pictographs in the andes

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PICTOGRAPHS IN THE ANDES 1

Latin American IndianLiteratures Journalvol. 12, no. 1, 1996.

Pictographs in the Andes: TheHuntington Free LibraryQuechua Catechism

William P. Mitchell and Barbara H. Jaye,Monmouth University

IntroductionAfter the conquest of the Americas in the fifteenth and sixteenthcentur ies, Roman Catholic clergy developed graphic media to helpsurmount the linguistic barriers between them and their varied flocks.

Among the ear lies t and best known are the Testerian Catechisms ofMexico, most of which were produced in the sixteenth century (Duran1984, Glass 1975). These books portrayed the catechism, a standardhandbook of Roman Catholic doctrine, in pictographic form. Less familiarto scholars are the pictographic catechetical works from the Andes, all ofwhich were collected in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. TheHuntington Free Library's pictographic catechism discussed and partiallyreproduced here (referred to in our text as the Huntington Catechism) isan exceptional example of these Andean works. 1 It is not only one of theearliest, most beautiful, and complete of the Andean catechisms, but ithelps shed light on two issues concerning their nature and origin. It is,first , a mnemonic aid rather than a written text that reproduces speechand, second, its iconography clearly points to Old World rather than NewWorld origins.


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2 LATIN AMERICAN INDIAN LITERATURES JOURNAL PICTOGRAPHS IN THE ANDES 3

!f t ~

L ~ ? t J j ! ~ .Figure 1. The Apostles' Creed (recto)

'The Huntington CatechismThe Huntington Catechism consists of twenty-one surviving linedsheets, each 16 by 11 centimeters in size, covered with inked pictographs.The pictographs are usua lly recognizable , provided one knows thestandard text. Capt ions at the top of each page in European script,

generally in Quechua although a few words are in Spanish and Latin, key

Figure 2. The Sixth Commandment (4R Line 6)

the opening phrase of each doctrine or prayer. These captions or incipitsare crucial to identifying the meaning of the pictographs.Exceptfor one page (3 verso), the pictographs and captions are foundon the recto (or right hand side) only. The drawings on 3 verso (the back

side of3 recto) and four figures atthe bottom of20 recto have been addedin pencil by a different, untrained hand. The inked pictographs are ca. 1.1centimeters in height. The penciled additions are a little larger, rangingfrom 1.4 to 1.7 centimeters. In neither hand do the incipits nor drawingsfit between the notebook lines or follow them closely. Two or three sheetsare probably missing from the beginning of the manuscript,because theSign of the Cross, Paternoster, and Ave Maria in the original hand areabsent. These three prayers usually precede the Creed (which begins theHuntington) in colonial and modern catechisms, although the Sign of theCross is sometimes omitted in other Andean manuscripts. The penciladdition on 3 verso is the Paternoster.

The Huntington Catechism is of both aesthetic and ethnographicinterest. Gracefully drawn, thework is visually unified (except for the twopages with later 'emendations) by thecharming pictographs, a unity that isevidenced in the Apostle's Creed reproduced here in full (see Fig. I) .Pictographic groups throughout the manuscript are equally engaging. Thedancing figure in a bubbly circle that represents life everlasting at the endof the Creed (Fig. 1, line 6)2 delightfully expresses the joy in that life.The sixth commandment's call for chastity is effectively depicted by anobserver's upright hand signifying "do not" to a man whose arms and legencircle a woman in an unchaste embrace (Fig. 2). A startling illustrationof "turn thine eyes of mercy toward us" in the Salve Regina shows Maryas a crowned woman holding an eye in each hand above two kneelingpeople (Fig. 3), an iconography that seems unique to the Huntington.


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4 LATIN AMERICAN INDIAN LITERATURES JOURNAL

Figure 3. The Salve Regina (3R, Line 3)The accession history of the Huntington Catechism is dim, but themanuscript was probably acquired by the library in the 1930s or 1940s.3Page 17 recto of themanuscript contains a stamp that was readable in 1978

as "Republica de Chile," but that is now illegible by either natural orultraviolet light. The manuscript cannot be precisely dated, but the paper,binding, handwriting, and details of clothing in the pictographs point tothe mid-nineteenth century, approximately the period in which we find thefirst clear descriptions of Andean pictographic catechisms. There is noprovenance information, but it is likely that the Quechua in the incipits isthat spoken in the Lake Titicaca area (Teofilo Altamirano, PersonalCommunication, 14 February 1996), situating the Huntington in the sameregion as the other Andean pictographic catechisms.4

The lined paper used in the catechism, which looks like ordinaryAndean school-notebook paper, clearly indicates a date no earlier than thenineteenth century. It is machine-made with pale-green lines 0.8 of acentimeter apart. There are no chain lines or visible watermarks. Thesepages were originally bound in leather, a format that suggests the bookmay have been manufactured as a ledger, a widely-used medium for theproductionof nineteenth and earlytwentieth century Native American arts.The manuscript has been rebound in three stitched gatherings but theoriginal cover has been preserved separately. This cover is a rough-tannedleather of which the fur, although in a fragile condition caused by age andslight insect damage, is stil l present. It is approximately 16.5 by 12centimeters, a measurement which is not exact because of wrinkling, butthe hand-cut leather was probably never squared. Leather bindings werecommon in nineteenth-century ledgers, althoughusually smoothly finishedand machine cut. The hand-cutting of the binding, therefore, suggestssome personal care in the manufacture. Before rebinding, the manuscripthad been stitched with white and blue thread.


Figure 4. 1b e Sacrament of Baptism (2R, Line I)

The captions similarly point to the last century, because they arewritten with black ink in a neat nineteenth-century hand. The style ofclothing depicted in the pictographs narrows the time to the mid-century:the capes, jacke ts, pants, and the bi corne (Fig. 1, lines 1 and 2) andhigh-crowned wideawake (Fig. 1, lines 3-6) hats worn by the men werecommon in Europe from about 1840to 1850 and may have arrived in theAndes as early as 1845 (David Fleming, personal communication 26 April1992).

We have no knowledge of authorship. However, because thedrawings depict the clergy primarily in diocesan clothing, it is unlikelythatthe manuscript was producedunder the auspicesof any of the monasticorders. These orders wereveryjealous and competitive (Marfa Benavides,Personal Communication, 27 September 1993) and it is likely that theywould have provided more evidence of authorship, although one of thehats depicted (a biretta or bonete) was worn by both diocesan clergy andthe Jesuits (Fig. 4).

The Text of the Huntington CatechismThe official historyof approved New World Catechisms begins with

the basic proselytic texts established by theThird Lima Provincial Councilin 1582-1583 and published in 1584 and 1585. These were (in theirsixteenth-century spellings): Doctrina Christiana, Conjessionario, andTercer Catecismo (Barnes 1992a; Castillo Arroyo 1966:45, n. 1). Pereiia(1985) provides a photographic facsimile of all these sixteenth-centurytexts, known in this composite form to English-speaking scholars as theThird Lima Catechism. Fray Luis Jer6nimo de O r t ~ probably worked on


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6 LATIN AMERICAN INDIAN LITERATURES JOURNAL PICTOGRAPHS IN THE ANDES 7the ThirdLima Catechism (Cook 1992, Tord 1992). In 1598, he publishedthe Symbolo Catholico Indiano that provided additional Quechua andAymara translations of the Catechism, as well as much cosmological andhistorical material, and gave instructions for the teaching of the catechismto the natives (Heras 1992:10, 1992 [1598:400 ft]). Through thetwentieth century the Third Lima Catechism and the Symbolo CatholicoIndiano (which closely follows the Third Lima Catechism) have remainedthe standard works for Catholic clergy working with indigenous peoplesin South America. We have used the Third Lima Catechism whereverpossible to interpret the Huntington and to provide our Quechua texts.5

Although one tends to think of the Roman Catholic Catechism asuniform, many variants are found in practice. Indeed, the translators ofthe catechism into Quechua and Aymara consciously decided against astr ict reading in favor of a less literal but more understandable one(Harrison 1989:25-26). In most catechisms, the first four texts are theSignof the Cross, the Paternoster, the Ave Maria, and the Creed in that order.After these texts, however, changes in section order are frequent, as arealterations in the number, order, and grouping of questions and responsesin the Shorter Catechism (the brief set of catechetical questions known asthe Catecismo Breve inSpanish) and the Longer Catechism (the larger setof questions called the Catecismo Mayor in Spanish). In the influentialSymbolo Catholico Indiano. Luis Jer6nimo de omitted the LongerCatechism and added a Catechism of the Holy Sacrament. Variations inthe interrogations of the Conjessionario are also frequent (Barnes 1992a).

