personal value priorities and national identification

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Personal Value Priorities and National Identificationpops_763 393..420

Sonia Roccas

The Open University of Israel

Shalom H. Schwartz

The Hebrew University of Jerusalem

Adi Amit

The Hebrew University of Jerusalem

We examine relations of personal value priorities to identification with ones nation. We

hypothesize that relations of values to identification depend on the motivations that can be

attained by identifying with a nation. Study 1 confirmed the hypothesis that identificationwith ones nation correlates positively with conservation values and negatively with open-

ness to change values in Israel and the USA. Moreover, values predicted identification with

the nation above and beyond Right-Wing Authoritarianism. Study 2 showed that increasing

the salience of conservation values produced higher identification with Israel, whereas

increasing the salience of openness to change values produced lower identification. Study

3 tested the hypothesis that when identification with a national group conflicts with social

expectations it has different, even reversed relations with value priorities. We examined

identification of recent immigrants to Israel. The more pressure immigrants felt to assimi-

late, the more positive the correlation of conservation values with identification with the

country of residence (Israel) and the more negative the correlation of conservation valueswith identification with the country of origin (Russia). Taken together, the findings point to

the utility of values in revealing the motivational functions of identification with a nation.

KEY WORDS: Values, Group processes, Identity, Identification, National identification, Authoritari-

anism, Immigration

The nation is one of the most important groups people use to define their

identity (e.g., Billig, 1995). National identification has profound consequences

that may range from extreme self-sacrifice for the benefit of compatriots to

endorsement of brutal violence against outgroups (e.g., Doosje, Branscombe,

Political Psychology, Vol. 31, No. 3, 2010

doi: 10.1111/j.1467-9221.2010.00763.x

393

0162-895X 2010 International Society of Political Psychology

Published by Wiley Periodicals, Inc., 350 Main Street, Malden, MA 02148, USA, 9600 Garsington Road, Oxford, OX4 2DQ,

and PO Box 378 Carlton South, 3053 Victoria Australia


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Spears & Manstead, 2006; Li & Brewer, 2004; Sahdra & Ross, 2007). Within each

country there are extensive individual differences in the extent to which people

identify with the country. Some people view their national identity as a core aspect

of their self concept, others attribute only limited importance to it. These differ-

ences have important consequences. For example, individual differences in the

extent of national identification are related to political involvement (Huddy &

Khatib, 2007), to group based guilt (Roccas, Klar, & Liviatan, 2006), and to

attitudes towards asylum seekers (Nickerson & Louis, 2008).

Relatively little research has been devoted to understanding the source of

individual differences in national identification (Huddy, 2002). Studies on this

issue focused mainly on Right-Wing Authoritarianism (RWA, Altemeyer, 1981)

and on Social Dominance Orientation (SDO, Sidanius & Pratto, 1999). Both SDO

and authoritarianism consistently correlate positively with national identification

across different measures (e.g., Blank, 2003; Burris, Branscombe, & Jackson,

2000; Ray & Furnham, 1984, for authoritarianism, and Altemeyer, 1998; Pratto,

Stallworth, & Conway-Lanz, 1998, for SDO).1

In the present research we seek to extend the study of the sources of individual

differences in identification by exploring basic motivations. Thus, we move from

asking who is especially likely to identify with their nation? to asking Why are

some people especially likely to identify with their nation?

Motivational constructs are at the core of theories of group processes. Groups

serve as a social resource to satisfy basic human needs (see Correll & Park, 2005,

for a review). Extensive studies have been conducted on the role of the need for

self-enhancement (Social Identity Theory, Tajfel & Turner, 1979, 1986), the need

to reduce uncertainty (Hogg & Abrams, 1993), the opposing needs of differentia-

tion and inclusion (Optimal Distinctiveness Theory, Brewer, 1991), and the need to

reduce death-related anxiety (Terror Management Theory, Greenberg et al., 1990;

Solomon, Greenberg, & Pyszczynski, 1991). This body of research has largely

examined the effects of situational factors. It shows that the shared level of

identification of group members is higher when these needs are aroused. In the

present research we use a motivational approach to study individual differences in

national identification. Specifically, we examine individual differences in basic

motivations as reflected in personal values.

