-speaking Sindhis and Pashto-speaking Sindhis and Punjabi-speaking Sindhis.This requires their integration with ethnic Sindhi population and loyalty to the interests of theprovince.

- Pakistan is a federation of historical sovereign counties of pre-British occupation; therefore anecessary legislation should be made over the inter-provincial migrations, their right to vote in Sindh,contest elections, and holding of public of fices. T his is the time when indigenous populations right to


6/6

MLPNLNO m~=~==~= =h~~==_ ==p = ~


rule in their historical homelands needs to be ensured in Pakistan.

- Both MQM and Sindhi nationalists should accept and adopt the term of Urdu speaking Sindhisrather than Muhajirs, which gives no sense that which Muhajirs are being pointed out as in last 65

years there have been many waves of different ethno-linguist refugees and migrants towards Sindh.

- If the federation, which was joined by Sindh through legislative consent, is not able to protectsovereignty of Sindh and its majority indigenous population, and then Sindhi people will be justified toreclaim that sovereignty beyond the federation.

Like 3.7k

About The Author

Zulfiqar is a polit ical analyst, researcher and rights activist , having academic background of

Philosophy and Development Studies. Organized and led massive movements of minorities and

and right s in Sindh, Pakistan. Contribu ted with ma ny da ilies and weeklies in Pakistan an d now

contributing with some English dailies in Nepal and Afghanistan. Associated with The Institute

or Social Movements, Pakistan; and current ly ba sed at Kathm andu, Nepal.

Previous Post

Will Narendra Mo di beco m e th e nex tprime m inister of..

Next Post

Who w ant s to div ide Sin dh?

-->

COMMENTS (4)

Guest To earn points for your comm ent sign in now.

Name

Email Id

Verification Code

Type Here:

Senge Hasnan Sering

In my opinion, Sindh an d Balochistan should hav e the law of State Subject Rule (SSR), which mea ns no more

outsiders becoming citizens of these two provinces. Tha t is the best short-term ed way to control dem ographics.

People from other pr ovinces should be able to work in these prov inces but with out the righ t to buy land and

cas t v ote. Hav ing sa id tha t , th e only w ay to save Sindh and Balochis tan i s to c rea te two independent na t ions

of their own.. . . .
http://call.nlpcaptcha.in/redirect.php?id=e20f3f7b8e5edf215e45c0b2001f67b7&url=http://www.merinews.com/http://nlpcaptcha.in/http://www.merinews.com/article/who-wants-to-divide-sindh/15874921.shtmlhttp://www.merinews.com/article/will-narendra-modi-become-the-next-prime-minister-of-india/15875191.shtmlhttp://www.merinews.com/submitChoice.jsp

political and ethnic battles turn karachi into beirut of south asia

Documents