Such variations in standard catechisms have complicated ouridentification of the texts in the Huntington manuscript. As alreadymentioned, theHuntington lacks the Sign of the Cross and the Ave Maria,while the Paternoster has beenadded ina different hand. Table 1 illustratesthe difference in order betweentheHuntington and ThirdLima Catechism.The pictographs in the Huntington, moreover, do not always follow thestandard Quechua and Spanish catechisms exactly. For example, in theCredo (Fig. 1, line 2) the catechism in Quechua, Spanish, and Englishclear ly specif ies Jesus Chris t as the Son of God the Fa ther, but thepictographic grouping depicts a child with a woman, portraying Jesus,therefore, as the son of Mary. Our greatest problems in interpretation,however, resulted from the fact that the grouping of catechetical questionsand responses in the Huntington on pages 9R through 17R does notcoincide with those in any of the standard catechetical texts that we

TABLE I: THE DIFFERINGORDER OFTHE HUN11NGTONAND mlRDUMA CA TECHISMSUr, Hu"lin,ton Callrism TIl. TId" IJmqCateclrum

IR: TheApostle's Cre


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consulted. The texts on these pages, therefore, reflect our interpretationof the incipits and pictographs.

Relationship to Other Native AmericanPictographs

Although the pictographic catechisms of the Andes and of Mexicoare sometimes likened to the ledger art of the nineteenth-century NorthAmerican Plains (see, for example, Ibarra 1953, 1991), there is littleresemhlance other than the ledger medium of some catechisms (Lettner1973). Plains ledger art, usually depicting recent historical events andhunting and battle scenes, differs in both iconography and content (Dunn1969, Mallery 1883, M ~ t r a u x 1963, Young 1986:59). The pictographiccatechisms have also been compared to the ledger art of the Cuna ofPanama, but theAndean catechisms differconsiderably in both appearanceand meaning from this genre , which was used to record magicalincantations and songs (NordenskiOld 1979 [1928-1930]).

Andean catechisms also dif fer f rom the pictographic Tester iancatechisms from Mexico. Although their content is similar, temporal andstylistic differences make it unlikely that the two traditions are closelyrelated historically, aside from being manifestations of Roman Catholicmissionary technique. Franciscan missionaries created the firstpictographic catechisms in Mexico in the mid-sixteenth century, initiatingthe genre generally known asTesterian Catechisms (Dur


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two pictographic hides from Bolivia depicting Roman Catholic texts inAymara that he hadobserved during his travels inthe Andesbetween 1838and 1842. Wiener (1880:772-775) briefly and somewhat fancifullydescribed two texts a shor t time la ter. All of the other examples inAppendix 1were collected inthe twentieth century, although someof themwere certainly made earlier. I f our mid-nineteenth century date for theHuntington is correct, itisoneof theoldest extant examplesof pictographicAndean catechetical texts.

The most thorough descriptions of Andean pictographic works aregiven by Ibarra (1941, 1953, 1991:482-491) and Hartmann (1984, 1989,1991), who descr ibe material from southern highland Peru and theBolivian altiplano. 13 Ibarra (1953) saw Quechua and Aymara catechismsstill being made in the 19408. He also observed pebbles used as mnemonicaids in the recitation of prayers (1953:17-18). Ibarra also provides usefulcommentary on and reproductions of many of the other texts, material thatwe have utilized in our Finding List found in Appendix 1 (see also Lettner1973, Kauffmann Doig 1973, and Naville 1966).

Because the first detailed descriptions of Andean Catechisms and alItheextant examples (with thepossibleexception of number2 in theFindingList) are nineteenth century or later, the connection between thesecatechisms and either pre-Columbian society or the earlier TesterianCatechisms must be remote (Duran 1984, Glass 1975). The Mexicanheritage may have influenced the Andean works, perhaps by encouragingthe idea of pictographic catechisms, the use of rebuses, and certainiconographies. Andean clerics, for example, may have beenstimulated bythe Mexican use of a full or halfcircle to indicate heaven. 14 On the whole,however, thedifferences in region and era, and the significantdifferencesin style, suggest that both catechetical traditions were more or lessindependent responses to the Roman Catholicdesire to teach the catechismby means of pictures. Most of the signs common to the two traditions,such as the cross and church, probably arose coincidentally as anubiquitous part of the Christian missionary's stock in trade.

The Andean catechisms also differ from one another, and it is likelythat many of these catechisms, while drawing on shared iconographicalthemes, are distinctive productsof particularpersons or at least of differinglocal traditions. The Huntington manuscript is certainly unique. Most ofthe Andean texts are on paper (Ibarra 1991 :482), like the Huntington, butsome are modeled in clay (see the drawing in Hartmann 1991: 175 and

10 LATIN AMERICAN INDIAN LITERATURES JOURNAL~ e d i n a 1953:280-281). Juli was an important Jesui t center . In thesIxteenth century, the Jesuits established there the second press in SouthAmerica (Medina 1906). In the seventeenth century they also ran twoschools. in JUli. (Vargas Ugarte 1953, vol. 2:509). The Huntington

~ t e c h l s m certaInly follows the peculiarJesuit pattern of the seven deadlySInS ~ I o o m f i e l d .1967:86) , but this pattern had already been used byJer6mmo de In the late sixteenth century.. A l t h o ~ g h the context of their remarks indicates they are referring topIctographIc catechisms, neither Acosta nor M ~ t r a u x are making anargument thepresence of pictographic catechisms in the colonial Andes

per se. TheIr remarks are parenthetical. Other discussions of catecheticalteaching in the colonial Andes omit even parenthetical references topictographs (Armas Medina 1953:86-105, 244-252, 294-305; 19921598], Var.gas Ugarte 1953, vol. 1:49-61; Wood 1986).10BecausepriestsIn the c ? ~ o m a l ~ n d e s were often unable to speak native languages fluently,they utIlIZed wntten and graphic materials and memorization to teach theIndians the catechism and Bible stories (Barnes 1992a:67, 69-70; Juan andUlloa 1978 [1749]:116-119; Salomon 1991:2; van de Guchte 1992:91;Wood 1986:51-54). Several sources report that the Jesuits, Franciscansand others used illustrated religious texts, paintings, music, and theatricaiprocessions to teach the catechism (Armas Medina 1953:280-281, Heras1992:13, L6pez-Baralt 1992:24, Vargas Ugarte 1953, vol. 1:325-327).Acost.a states that pebbles were used to help in memorizing prayers. Othercolomal m ~ d e r n authors tell usthatthe knotted stringquipu, an Andeanmnemomc deVIce (see below) was also used in confession and to teach thecatechism andprayers (Acosta 1962 [1590]:290-291, Cummins 1994:213,note 24, Duv io ls 1 977:3 05 , Guaman Poma de Ayala 1980[1585-1615]:584-585). In Guaman Poma's drawing of the Sacrament ofConfession, the Indian being confessed may have a quipu draped aroundhis arm (Cumm ins 1992:53; Guaman Poma de Ayala 1980[1585-1615]:584), although Barnes (1992b:178-179) has sU/igested thatthe o ~ j e c t depicted may be a headband rather than a quipu. Fray LuisJer6mmo de (1992 [1598]), the great Franciscan catechist of thesixteenth century, advocated memorizat ion and singing to teach thecatechism in native tongues, but he makes no mention of pictographs.