Values: Individual Differences in Motivational Goals

Values are cognitive, social representations of basic motivational goals that

serve as guiding principles in peoples lives (Rohan, 2000; Rokeach, 1973;

Schwartz, 1992). Values express basic human needs (Rohan, 2000; Schwartz,

1992; Seligman, Olson, & Zanna, 1996) and motivate behavior by determining the

1 For an exception, see findings for the Canadian sample in Burris et al. (2000).

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extent to which different courses of actions are viewed as attractive (Feather,

1995).

Values are especially suited to examine the motivational basis for individual

differences in national identification for several reasons: Unlike needs and

motives, values are inherently desirable and are represented cognitively in ways

that enable people to communicate about them (Bilsky & Schwartz, 2008; McClel-

land, 1985). Furthermore, values encompass a variety of broad motivational goals.

Thus a focus on values enables us to examine multiple motivations within a single

theoretical framework. Finally, values are trans-situational, referring to general

goals that are relevant across social contexts. Theory and measures of values were

not developed within the specific theoretical framework of group processes. Thus,

observed relationships of values and national identification are unlikely to be due

to overlap in content and measurement.

Research on individual differences in value priorities has uncovered the

underlying motivational basis of many types of group-related behaviors and atti-

tudes. For example, values predict group members readiness for social contact

with outgroup members (Sagiv & Schwartz, 1995) and the guilt members feel

when their group harms members of an outgroup (Roccas, Klar, & Liviatan, 2004).

Values correlate with attitudes towards gender relations (Feather, 2004) and with

the complexity of peoples social identity (Roccas & Brewer, 2002; for other

examples of studies on values and group related attitudes, see Roccas, 2003;

Rokeach, 1973; Struch & Schwartz, 1989; Tartakovsky & Schwartz, 2001).

Perhaps the most notable example of the contribution of values in understand-

ing the motivational underpinnings of group-related phenomena is the case of

RWA and SDO. Extensive research shows that both SDO and RWA strongly

predict generalized prejudice (see Altemeyer, 1998; Duckitt, 2001, for reviews).

However, the two constructs are different: The relationship between SDO and

RWA is sometimes very weak, ranging from -.03 to .66 (Duckitt, 2001; Roccato

& Ricolfi, 2005), and they predict prejudice independently of one another (e.g.,

Altemeyer, 1998; Roccato & Ricolfi, 2005). Studying their relations with values

helped uncover the basic motivations underlying SDO and RWA. It led to the

conclusion that there are two distinct types of prejudice, driven by different

motivations (Duckitt, 2001). RWA is more closely related to values that express

the motivation to maintain the status quo and avoid uncertainty than is SDO; SDO

is more closely related to values that express the motivation to further ones

own interests even at the expense of others than is RWA (Altemeyer, 1998; Cohrs,

Moschner, Maes, & Kielmann, 2005; Duckitt, 2001; Duriez, Van Hiel, & Kos-

sowska, 2005; Feather, 1996; Heaven & Connors, 2001; McKee & Feather, 2008;

Rohan & Zanna, 1996).

Few studies have examined the role of values in explaining the extent of

identification with ones nation (e.g., Feather, 1994a, 1994b; Gouveia, de Albu-

querque, Clemente, & Espinosa, 2002; Heaven, Stones, Simbayi, & Le Roux,

2000). These studies have yielded inconsistent findings: Values emphasizing

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tradition correlated positively with national identification in Spain and Brazil

(Gouveia, de Albuquerque, Clemente, & Espinosa, 2002), but did not relate to

national identification among Australians (Feather, 1994a). Values of national

strength and order correlated positively with national identification among Black

South Africans (Heaven et al., 2000) and Australians (Feather, 1994a) but did not

correlate with national identification among Afrikaners (Heaven et al., 2000). Yet,

identification with their own ethnic ingroup correlated positively with these values

in both South African groups (Heaven et al., 2000).

The present research aims to clarify the underlying mechanism that links

national identification to values. We seek to understand what determines which

values relate positively or negatively to national identification.

The Schwartz Values Theory

To examine the links between values and identification, we draw on the

Schwartz (1992) value theory. This theory identifies 10 motivationally distinct

types of values derived from universal requirements of human existence: hedo-

nism, stimulation, self-direction, universalism, benevolence, tradition, conformity,

security, power, and achievement. The 10 values form a circular structure that can

be summarized with two basic conflicts.

One conflict pits values that emphasize conservation against those that

emphasize openness to change. Conservation values (tradition, conformity, secu-

rity) emphasize self-restriction, order, and resistance to change. These values

express the motivation to avoid uncertainty, ambiguity, and instability. Individuals

who emphasize conservation values are motivated to perceive themselves and

others in simple unequivocal terms. In contrast, openness to change values (self-

direction, stimulation) emphasize independent action and thought and readiness

for new experience. Individuals who value openness to change are motivated to

explore and discover, to seek novel and unexpected situations. They are less likely

to accept prevailing social norms and more likely to make independent judgments

based on their own experience.

The second conflict pits values that emphasize self-enhancement against those

that emphasize transcending personal interests and promoting the welfare of

others. Individuals who attribute high importance to self-enhancement values

(achievement, power) are motivated to pursue social status and prestige, to control

and dominate people and resources, to be seen as successful, and to demonstrate

competence according to social standards. Self-transcendence values (universal-

ism, benevolence) emphasize serving the interests of others: understanding, appre-

ciating, and tolerating all people, regardless of their rank or status. Individuals who

attribute high importance to self-transcendence values are motivated to seek social

justice and equality for all people and to be helpful, loyal, and honest in their

everyday interactions. Hedonism values share elements of both openness and

self-enhancement.

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The Schwartz value theory has been tested in more than 270 samples from

more than 70 countries, using different measurement instruments. In the vast

majority of samples, the distinctiveness of the 10 values and the structure of

relations among them has been verified (Schwartz, 1992, 2006).

The Mechanisms Linking National Identification to Values

Following Feather (1994a), we reason that identification with a group is

affected by the extent to which membership in the group facilitates the pursuit,

attainment, and protection of important values. Like any other group, the national

group provides opportunities and resources that may facilitate individuals pursuit

and attainment of some values, and it poses demands and constraints that may

thwart other values. Hence, relations of particular values to identification with a

national group depend on the values that are attainable through identification with

that group.

Which values are most compatible with identification with ones nation? The

dominant expectation of most citizens is that one should identify with the nation

as an expression of patriotism. Thus, identifying with the nation is a positive,

normative attribute (Bar-Tal, 1993). Such normative identification is likely to

provide safety and stability and a sense that one is meeting widely accepted social

expectations. By conforming to the group norm of identifying with the nation,

people gain assurance that their attitudes and behavior are proper and legitimate,

even when faced with challenges or threats.

For people who attribute high importance to conservation values, identifica-

tion with their nation thus provides a compatible environment in which to attain

their values. It creates a feeling of belonging, of being part of a collective with

shared interests and a shared fate, a group that is led by a concerned leadership

committed to protecting its followers. In contrast, people who attribute high

importance to openness to change values may perceive the national group as a

source of expectations to conform to widespread norms and therefore as likely to

constrain their freedom to pursue and protect their own unique values. Thus,

identification with ones nation is consistent with the goals of conservation values

but may limit attainment of the goals of openness to change values.

Our analysis of the relationship of national identification and values is remi-

niscent of a large body of research on the motivation to reduce uncertainty.

Extensive research indicates that, under conditions of temporary uncertainty, indi-

viduals tend to identify more with groups (e.g., Grieve & Hogg, 1999; Hogg &

Grieve, 1999; Mullin & Hogg, 1999). This supports the reasoning that reducing

uncertainty is one of the main functions of identification with groups (Hogg &

Abrams, 1993; see Hogg & Williams, 2000, for a review). We suggest that

individual differences in the importance of conservation and openness to change

values reflect individual differences in the strength of the motivation to reduce

uncertainty. Thus these values should be related to identification with the nation.



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Studies 1 and 2 test the hypotheses that:

H1: The extent of identification with ones nation correlates positively

with the importance of conservation values.

H2: The extent of identification with ones nation correlates negatively

with the importance of openness to change values.

A Boundary Condition for the Hypothesized Relations of National

Identification with Values

Some past studies supported the hypothesized positive correlation between

conservation values and identification with ones nation (e.g., Gouveia et al.,

2002), but others did not. Most notable is the negative correlation of identification

with South Africa among Afrikaners cited above (Heaven et al., 2000). Apparently,

identification with the nation is incompatible with conservation values for Afri-

kaners. Possibly, this is due to the extensive changes in the social structure of

South Africa that accompanied its democratization, changes that many Afrikaners

perceived as a threat to their political identity (e.g., Nauright, 1996). For this

group, identification with South Africa could therefore not serve to affirm conser-

vation values and reduce uncertainty.