We are uncer ta in , t he re fo re , about the exi st ence of colonialpictographs. It is only in the nineteenth century that we find the first cleard e s c r i p t ~ o n s . a n d reproductions of Andean pictographic catechetical aids. 12In the mld-mneteenth century Tschudi (1869:282-284,314-317) described



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Ibarra 1953: facing page 16) and, less frequently, painted or incised inleather, wood, or stone (Ibarra 1953: 16-17). TheHuntington is drawn ins i ~ p l e black only, while Ibarra's manuscripts (and those described byWIener [1880)) are often drawn or decorated with colored inks. TheHuntington follows the familiar European left to right, top to bottomorder.Most of the Andean paper texts (and those from Mexico) are writtenboustrophedon; that is, like oxen plowing a field, the pictographs zigzagback and forth from bottom or top: often beginning at bottom left, theyare read alternately from left to right, right to left, leftto right, and so on.


The Huntington is outstanding in the naturalism of its pictographs. Itis usually possible to recognize both the object and the idea representedonce one knows the text. Tschudi 's material also contains some easilyrecognizable signs like those in the Huntington Catechism. The otherAndean texts, like theTesterian manuscripts, however, contain many signsso abstract or stylized that it is difficult to recognize the objects picturedor to discern their meaning. Nonetheless, the Huntington does share a fewsymbols with the other Andean catechisms. Although the Huntingtongenerally employs circles to represent both cardinal and ordinal numbers(see Fig. 2), in a few cases numbers are shown by vertical strokes (18recto, lines 1 and 5) simi lar to those in many of Ibarra's manuscripts. ISOther common elements are such standard European signs as the cross,the steepled church, the kneeling man, and the priest. Stick figures (butdifferently drawn) are also common in the various Andean catechisms.

The Huntington also differs from some of the o ther Andeancatechisms in not employing any rebuses. In a rebus, the picture of onething represents the sounds of something else. In a commonUnited Statesexample, found in children's books, the picture of an eye, a carpenter'ssaw, and an ant is used to represent the phrase "I saw [my] aunt." In thecase of some of the catechisms studied by Ibarra and others, the Aymaraand Quechua names of the objects pictured are homonyms of one or moresyllables of the words that make up the prayers and instructions (Tamayo1911; Ibarr a 1991:47 , 1953:28-29; Har tmann 1991; and Holmer,Miranda, and Ryden 1951). Rebus signs, therefore, are used to createrough syllabaries, a process similar to the method sometimes used in theTesterian manuscripts, but conforming to the sounds, meanings, andsymbolic associations of A/mara and Quechua rather than Nahuatl andother Mexican languages. I

Figure 5. The Salve Regina (3R, Line 2)In one of the Andean pictographic catechism, for example, a piece

of cloth (p 'aeha) is used to represent the earth (paeha) (Holmer, Miranda,and Ryden 1951:183, and Hartmann 1991:174). Ibarra also argues that(Ibarra 1953:28-29) in his manuscripts the eye pictograph is a rebusmeaning first. In the Huntington the eye pictograph is a rebus-like device,but it is not an actual rebus. In the Huntington the eye pictograph derivesfrom Quechua usage in which flawi[n] ("eye") describes the source notonly of vision but of such phenomena as irrigation canals (see Fig. 4).17The picture of an eye, therefore, is functioning like a semantic sign orsemasiograph (see below) instead of representing a sound as in an actualrebus.

Ibarra (1953:29) says that rebus signs range from just under twentypercent to fifty-five percent of the signs inhis text. These figures that maybe an exaggeration. It is difficult to understand how he has obtained hispercentages, because many of his texts are only partly deciphered. Wealso have some reservations concerning the meanings he has assigned tosome of the pictographs he has analyzed. IS Andean rebus signs still awaita detailed study.

Instead of rebuses, the Huntington relies on semantic signs, orsemasiographs (see below). All the A nde an c atec hism s usesemasiographs, but their frequency and nature differ. Semasiographs arepictures that directly represent the ideas being conveyed, as for example,when loaves of bread are used to represent bread (tanta) (Hartmann1991: 176; Ibarra 1953:27_28).19 Some semasiographs are more symbolic,such as the picture of a cross representing Christ instead of the cross (Fig.1, line 1) or an encircled church to represent the Earth (Fig. 1, line 1).


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14 LATIN AMERICAN INDIAN LITERATURES JOURNAL PICTOGRAPHS IN THE ANDES 15Semasiographs are utilized throughout the Huntington Catechism, butusually employing different signs from those in other Andean texts. In theHuntington Creed for example, a man with a hammer represents maker(Quechua: r u r a l ~ (Fig. 1, l ine 1), but in Ibarra's Julian Guerrero Creedthe maker is shown by a rebus sign of a peach (Ibarra 1953:176, 190).

The Huntington Catechism also differs from many of the othercatechisms in that it most commonly utilizes signs to convey not sounds,syllables or words but complex ideas. Thus, in the Huntington "SalveRegina". two figures shedding tears before theVirgin represent notsoundsor words per se but the idea of "to thee do we cry" (Fig. 5)?1 In the TenCommandments, a man encircling a woman's leg with his own designatesboth the action of adultery in the sixth commandment (Fig. 2) and of"coveting thy neighbor's wife" in the ninth commandment. It may be thatthe Andean Catechisms, like the Mexican ones, comprise "two distinctgenres-those which utilize an ideographic-mnemonic system and thosethat u ti lize a phonetic-rebus system" (Watts 1991:424; see Glass1975:283-284 for a different assessment). The Huntington Catechismparallels the ideographic-mnemonic tradition: it employs semasiographsrather than rebuses.

The Function of the CatechismsThe process that produced the Andean Catechisms is pretty muchunknown. Although Ibarra saw them stil l being made in the 1940s, heprovides little information on social context. He tells us that Indians could

create new signs when they wanted to (Ibarra 1953:25) and that they madethe religious texts to teach children and to prepare those going to confessduring religious feasts and weddings (Ibarra 1941 :46, 1953: 18). He says,moreover, that the manuscripts were commonly hidden from himselfandother outsiders (see also Bandelier 1969 [1910):88). He also reports thatthe Bishop of La paz had seen the pictographs being used to read and writeCatholic prayers in a community south of Lake Poopo (Ibarra 1953:12).In onecase an evangelical Christianused the pictographic system to recordthe songs of his new religion (Ibarra 1953: 15).

The fine penmanship of the Huntington suggests that it was producedby a learned person, perhaps a skilled craftsperson or a priest.22 Thepresumed loss of the first few pages implies wear from active use.23 The

drawn "Amen" and other crude emendations on 3 verso and the bottomof 20 recto suggests that the catechism was used by someone other thanthe artist, perhaps a semi-literate peasant employing it in active teaching,similar to the use reported by the Bishop of la paz to Ibarra (1953:15).

We have notpersonally observed theuse of pictographic texts, eitherin Peru's Ayacucho Valley, north of the region where most catechismshave been found, or elsewhere in Peru. Such texts, however, may havebeen used by peasant prayer leaders (known variously as rezantes,ce/adores, promotores de la/e, and catequistas),24 people similar to thelay catechists used in native missions in North America (Steltenkamp1993:44-61). In the 19608 in the Ayacucho region semi-literate prayerleaders used printed prayer books to help them remember the order andcontent of the prayers, in much the way that notes help structure a lectureor a recipe guides us in preparing a familiar dish. The recitation of theprayer leaders is crucial in Roman Catholic ceremonies performed bypeasant (Indian) political leaders without the priest. The pictographic textsmay have served a similar function inthe past inthe southern area of Peruand in Bol iv ia . The peasant polit ical organization (varayoc) wasresponsible for maintaining RomanCatholic religious customs throughoutthe colonial period (Barnes 1992a:76) and into the recent past (Mitchell1991: 149-155). These peasantleadersalso served as auxiliaries in teach ingthe catechism inthe colonial period (ArmasMedina 1953:273-277). Sincememorization was the primarymechanismused to teach religious doctrine( O r ~ 1992 [1598], Wood 1986:53), mnemonic devices would be usefulaids.

Pictographs and pre-Columbian WritingAlthough there are no pre-Columbian texts, Ibarra (1953:35) believesthat the Andean catechisms represent an ancient form of pre-ColumbianAmerican writing,25 but the documentation for this assertion is slight.Ibarra is an extreme diffusionis t: he bel ieves that Mediterraneanhieroglyphic writing diffused to the Americas where it subsequently

degenerat ed bu t con tinued in p ic tograph ic form ( Ibar ra 1953:11,1991:483, 489-490; see especially the critiques of Lettner [1973) andNaville [1966]). The issue of pre-Columbian writing is important becauseit is commonly believed that the Andean region was the only center ofprimal civilization that did not develop a formal system of writing.


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Ibarra's argument for the pre-Columbian origin of the pictographicwriting system is as fol lows: 1) although the references are oblique,allusions are found in the colonial chronicles concerning some form ofnative writing; 2) the symbols and boustrophedon form of writing, as wellas the few three-dimensional examples of clay pic tographs , are notEuropean in origin; 3) the writing system employed in the catechisms,while today used primarily for Roman Catholic prayers, has generalizedutility and can be applied to other contexts; 4) the Andean pictographs arerelated to pictographic writing systems found elsewhere in the Americas(Ibarra 1953:64-65).

Some chroniclers make vague and suggest ive references to nativewriting, but others clearly say that the Andean peoples had none (Burns1981 and Ibarra 1953:35-51). Acosta, for example, tells us that Peruviansdid not have painted writing as in China and Mexico (Acosta 1962[1590]:290), a position accepted by mostmodernscholars. A few modemauthors have proposed that pre-Columbian writing existed intunic designs(Barthel 1971, Burns 1981, de lalara 1974, 1975), ceramic motifs (Burns1981), designs on wooden drinking vessels (keros) (de la lara 1975), andpainted beans (Larco Hoyle 1943, 1966:102-103). The arguments andevidence of these authors, however, tend to be speculative and not veryvigorous (Harrison 1989:60; Kauffmann Doig 1973:17-28; Liebscher1986, M ~ t r a u x 1963). Nonetheless, the dramatic recent changes in ourconceptions of Mesoamerican writing (Boone 1994, Coe 1992) caution usnot to dismiss the possibility of an Andean writing system out-of-hand.

Writing entai ls the use of physical signs to represent speech. In aglottographic writing system the written signs represent speech sounds,either phonemes or morphemes. The signs, therefore, are visible speech(Coe 1992). They are t ied to language in such a way that they are "ableto depict all possible utterances of a language ... and ... to be ...interpreted in the same way (in the same words ) by two successiveobservers" (Coe 1992:21). If you are l iterate in English, you can readthis text without any special preparation. In a semasiographic system, onthe other hand, the signs are divorced from a par ti cular language andrepr esent ideas r ather than sounds (Boone 1994:15). The icons on acomputer are semasiographic as are most international road signs and theoutlines of the skirted woman and trousered man used to designate toilets.Some modem authors have argued that semasiographic systems shouldalso be considered writing (Boone 1994).

To record information, pre-Columbian Andeans primari ly usedvarious mnemonic systems that had to be interpreted by learned people(Boone 1994, Cummins 1994, Rappaport 1994). Although some portionsof these sys tems may have been glottographic , they were primari lysemasiographic . Indeed, these mnemonic sys tems may have been soefficient that they precluded the development of glottographic writing

( M ~ t r a u x 1963:14).The knotted string quipus (Ascher and Ascher 1981, Locke, 1923,

Nordenski6ld, 1979 [1925]) are the best known mnemonic device, butother systems were also uti lized. Cummins (1994) has argued that theabstract geometric forms (known as tocapu) found on tunics and woodendrinking vessels (queros or keros) recorded information mnemonically bymeans of color, formal arrangement, and context (see also Bums 1981).Pebbles, seeds, and clay models may also have been used as mnemonicdevices ( Ibar ra 1953:40-43, 155; MacCormack 1991:155). Andeanpeoples also communicated symbolic information by means of complexiconographical traditions (Cordy-Coll ins and Stern 1977, Rowe andMenzel 1967) in petroglyphs (Urteaga 1919:53), sculpture (Stone-Miller1995), murals (Bonavia 1985), pottery (Donnan 1976), gourds (Boyer1976), queros (Liebscher 1986), and cloth (Cereceda 1986, Paul 1990).In the buildingof the Huaca del Sol and the Huaca de laLuna, the Mochepeople noted thework contribution of different work groups by means of101 maker's marks (various combinations of dots and straight and curvedlines) incised into the adobe bricks used in theconstruction (Moseley 1975,Hastings and Moseley 1975).The pictographic catechisms are also primarily semasiographic rather

than glottographic. They function much like the Stations of the Cross in atwentieth-century Roman Catholic church. Even with the rebus signs, thepictographs are primari ly mnemonic aids (Mallery 1883:219-223,Posnansky 1912:76, Tschudi 1869). In the Huntington Catechism theexact meaning of a particular sign often varies according to the text beingconveyed. A kneeling figure with hands in prayer position clearlyrepresents "I believe,,26 in the Credo (Fig . 1), "I confess,,21 in theConfiteor (20 recto, line 1), "honor,,28 ("thy father and thy mother") inthe Fourth Commandment (4 rec to , line 4), and the bel iever kneelingbefore Christ in the Theological Virtue of Faith (18 recto, l ine I). Severalsymbols represent God. The idea of God the Father is often shown by astandingmanwith cloak andpointed hat inan oval mandorla(a whole-bodyhalo), placed above other figures in a group (eg., Fig. 1, l ine I). A raised,


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Figure 6. The Articles of the Faith (6R, Line 2)

seated figure in a circle, sometimes double-rimmed, often with a ring oftiny bubbles or dots around it (eg., Fig. 1, l ine 1) also designates the deityand sometimes heaven.29 God the Son often sits with the Father in theheavencircle (Fig. I, line3), but He is also represented as a cross-crownedperson with cloak (Fig. 1, line 5). A simplified crucifix usually representsJesus Chris t (Fig. 1, l ine 1). In the text of "The Articles of the Faith,"the virginityofMary is conveyed by three, little crowned women, the firstwithout the Christ child, the second with the child under her skirt, and thethird with the infanton her arm-that is, she is virgin before, during andafter the birth of the child (see Fig. 6).30 In the "Salve Regina" the similarprayer formula "Blessed Mary Ever Virgin" is shown by three adult-sizedcrowned women but without the half-figure of Christ under the skirt ofthe second woman (3 recto, line 4).

While drawing on common traditions, the Andean catechisms areoften idiosyncratic: they were developed by particular people to helpthemselves or the people they taught to remember particular texts. That iswhy writers freely create new signs and why the signs vary from place toplace (see Ibarra 1953:24-29). Ibarra(1953:24) reports that thesigns varyconsiderably and that there are several thousand of them inthe manuscriptsthat he has examined. This variability in the meaning of the signs wouldmake it impossible to translate any of the material ifthe nature of the textswere not standard and if in the Huntington the incipits of the texts werenot given in alphabetic script at the top of each page. I f one knows thecontext, however, themeaning canbe discerned by a speaker of Quechua,Aymara, Spanish, or English. It is because of such symbolic variation thatLettner (1973: 109) prefers to call the pictographic texts "systems ofcommunication" rather than writing (but see Boone 1994). Nonetheless,the Huntington pictographs follow Quechua rather than Spanish or Englishword order. Thus, in the Creed the pictographs clearly portray, from leftto right, first heaven, then the earth, then two men (one of them appears



11/22


"8o....oQ)...Z

~Q)uc::

>


12/22

22 LATIN AMERICAN INDIAN LITERATURES JOURNAL PICTOGRAPHS INTHE ANDES 23

Figure 10. The Corporal Works of Human Mercy (7R, Line 3)

This existing Roman Catholic iconographical tradition is very evidentin the depiction of the Works of Mercy. The Huntington iconography inthis text (7 recto) is similar to European versions found, to cite only a fewof the hundreds of examples, in a fourteenth-century English wall paintingin Trotton, Sussex (Anderson 1%3, plate 4b) and in a fifteenth-centuryCatalan manuscript (Boase 1972: 122-123). The Huntington depicts eachof the Seven Corporal Works of Mercy with iconographical devices thatare similar to those found in the two European examples. Thus, "visitingthe sick" (Fig. 10) is represented by a person in bed surrounded by oneor more standing or seated figures. "Givi ng food to the hungry" isrepresented by the giving of bread and by people seated at a table (Fig .10). Although the drawing and detai ls dif fer considerably, the basiciconographical patterns are established European ones that argue againstindependent origins . Indeed, the table shown in this pic tograph andthroughoutthe manuscript is alien to nativepractice. Rural Andean peoplegenerally do not eat at a table but eat seated on an adobe or wooden benchor on a log madefrom the trunk of themaguey plant or on skins or ponchosplaced on the ground.