This interpretation points to one possible boundary condition for the relation-

ship of conservation values and national identification: A positive correlation

between conservation values and national identification is to be expected only

when identification with the nation is likely to provide a sense of security and

stability. This is usually the case for the dominant group in society. But for some

subgroups, national identification may raise uncertainty and thus limit the possi-

bility of affirming conservation values. This depends on the social context. Study

3, presented below after our tests of the hypotheses in Studies 1 and 2, assesses this

boundary condition by examining the special case of people with dual national

identities.

The Dual-Nationality Dilemma

The vast majority of a countrys population evaluates their country positively

and sees it as a desirable object of identification. Thus, it is normative to identify

with ones country of residence. To identify with an additional national group is

often not normative, however. Social identities are defined to a large extent through

distinguishing and differentiating the ingroup from other groups, and people

construe their national identity by contrasting it with other national groups (e.g.,

Hopkins & Murdoch, 1999; Triandafyllidou, 1998). Consequently, identification

with two national groups is often viewed with suspicion (e.g., Renshon, 2001), and

immigrants often feel pressured to relinquish their ties with their country of origin

(e.g., Horenczyk, 1997).

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We reason that people who identify with a country other than the one in which

they reside must resolve inconsistencies between incompatible social expectations

deriving from two national identities, the host country and the country of origin.

This might undermine the sense of safety and stability usually associated with

national identification. When identification with a foreign country defies social

expectations it entails the threat of being the target of social sanctions, discrimi-

nation, and prejudice. Everyday encounters with members of the dominant

national group may be anxiety producing and uncomfortable.

In sum, we suggest that for people with dual national identities, identification

with the national group of origin may not provide safety, stability, and certainty.

Thus, we expect a negative correlation between endorsing conservation values and

identifying with ones country of origin.

H3: For people with dual national identities, conservation values corre-

late negatively with national identification with the country of origin.

Relations of identification with openness values are more complex. On the

one hand, identification with a national group, even a foreign one, implies will-

ingness to conform to the norms of that country and to follow its leadership.

This may conflict with the pursuit of openness to change values, which empha-

size independence in thought and action. On the other hand, identification with

a group that defies social expectations can be a vehicle for expressing the

motivation for personal autonomy and freedom. In sum, identification with a

foreign national group may or may not provide opportunities to pursue openness

values.

Overview of the Current Research

We investigated relations of national identification with value priorities in

three studies. Study 1 examined relations of value priorities with identification

with ones country in the United States and in Israel. It tested the hypotheses

that identification with ones country correlates positively with the importance

individuals attribute to conservation values and negatively with the importance

they attribute to openness to change values. Study 1 also examined whether

values contribute distinctively to explaining individual differences in national

identification above and beyond right-wing authoritarianism. Study 2 examined

the effect of raising the accessibility of conservation and openness to change

values on identification with the nation. Study 3 examined identification of

immigrants with both their national group of origin and their current country of

residence, relating these to their value priorities. It tested the hypothesis that

conservation values correlate positively with identification with their current

national group and negatively with identification with their national group of

origin.



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Study 1

Method

Participants

Three samples of college students participated in this study. Sample 1: 101

American students (mean age 19.63, 65% female) completed, as part of a larger

survey, a measure of their personal values and a measure of their identification

with the United States. They responded to the questionnaire in group sessions

(520 per session) and received course credit for their participation. Sample 2: 160

Israeli students (mean age 22.58, 52% female) completed, as part of a larger

survey, a measure of their personal values, and a measure of their identification

with Israel. They completed the questionnaires in group sessions (3040 per

session) and received course credit or a small payment for their participation.

Sample 3: 72 Israeli students (mean age 24.16, 62% female) completed a measure

of their personal values and a measure of right-wing authoritarianism. Three

months later they completed a measure of their identification with Israel. They

completed the questionnaires in individual sessions and received a small payment

for their participation.