Finally, the Huntington Catechism and the vast majority of the otherAndean texts are careful renditions of official Roman Catholic doctrine.Contemporary Andean religion is highly syncret ic , an amalgam ofindigenous and European bel ie fs (Ha rr ison 1989:48 ; Mitchell1991: 132-162). I f this wri ting sys tem were autochthonous andpre-Columbian, we would expect local beliefs to be better represented inthe texts, as they are, for example, in the syncret ic seventeenth-centurynarrative and drawings of Santacruz Pachacuti Yamqui (Harrison1989:55-84 , but s ee Pachacu ti Yamqui Sal camaygua 1993). In theHuntington, one does not even encounter such syncretisms as the serving

of guinea pig at the Las t Supper, a representat ion found in c o l o n i ~ 1paintings in the Cathedral in Cusco and the Convent of Ocopa InHuancayo.

Both the many European signs and the Roman Catholic t e x t s . a ~ g u efor an Old World orig in. If the pictographic system were abongInal,moreover we would expect people to use pic tographs in a var ie ty ofcontexts :ather than just to record the Roman Catholic catechism (Ibarra1991:482). Nor is theboustrophedonorder unique to the NewWorld:ear li es t Homer ic Greek inscriptions are in boust rophedon order (pe l1966:99). Medieval European visual representations of. narrative cycles,such as saints' l ives in stained glass, are often found In boustrophedonorder. Stained glass is almost always meant to be read from the bottom up(Male 1958:38).

The Andean catechisms, like the Testerian ones in Mexico, belongto a religious tradition in which the Roman Catholic ~ h u r ~ h usespictographic mnemonic devices to teach complex theological Ideas toi lli te ra tes (Anderson 1963; Webber 1938). This is , for example , therationale for the Stations of the Cross. The Council of Trent (1545-1563)had encouraged the use of images to proselytize (L6pez-Baralt 1992: 1 6 ~ .Picture writing and pictorial catechisms were a common Roman Cathohcmissionary device (Glass 1975, Gante 1970[1528], Watts 1991:424-425,428 notes 54 55 and 64). Even Black Elk , famous as a Sioux Holyhad worked ~ m o n g the Oglala as a lay Roman Catholic catechist inthe :arly part of the twentieth century, teaching by means of a c o m m ~ ~picture catechism known as the "Two Roads Map" (Steltenkamp 1993).

Some g r a p h e ~ e s and media certainly may be oflocal derivation. TheFranciscans working in Mexico adapted indigenous graphemes to thesystem they invented (Galarza 1992). Similar adaptations may have takenplace in the Andes. The choice of clay figurines to record the ~ e x t sderive from Andean ceramic tradition. The use of a semaslographlcmnemonic device may also be rooted in Andean mnemonic tradition. It isalso possible that thegeometricdesigns in Ibarra'smaterials be rel.atedto the pre-Columbian use of geometric figures or tocapu. It 18 pOSSIble,moreover that the boustrophedon style may have pre-Columbian ratherthan E u r ~ p e a n roots. Some iconographical themes may be specificallyAndean. As noted above, th e use of an eye to indicate "ftrst" or"beginning" may be derived from Andean linguistic usage: The use of arayed circle with a face to indicate "holy" (see 5 recto, hne 1) may be


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related to native iconography in the colonial period in which a rayed circlewas used to represent the native deity tayta inti, "Father Sun." DavidBrowman has briefly examined a manuscript obtained in La Paz, Bolivia(probably late nineteenth century , catalogued as item number 2 inAppendix 1) that may contain glyphs at least superficially similar to motifson Inca ceramics from La Paz Department (personal communication, 8November 1993 and 25 October 1995).34 It is questionable, however, todescribe the resulting works as aboriginal. Theyare European adaptationsof native symbols and media to further European religious and colonialgoals.

ConclusionsThe Huntington is a unique and beaut iful representat ive of alittle-known Andean catechetical tradition that certainly has enduringaesthetic and intellectual appeal. While the issue of autochthonous Andeanwriting systems is by no means closed, the Huntington Catechism lendslittle support to the claim that the catechisms represent a native writingsystem.In spite of their source inEuropean beliefand iconography, however,the pictographic catechisms were incorporated into Andean religiouspractice. The pictographs employed in the production of these catechisms,therefore, merit greater attent ion than they have received so far by

scholars. It would be espec ia lIy u sefu l to s tudy the graphemicrepresentations in the other Andean catechisms more carefulIy. Many ofthem tend to be more abstract and stylized than theHuntington. We thinkit unlikely, but it is c ert ainl y poss ible that they pr es er ve somepre-Columbian graphemic representations. We particularly need to knowwhat Andean peoples themselves say about these texts. Before even moreof the memory data are lost, we need a careful community and archivalstudyof catechetical production, one thatfocuses on both the social contextand use of the catechisms. Only then will we know how the creators andusers of the catechisms interpret the marks used to create them.

AcknowledgmentsWe thank the Monmouth University Grants and Sabbaticals Committee forfunding various aspects of our work on catechisms. Monica Barnes, Marfa A.Benavides, David Browman, Anita Cook, Tom Cummins, Mary Davis, DavidFleming, Jane Freed, Luis Millones, the ReverendDavid Ourisman, andBarbaraPrice have generously provided bibliographic and critical help. Monica Barnesalso drafted the figures. We appreciate the invaluable helpof TeofiloAltamirano,Herlinda Ramos de Oriundo and Monica Barnes with the Quechua and of SteveNiedzwiecki of the Monmouth Univers ity l ibrary for inter library loans .Appropriately enough, we are finishing this manuscript while residing in theParroquia of the Virgen de laMacarena inLimaand wewish to thank Padre Pedro

LeOn Oriundo for his hospitality.List of Figures

Figure 1. The Apostles' Creed 1 (recto)The incipit reads: Yini[m]Dios Yaya llapaatipacman. I believe inGod, the FatherAlmighty.Figure 2. The Sixth Commandment (4R, Line 6)The sixth commandment is: thou shalt not commit adultery. Socta flequensimiflinmi. Ama huachucchu canqui.Note: PereDa 1985: 33. The first man with armupraised is an existence marker.Thesix plain circles in a row indicate the ordinal number6, a common system ofnumerical notation in the Huntington, while the circle with a face at the end ofthesequence indicates commandment. The secondman witharm upraisedsignifiesama, "do not. ..Figure 3. The Salve Regina (3R, Line 3)Tum then, most gracious advocate, thine eyes of mercy toward us. Chay arimarcaycu, flocaycuman chay cuyapayac iJauijquicta cutirichimuy.Note: PereDa 1985:26. TheVirgin, holding "an eyeofmercy" ineachhandbeforetwo kneeling figures, represents the idea of the text. Theman with upraised armfunctions as an existence marker.Figure 4. The Sacrament of Baptism (2R, Line 1)There are seven sacraments of holy mother church. TI!.e first is baptism. SanctaYglesia mamanchicpa Sacro[men]toncuna.canchicmi. N a ~ p a q u e ' . ' m i . Bautismo.Note: Pereiia 1985:36. The hat on the pnest (a three-pomted btretta or bonete)was worn by both Jesuits and diocesan clergy. The man with upraised armindicates existence "this is." The pictograph of an eyederives from iJawin, "eye"or "beginning," and is used to represent "the first" which in the Quechua text iswritten as iJaupaqenmi.Figure 5. The Salve Regina (3R, Line 2). To thee do we send up our sighs,mourning and weeping. Cantam yuyamuycu, huacaspa, anchispa.Note: PereDa 1985:26.