Measures

Personal Values. Respondents rated the importance of each of 56 single

values in the Schwartz (1992) value survey as a guiding principle in their life on

a 9-point scale ranging from opposed to my principles (-1), through not

important (0), to of supreme importance (7). The score for openness to change

values was the average importance attributed to creativity, freedom, independent,

curious, choosing own goals, daring, a varied life, and an exciting life (Cronbach

a: sample 1 = .71; sample 2 = .77; sample 3 = .83). The score for conservation

values was the average importance of humble, accepting my portion in life, devout,

respect for tradition, moderate, politeness, obedient, self-discipline, honoring

parents and elders, family security, social order, clean, and reciprocation of favors

(a: sample 1 = .79; sample 2 = .79, sample 3 = .78). The score for self-

enhancement was the average importance of social power, wealth, authority,

ambitious, influential, capable, and successful (a: sample 1 = .71, sample 2 = .77,

sample 3 = .78). The score for self-transcendence was the average importance of

broadminded, wisdom, social justice, equality, a world at peace, a world of beauty,

unity with nature, protecting the environment, helpful, honest, forgiving, loyal,

and responsible (a: sample 1 = .80; sample 2 = .75; sample 3 = .84).2

2 The standard indexes recommended in Schwartz (1992, 1994) were used to measure the importancegiven to all values types except security. Schwartz (1992) includes the value national security in the

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Identification. In the political psychology literature there are diverse concep-

tualizations and measures of national identification. Following Huddy and Khatib

(2007), the present research adopts the social identity approach to national iden-

tification. We define and measure identification as the importance of the nation in

ones personal identity. Respondents indicated their agreement with statements on

a 7-point scale ranging from strongly disagree (1) to strongly agree (7). Exemplary

items are: Being American (Israeli) is an important part of my identity; When

I talk about Americans (Israelis), I usually say we rather than they. Participants

in sample 1 responded to three items (a = .72), participants in samples 2 and 3

responded to four items (a = .85, .86, respectively).3

Right-Wing Authoritarianism. In sample 3 we also included a measure of

RWA. We used a measure based on the McFarland (2005) RWA scale. This

10-item instrument correlated .87 in a separate sample with the 30-item version

of the RWA scale (Altemeyer, 1999). Participants indicated their disagreement or

agreement with statements on a 7-point scale ranging from strongly disagree (1)

to strongly agree (7). Exemplary items are: There are many radical, immoral

people in our country today, who are trying to ruin it for their own godless

purposes, whom the authorities should put out of action. The only way our

country can get through the crisis ahead is to get back to our traditional values,

put some tough leaders in power, and silence the troublemakers spreading bad

ideas (a = .81).

Results and Discussion

Table 1 presents the means and standard deviations of identification and

conservation, openness to change, self-enhancement, and self-transcendence

values in each sample. As hypothesized, national identification correlated posi-

tively with the importance attributed to conservation values (r= .33, .31, .35 in the

American and the two Israeli samples, respectively, p < .05) and negatively with

the importance attributed to openness to change values (r= -.30, -.31, -.42 in theAmerican and Israeli samples, respectively, p < .05). Correlations between iden-

tification and values of self-enhancement and self-transcendence were low and

nonsignificant (.06 and -.11, -.07 for self-enhancement and -.09, .08, and .15 for

self-transcendence in the American and Israeli samples, respectively).4

standard index of security. We exclude this value because it might artificially enhance the correlationof conservation values with national identification.

3 When we use the three-item index in the Israeli sample as well, the pattern of correlations with valuesreported below does not change.

4 All correlations in this and subsequent analyses were partialed on each respondents mean rating ofall values to correct for scale use (Schwartz, 1992). One-tail significance is reported for hypothesizedassociations, two-tail significance for nonhypothesized associations.



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Correlations of the 10 Values with National Identification

For a more elaborate examination at the relationships of values and identifi-

cation, we also computed the correlations with all 10 types of values. These

correlations are presented in Figure 1. The circular motivational structure of values

implies that the whole set of ten values relates to any other variable in an integrated

manner. Specifically, if national identification correlates most positively with one

value and most negatively with another, correlations should decrease monotoni-

cally in both directions around the circle from the most positively to the most

negatively associated value. When the whole pattern of associations is predicted,

even nonsignificant associations provide meaningful information (Roccas, Sagiv,

Schwartz, & Knafo, 2002; Sagiv & Schwartz, 1995).