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Figure 6. The Articles of the Faith (6R, line 2)The second ~ r t i c l e of Faith is.to b e ~ i e , : , e that Jesus Christwas born from thevirgin

~ o ~ ~ of S ~ ~ t Mary, . s h ~ bemg v l r g ~ b e f o r ~ and after the birth. Yskny flequens l m l p ~ yfJlm Pay qUlqum Jesu ChTlstom Virgen Saneta Mariap vicsanmanta,paca!lmurcan: manarac huachaspa, huachaynimpi, fJahuachaspapas vifJay virgencaptm.Note: Pereiia 1985:29-30. The last three figures representMary as Virgin beforeduring, and after the birth of Jesus. 'Figure 7. The Confiteor (20 R, Line 3)Through my fault, through my fault, through my most grievous fault. Therefore,I beseech B l ~ s s e d Mary Ever Virgin, Blessed Michael the Archangel, BlessedJohn theBaptIst, theHoly Apostles Peter andPaul, and . . . Huchaymi, huchaymi,ancha '!atun huchaymi. Chayraycum, muchaycuni vifJay virgen saneta Mariaeta,sanlMiguelArchangelta, sam Juan Baptistaeta, Apostolcuna, Sam Pedroeta, santPablocta . . .

N ~ e : P ~ r e i i a 1985:42. 1be ic?Oography used to portray the Saints is European:SamtMichael the ArchangelWIth sword and scales and Saint John the Baptistwitha banner of victory. The Holy Apostles Peter and Pau l do not show the usualEuropean iconography (paul, f or example , does not have his book), probablybecause the figures are so small they lack detail .Figure 8. Catechism Questions on the Sacrament of Penance (l6R, Line 4)Q: And how should one prepare to receive the sacrament of penance?A: Third, kneel with love and tel I the sins to the priest.Note: The textrepresents ou r interpretation ofthe pictographs.We have not foundany Quechua text that corresponds exactly with the pictographs.Figure 9. Catechism Questions on the Existence and Nature of God (9R Lines 5~ ~ ,Q: How manypersons has God? A. There are three persons.q: What the three persons? A: Theyare the Father, the Holy Ghost, and (ourmterpretatIon of the last three figures) the Son of Mary and the Father.Note: See note to Figure 8. The Trinity is depicted as three equal men and Christi s depictedas the son of Mary and the father.Figure 10. The Corporal Works of Human Mercy (7R, Line 3)The corporal works of mercy include visiting the sick and g iv ing food to thehungry.

Appendix 1: Finding List of Andean Pictographic TextsExplanation of Headings, Abbreviations and Notes to Finding List:Number Column: Numbers are assigned roughly by age, detennincd by dateof publicationif no other infonnation.Provenance Column: Provenance is often only sketchily given, so the provenance dataare approximate.

Date Column: Little reliable dating of actual texts. The dates usually represent date ofacquisition (ifavailable), a dateplaced on thetext (whenpresent), or thedate of publicationof the ftrst description of the text.Content Column: RC = Roman Catholic; C Texts=some or all the standard prayers inthe catechism and sometimes some part of the BriefCatechism: Paternoster, Credo, AveMaria, TenCommandments, Confiteor, Actof Contrition, Commandments ofthe Church,Articles of the Faith, Works of Mercy, Seven Sacraments.LanguageColumn: A = Aymara; Q = Quechua.Order Column: B = Boustrophedon; L = leftto right as in European script; S = Spiralfrom outside to the inside in a circular pattern.Medium and Author Column: Precisc descriptions of productionmedia and authors areoften lacking.Repository Column: The designation given in thesources, butpreciseinfonnation is oftenlacking.CitationColumn: Infonnation on theoriginalsources and important subsidiarydiscussionsof the material.Finding Number 2: A gift to David Browman from the Museum for the UniversidadMayor de San Simon, Cochabamba, Bolivia. "The paper appears to be a page ripped outof a bookwith sewn lining; the recto side has 'Sampaya, Cochabamba, ITI6,' while theverso side has 9 lines ofglyphs." Possibly Aymara and probably 19th century (because ofthemanufactured music notation paper), but theapparent dateof 1776 may make it earlier(David Browman, personal communications, 8 November 1993, 10 January 1994, and 25October 1995).FindingNumbers 9, 10and 11: These references may represent thesamematerial. Ibarra(1953:IQO..I22) accuses Posnansky (numbers 10 and 11) of both falsifying data andplagiarizing Tamayo (number 9).FindingNumbers 28 and 29: Ibarra (1941:46) discusses two clay tablets from San Lucasmade in 1940or 1941 and donated to theMuscoNacional (La Paz). It is unclear if Numbers28 and 2 9 in Finding List, gifts to European Museums, are these tablets or different ones.FindingNumber 30: Theauthorshipof the patriotic anthems is unclcar, butPadre PorlirioMiranda Rivera wrote the Paternoster, using his knowledge of the pictographic systemobtained during his stay in San Lucas (see also Holmer, Miranda, and Ryden 1951).Miranda may not have made the Potos! anthem produced in clay, since he says it is to befound in the Museo Nacional de la Casa de la Moneda de la Villa Imperial (Miranda1958:126).


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28 LATIN AMERICAN INDIANLITERATURES JOURNAL PICTOGRAPHS IN THE ANDES 29ArrFNDlX I: FINDING LIST OF ANDEAN rlCTOGRArlllC TEXTSN. Arr""lIm.ltd.I,, ' ( " _ ' ~ n " 1. ..._ OrI t u . k ~ &or No.' App",l

I n , . l ~ dllc'C on tf llt' L.",- Or_

l ual! : " der'16th C o n r e s ~ i o n -

(' enturv al Aid 19 Bolivia B Lined paper GothenburgEthnog. Ibam 1953:317Museum. Gift or Lee>PulcherPa5torOrdol ln 1942;Ibam 1953,72.76-79

Museo NacionaJ LiTlUl(giftofOrdoilez)Notebook

A

Works ofMercy?Articles ofFaith?

RC Texts942?

1942un.reru20

A ( o ~ t . 1590288-290

David Browman. personalcommunication, Nov 8,1993, Jan 10, 1994, & Oct25,1995

David BrowmlUl,W a . . ~ h i n g l o n U Giftfrom Mus ofUnivMayor de San Simon,Cochabamba. BoliVIa

Loot

Onesheetmachine-madelined paper (IImusical score),184xl70cm

RC Texts, A?perhaps TenCommandmenls

1776?19thcentury?

Samp_,.._CopacabanaBoliVia

re m

2'

La paz museum (lost) T ~ ( h u d i 1869: 282-284;DolI."rt 1870: 356-358;IbalTl 1953.6972

21 Vichada. Prov 1942of N o r ~ C h i c h a sPotosi, Bolivia

Sampay.Coracabana8011\1&Samr,.('{'JlaCah:mABoll\, .Sic... icaBoIV11Paucartambo"alltv

C l l s n ~ , "..-tt1A n d 6

Titicara blandI.ake TiticacaBolivia

19thCentury

lothCmtury

19thCenlUI\19thC('ttt\l')'

Ca 1850

1895

RC Texts

Shorter( ' l I . h . c h i ~ m

RCTexts

Sacraments& other RCTex.tsRCCatechism

RCTeltts

A

A

A?

O?

o

B

L

Llamahide

SheerHideClolh

Holland paper

Leatherboundlined papernotebookHide

MuseumfiirV61kerlc.unde ACrim

La paz Museum (lost)

Musoo de Cusoo

Huntington Freelibrary

Sociedad Goografieade Lima

T!chlldi 1869: 314-317;Ifolmtr . Rivtra &. Rydln1951:112Wiener 1880 1 7 2 ~ 775;Ibarra 1953:12-13, lale ivWif:nrr 1880 772-775;Ihan-alC)53 727J,I22123. vlate IVMitchdl1918. Jaye &.Mitchellnd, p ~ n t tn t

B a n d e l ~ r I969{1 91 0):89. Plate XI (oppositep 48); lb . , . . 1953 2;Boledn de la 50(. G" . deLima, vol. V, 189\ 1slI nuarter, n 120

22

2J

25

26

l I .denda 1942CannaPotosi, Bolivia

'hcft-nda 1942CannaPotosi, BoliviaIheitnda 1')42('annaPotosi, BoliviaFinca 1943Oroncota, ProvLmares, Potosi,BollV1aSur t ipn Mid 20thPotosi. Bolivia Certtury?

RCTexts

RCTexts

RCTe,.;ts

RCTexts

RC Texts

Q

o

oo

B

II

B

B

Notebook

TwopapersheetsManut:laA!ltoraiauiClayManutl.AslorainulPaperVanousauthors

Newspaper

Schoolnotebook of~ P u c h e r

Ibarr.