Consistent with the motivational value circle, in all samples the pattern of

correlations formed a sinusoid curve: Correlations were most positive with tradi-

tion values and most negative with either stimulation or self direction values. The

remaining correlations were in between, following their postulated order around

the values circle. The only two exceptions were conformity-security values in

sample 2 (the correlation for conformity values was less positive than for security

values rather than more positive), and self-direction-universalism values in sample

1 (the correlation for self direction values was less negative than for universalism

values rather than more negative). We tested the consistency in the pattern of

correlations of values and national identification by computing the pair-wise

Spearman correlations between the orders of the correlations in the three samples.

Correlations were .79 for samples 1 and 2, .88 for samples 1 and 3, and .90 for

samples 2 and 3 (all p < .05).

There were also differences between the samples in the correlations of

national identification with the 10 values: For example, the correlation of hedo-

Table 1. Means and Standard Deviations of Identification and Values (Study 1)

Sample 1 (USA) Sample 2 (Israel) Sample 3 (Israel)

M M M

SD SD SD

National Identification 5.32 5.62 5.58

.93 1.32 1.26

Conservation Values 3.99 3.75 4.35

.83 .83 .87

Openness to Change Values 4.47 4.27 4.64

.83 .94 1.08

Self Enhancement Values 3.71 3.82 4.19

.93 .97 1.09

Self Transcendence Values 4.46 4.37 4.73

.72 .70 .88

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nism with national identification was much more negative in sample 3 than in the

other two samples, and the correlation of conformity was less positive in sample 2

than in the other two samples. Such differences between the samples should,

however, be interpreted with caution because they may well reflect random

variation.

Examining the correlations with the 10 values points to another noteworthy

finding: Correlations of national identification with universalism values are all

negative, while correlations with benevolence values are all positive. The correla-

tions of national identification with universalism and benevolence values are

small. Nonetheless, this difference is remarkable because both benevolence and

universalism values share the same basic motivational goal of promoting the

welfare of others. Benevolence and universalism values differ, however, in the

target of the concern. Benevolence values refer to concern for people with whom

one has frequent interaction. Universalism values express concern for all human-

ity. Thus, the goal of universalism values imply an extension of ones concern from

the bounded group of people with whom one has frequent personal contact to the

whole of humankind (Roccas & McCauley, 2004; Schwartz, 1992).

The pattern of correlations of universalism and benevolence values with

national identification underscores the potential tension between concern for close

others and concern for all humankind. Concern for close others is seen as com-

patible with national identification, while a concern for the whole of humankind is

viewed as incompatible with national identification. Thus findings of the present

Figure 1. Correlations of national identification with the ten values (Study 1).



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study provide further support for the importance of common category membership

in expressing concern for others (e.g., Levine, Prosser, Evans, & Reicher, 2005;

Nickerson & Louis, 2008).

Values, RWA, and National Identification

Consistent with previous studies, identification with Israel also correlated

positively with RWA (r= .25 p < .05). To assess the distinctiveness of the contri-

bution of values to the prediction of national identification, we performed two

hierarchical regressions (Table 2). Entering RWA in the first step, it explained 6%

of the variance in identification (F(1,71) = 4.78; p < .05). Entering conservation

and openness to change values in the second step added 10% to the total varianceexplained (Fchange(2,69) = 4.20; p < .05). Thus, values predicted identification

with ones nation above and beyond the effect of RWA. In a second regression

we reversed the order of the predictors: Conservation and openness to change

values, entered in the first step, explained 15% of the variance in identification

(F(2,70) = 5.97; p < .005). RWA, entered in the second step, did not add signifi-

cantly to the total variance explained (Fchange(1,69) = 1.58, n.s.). Previous

research suggests that conservation values are the core motivational aspect of

RWA. The present findings add to this line of research by showing that the

relations previously found between RWA and national identification may be due tothe common underlying motivation expressed by the importance attributed to

conservation and openness to change values.