Ibarr.

Los.

Ibarr. ha., c o p i ~

Ibarr.

MuseoNacionaJTiahuanacoIbarra eoov

'b.rra 1953: 227-233

I harn 1953 2]5-241

Ibarr . 1 9 ~ J 24120

I barn 1953 251-261

Ibarn 1953 1J3-134,263-267

Q- hlandt' or EMly 20th Rc Tel{1sTiticaca 18thBoli\-ia CenturY?

A B Sheep or llama Musoo Nacionalhide Tiahuanaco. La paz T.m.yo 1911.lbarr.19l3.I1,83-98

21 Calcha Mid 20th AveMaria, QPotosi.Bolivia Ce ntu ry et c, ? B Paper? (:nft ofMiranda toIbarr. Mirand. 1958.tbam1953: 1 2 3 ~ 1 2 8 , LaminaXIX10- Samp.,..

Cor3C3hanaAoh\1aEarly 20th Doetrina ACmlUI')' ('nshana?

Yo Pecador?B L1onaorvicuila hide Posnansky 1910 fig 34,12-73.96-94; 1912 15,

Ibarra 1953 9Q103. 119_122

28 San Luce.ChuquisacaProv, Dept ofCinti BoliVla

I940? Pal erNost er Q Clay GothenburgEthnographicMU!leum49.2.1

lI.rtmann 1984, 1991;Holmer.Miranda. &.Ryd!n 1951

Mid 20th Pater noster QCentury & various

patriotican!bems

II - SampayaCopacabanaBolIl."1a

12 ChucuiloPuno Peru13 Chu("uito1Puno.Peru

Ear ly20th Art iclesof ACentury the F lh

Earlv 20th('enlurvEarly20th R(' TextsCentury?

Posnansky 1912 74.79.Ibarra 1953 IOJ-115

M \ I ~ e o PradoLima lJ r tur:a 1919 5 J - ~ ~ .Ibarra 195J13

B? Twoexamples SociedadGoografica I J r t ~ a l . (Revistas dede Lima Lima), Cun" nd: 321.333;

tban-. 1953 1476

29" San L.uc.,ChuquisacaProv, DeptofGnli, Bolivia

JO- San L.uca5?ChuquisacaProv, Dept ofCmti, Bolivia

1950? PaterNosier Q Clay

D PaperClay

Seminar fUrVOlkerkunde1252Bonn Vniv.Ha n mann 1984,1991

Miranda 1958, Ibarra1953 124-121

14 Virichi,Prov 1911 1of Nor-Chichas 1942Potosi,Bolivia

18 I f a c ~ n d aFalapalani.IslaCumana

B Notebook w IbarraleatherbackingGrrt ' .Machau

lb .,.. 1953 129-133

Ibarra 1953 129-1J3.217-219

Iba.,.. 1953' 128.133.1991:484-485

Ibarr.

Clay Museo NacionllTiahuan8CO. La Paz

} ti de repro-- I bar raduction of JorgeValdezschool n o 1 e ~book Miranda

B SchoolnotebookJulianGuerrero

L Paper IbarraJuan Um.chi I coov

B

ove Maria

6RCTexts:

Mid 20th Diet!o llar y AC e n l U ~ o f G I ~ h s

Mid 20thCentury

ell. 1950

c.1950 15RCTexts 0

SanL.uceChuquisacaI)TQv. Dept ofCinti, Bolivi3San L u ( uChuquisacaProvo Dept ofCmll, Bolivia

3\ San LuceChuquisaellProv,Depl ofCinti Bolivia

J2

J4

3)

Ibarra 1953 221-226.1991 483

Ib.rra 1953, 285-297

Ibam 1953: 191-216

Ibarra 1 9 ~ 3 - 299-309

Ib . rn 194145; 195.1273283

Ibarr.

Ibarra copy ofPosnansh on mal

Ibarr.

OeuriC ~ h e l d b v l b a r r .

Paper telctsvarious authors

Notebook

Schoolnotebook

B paper

B

B

L

RCCatechism& PrayersRC Texts: A

RC Texts A

RCTexts

RCC""".& 0Prayers

lQ41

Hacienda 192J1Cumana 1941Isla Cumana

hi . dt la Luna 1940Koatv. Bali\,.

O(lIri 19221Boh\,. 1942

15

16

17

CallawayalJOllVl3

Mid 20th Non -RCCentuN m8.l!ie Leadfigures O h l i l a ~ 1%3 228-2 ] ]


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N. PnlH'n_"n Approt- C o e ~ " t ' IA.- 0.- " 'Mh... Rf'potllor:,,' CI-tlo.'1111114 d. l t ' ......

.." ..dAulbn'"36 hl.dt'ISol 194Q A Hide Musco del Colegio del Ibarn 1953 lit-3DLake TitiCllCa San Cali:l:lo. La paz37 hi . dt'l Sol 1950 A Hide Museodel Colegiodel Ib.rn 195)')11-313

Lake Tihcaea Sin CaJixto La pazJ8 hi . dd s.I 1 ' ~ . H RC Texts A B Hide Mus.., del Co l _ del Ibarra 19SJ' JII-JIJ'J q ~ ~ ~ _ TihcACI San C a J i . ~ . L. Pu,_Puqol 1961 RCT _ A ] claydisu M...nc1pal Arch. MusOruro. Bolivia (barn t991: 485--486CO\IeItd with ofOruro; Arch M,"pebbles Ind orSan SimonUniv,

c1.. fioures Cochabamb.40 T . q u i ~ bland 1974 Pater noster Q Reiss-Museum 'brim ann 1984l..ake Tiflcaca A ~ M a r i a MllnIlheinruno. Peru V AM 377]41 T a q u i ~ bland 1979 Pater Noster Q Paper copy of Seminar fur H.rtmann 1984, 1991Lake Titieaca Ave Maria sheq.l*Skin Vt"llkerkunde BonnPuno.Peru on ina) Univ., #.140141 And" Hide "Cfttxxly II.rvl\fd {;Ia!l' In 54] Andn Hide I ~ e a b o d y Mus. GI.. . 1971 285

Endnotes1. We have published a facsimile of the entire Huntington Catechismseparately under the auspices of the Huntington Free Library and Reading Room,9 Westchester Square, Bronx, New York 10461. See Jaye and Mitchell in press.Our notes and interpretations of the pictographs, along with other materials, havebeen deposited with the library.2. We count the lines beginning with the pictographs, omitting the incipilsin the count.3. The Huntington Catechism was discovered by Mary Davis, librarian atthe Huntington Free Library and Reading Room, the library built around thecollection in the Museum of the American Indian, during the preparation of theexhibition entitled, "Echoes of the Drums" in 1978. William P. Mitchell wasasked to identify the manuscript by Anna Roosevelt, then curator of South andMiddle American Archaeology at the Museum, who thought it was probablyAndean, even though it was contained in a wrapper labeled "Quicheor Quechua"

(Mitchell 1978). The manuscript has been relabeled "Quechua Prayer Book."

4. The Quechua available in the incipits is too little to give a preciseidentification of provenance, but it is unlikely that the Quechua is from Cuscobecause of such usages in the incipits as apunchicpa (6R) instead of Cusco'sapunchispa.

5. In our transcription of the Third Lima Catechism and the ineipits of theHuntington Catechism, we use standard practice in which italics indicateexpansion of an abbreviation in the original and brackets indicate our additions.Wehave retained theoriginal capitalizationof the Third Lima Catechismbut havemodernized archaic spellings that might confuse the reader. We have also usedthe following catechisms in Quechua and Spanish to decipher the pictographs:Anonymous 1975, Confraternity of Christian Doctrine 1955, Marquez Zorrilla1967, Tadeo 1978. In the facsimile and in the captions in this paper, we used theBaltimore Catechism to provide the English text, exceptwhere the pictographs orthe Quechua clearly show another meaning.6. Missionaries first taught Roman Catholic doctrine in Mexico by meansof allegorical paintings (Mendieta 1579), rather than pictographic texts, and it isprobable that Fray Jacobo de Testera introduced such allegorical paintings toMexico, ratherthan the Testerian catechisms thatbear his name (Glass 1975:285).Penitents in early colonial Mexico were also taught to use picture writing to listtheir sins before confession (Acosta 1962 [1590]:402-405, Dunlo 1984: 103).7. TheFinding List in Appendix 1 relies primarily on published informationoften difficult to interpret. In the listwe aggregatevarious samples from the samecommunity except in those caseswhere the sources provide extended discussions

of the materials. We have also excluded from the list vague observations of"hieroglyphic writing" among tropical forest people, but have included theobservationsofOblitas (1963:228-233)whohas described theuse of lead figurinesto express non-Roman Catholic magical ideas among the Callawaya of Bolivia.We consider the ,list provisional and welcome corrections, additions, andemendations.

8. We have, used the translation provided by Glass (1975:284). Acosta'sstatement in Spanish reads: "Por la misma forma de pinturas y caracteres vi enel Pinl, escri ta, la confesi6n que de todos sus pecados, un indio trafa, paraconfesarse, pintando cada unode los diezmandamientos porciertomodo, y luegoall( haciendo ciertas seiiales como eifras, que eran los pecados que habfa hechocontra aquel mandamiento" (Acosta 1962 [1590]:290).9. "Tout semble indiquer que la representation graphique des prierescatholiques remonte au xviie siecle, lorsque cette methode a ete popularisee parles Jesuites de la region de Juli, sur les bonis du Titicaca" (Metraux 1963: 14).


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10. Tom Cummins tells us that Perez Bocanegra does not mention the useof pictorial manuscripts in the southern sierra at the beginningof the seventeenthcentury, although he undoubtedly would have as "he was keenly aware of thevisual arts" (Cummins, personal communication, 18 December 1995).

11. Tom Cummins agrees with Barnes that the Guaman Poma drawingrepresents a headband, although quipus were nonetheless used in confession(Cummins, personal communication, 18 December 1995).12. Item number 2 in the Finding List may have been produced in theeighteenth century because someone wrote on the back of the manuscript"Sampaya, Cochabamba, 1776." Nonetheless, this early date is uncertain becausethe donors of the manuscript described it as from the nineteenth century, a datethat David Browman also believes is the likely one (David Browman, personalcommunication, 10 January 1994).13. Ibarra (1991:484) also reports that this picture writing system is foundin northern Argentina, but he includes no texts from this area in the publicationswe have consulted.14. See, for example, the similarities in the heaven iconography of Galarza1992:93, Hartmann 1991:177, and Ibarra 1991:485. The Huntington CaJechismuses a full circle to indicate heaven, but that circle always contains people orobjects (see Fig. I, lines 1 and 3).15. The texts described by Ibarra (1953:26) sometimes designate numeralsby circles or dots, similar to the usual practice in the Huntington, but his textscustomarily utilize vertical lines, usually united at the base in a comb-like formby a horizontal line.16. To clarify this difficult process used in the Titicaca and Testerian works,

we would like to quote PaulineMoffit Watt's (1991:428) translation of a famouspassage fromGer6nirnoMendieta's Historia Eclesiastica Indiana, explaining theconveyance of the word "Paternoster" into written Nahuatl:The word which [the Indians] possess which is closest in pronunciationto Pater is pantli which signifies a little flag with which they count thenumber twenty . . . For the word noster, theword which they havewhichis the closest is nochtli, which is the name of that cactus which here theSpanish call the tuna cactus and in Spain the cactus of the Indies. Thefruit is covered with a green rind crowded with thorns .. . So, in orderto bring to mind theword noster, they paint next to the little flag a tuna[cactusl, which the Indians call nochtli, and in this manner the speechproceeds to its completion.

17. In European iconography, the eye is often a symbol of the All SeeingEye which symbolizes the Omniscience of God. We think, however, that the eyein the catechisms is an Andean rather than European symbol. In the HuntingtonCaJechism the eye means "the first" or "the most important."

18. In the Quechua text of Julian Guerrero's Ten Commandments, forexample, he equates figures 33,57,65,71,76,82,87, and 96-tlSSigning themthemeaningof ama ("do not") which he derives from their supposed resemblanceto "'ama,' 'amila,' con una criaturaen brazos" (Ibarra 1953: 183). We have greatdifficulty seeing all these figures as portraying a womanwith a child in her arms.Many of them look like a figure (male or female) holding an arrow. Indeed, thefigures function like the Huntington portrayal of a man with an upright hand thatalso indicates "donot" (Quechua: ama). Hartmann's research presents analogousdifficulties. For example, she equates figures 3, 24, and 35 of her Paternosterwith figures 27, 30, and 48 (1991:177, 179), butit is difficult to see the similaritybetween the two groups without making extended conjectures.19. Ibarra and Hartmann use the term ideograph, a term which has beenreplaced by logogram or semasiograph (Coo 1992: 18-19).20. The Quechua ruray connotes making something physically as incarpentry. Perhaps a man with a hammer was chosen as this sign by conflatingJesus thecarpenter with God (MonicaBarnes, personal communication, 6 October

1993).21. The Spanish version of this phrase employs llamar ("to call"), while theQuechua rendering is huaqay ("to cry"), perhaps indicating some muddling onthe part of the translators (Monica Barnes, personal communication, 6 October1993). Thecrying figures in theHuntington convey the Quechua wordverywell.22. Galarza (1992:7-8), OIl the other hand, tells us that priests did not drawand, in Mexico, relied OIl the painters of codices to produce the Testerianmanuscripts. The church in the Andes certainly employed native artisans andfostered native art (Vargas Ugarte 1953, vol. 3:461-471).23. The restofthemanuscriptis in fairly good shape. Because themanuscripthas been conserved, however, fingerprint and other wear data are no longer

available.24. These prayer leaders were often women in the village of Quinua,Department of Ayacucho, where we have worked, but in other areas have usually

been men.25. Analogous arguments that the pictographic system is ancient are madeby Bollaert (1870), Miranda Rivera (1958), and Posnansky (1912:74-76). In the


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nineteenth century, however, Tschudi (1869:314-319), examiningmaterials fromthe same area descr ibed by Ibarra, concluded tha t the pic togmphs are recent.Bandelier (1969 [1910]:89) and Metraux (1963:14) similarly argue for recentorigins.

26. The text corresponding to the iconography is "I bel ieve in God, theFather almighty" in English, Creo enDios, Padre tado poderoso in Spanish, andYflinim Dios yaya llapa aticpaman in Quechua.27. The text correspondingto theiconography is "I confess to almightyGod"in Engli sh , Conflessonme aDios todo poderoso in Spanish , and Nocahuchachapan, llapa atipac Diosman confessacuni in Quechua.28. The text corresponding to the iconography is "Honor thy father and

mother" in English, Honoras a tu padre y madre in Spanish, and Yayayquida,mamayquida yupaychanqui in Quechua.29. The iconography of heaven in the Paternoster ofMiranda Rivera (1958),

Hartmann (1991:174, 176, Fig. 2:2), and Ibarra (1953) isverysimilar , as is tha tin the Testerian manuscript described by Galarza (1992:93, 101, 148).30. The text corresponding to the iconography is "And in Blessed Mary,

Ever Virgin" in English; y a labuena uenturadasiempre virgenMaria in Spanish;and viflay virgen sandaMariaman in Quechua. The depiction of a pregnantVirginis also found in medieval European iconography (see, for example, Lechner n.d.:plates 234-236).31. See also, for example , the s igns meaning " to us ," "like us," and theundefined sign thirty-six of Ibarra (1953:189, 194).32. The Holy Apostles Pet er and Paul do not show the usual Eur opeaniconography (Pe te r doe s not have his keys and Paul doe s not have his book),

probably because the figures are so small they lack detail.33. At least someoftheseTwo Roads Mapswere made in India (Steltenkamp

1993: 1(0). One photograph shows Black Elk teaching children the catechism bymeans of one of the maps (op. cit.: 101) and SteItenkamp interprets Black Elk'svis ion as der iving from the catechism rather than from aborigina l bel ie fs (op.cit. :95).

34. David Browman is uncer ta in of this s imilar ity because he has not yetstudied the pictographic manuscript in detail, nor has he personally examined thepoorly documented ceramics.

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