In sum, results of Study 1 uncover the motivational basis of national identi-

fication. As hypothesized, national identification correlated positively with the

importance individuals attribute to conservation values and negatively with the

importance they attribute to openness to change values. The pattern of correlations

Table 2. Regressions of National Identification on RWA, Conservation Values, and Openness toChange Values (Sample 3 of Study 1)

Independent variable b t p R2 Fchange p

Model 1 RWA .25 2.19 .03 .06 4.78 .03

Model 2 RWA .17 1.26 .21 .16 4.20 .02

Conservation values -.03 -.15 .88

Openness to change values -.35 -2.06 .04

Independent variable b t p R2 Fchange p

Model 1 Conservation values .10 .61 .54 .15 5.97 .004


Model 2 Conservation values -.03 -.15 .88 .17 1.58 .213


RWA .17 1.26 .21

404 Roccas et al.


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was consistent across two national groups despite the different social, political,

economic, religious, and historical characteristics of the two nations. We do not

claim, however, that correlations of values with national identification are inde-

pendent of social context. The effects of the social context on these relationships

are discussed in Study 3.

The correlations of values and identification could result from multiple

complementary processes: Individuals value priorities, grounded in their personal

needs and experiences, lead them to identify with groups that facilitate the attain-

ment of their values and to reject groups that restrict the attainment of their values.

In addition, people who are highly identified with the nation could come to

emphasize values that are consistent with national identification. Finally, addi-

tional variables, could affect both identification and values in the same direction.

For example, family socialization could lead to the development of values and

compatible levels of national identification. Examining all the pathways of cau-

sation between values and identification is beyond the scope of the present

research. As a first step, Study 2 examined the effect of the situational salience of

values on national identification.

Study 2

Numerous studies indicate that personality attributes change little during

adulthood (see Caspi & Roberts, 2001, for a review). Findings of the few studies

that have examined value stability also show little change in the importance that

individuals attribute to values (e.g., Johnson, 2001; Lindsay & Knox, 1984;

Schwartz, 2005). The stability of values poses a methodological challenge when

trying to establish the causal effects of values.

Researchers have therefore examined the causal effects of values in experi-

ments by manipulating their accessibility rather than trying to change their

importance (e.g., Maio, Olson, Allen, & Bernard, 2001; Verplanken & Holland,

2002). The justification for this procedure is both conceptual and empirical.

People are more likely to act on their values when they are accessible than when

they are not (e.g., Assor, 1999). When accessible, values direct attention to fea-

tures in the situation that provide opportunities for goal attainment; they guide

people to perceive situations as occasions for value-relevant action (Schwartz,

Sagiv, & Boehnke, 2000). Finally, people behave more consistently with their

values when they are salient and even more after they have thought about them

and stated the reasons for why they hold or reject them (Maio et al., 2001).

Therefore, to further test the effect of conservation and openness to change

values on national identification we manipulated the temporary accessibility of

these values.

We hypothesized that: (a) increasing the accessibility of conservation values

produces greater identification with the nation; (b) increasing the accessibility of

openness to change values reduces identification with the nation.



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Method

Participants and Procedure

Participants were 114 Israeli college students (76% female, mean age = 27.7),

who received course credit. All were Jewish Israelis born in Israel. We randomly

assigned 38 participants to the openness experimental condition, 38 participants

to the conservation condition, and 38 to a control condition. Participants under-

went the values accessibility manipulation. Then they completed the measure of

national identification and demographic items. Upon completion, participants

were thanked and debriefed. None of the participants were suspicious of the

procedure employed.

Manipulation of value accessibility. Studies that have manipulated the acces-

sibility of values have employed a variety of methods (e.g., Amit & Roccas, in

press; Biernat, Vescio, & Theno, 1996; Hertel & Kerr, 2001; Maio et al., 2001;

Verplanken & Holland, 2002). In the present research we developed a manipula-

tion that encouraged participants to think about specific values, making them more

accessible, without any reference to the nation or to any other group.

Participants received descriptions of six students who had applied to live in a

university dormitory. They were instructed to read the description of each student

carefully and to allocate two students to each room, matching them according to

how similar they appeared to be. In the conservation condition, all six applicants

were described as holding conservation values. For example, the description of

one student was, It is important to him to live in secure surroundings. He avoids

anything that might endanger his safety. The description of another was, It is

important to him to behave properly. He wants to avoid doing anything people

would say is wrong. In the openness to change condition, each of the six students

was described as endorsing openness to change values. For example, Thinking up

new ideas and being creative is important to him. He likes to do things in his own

original way or He thinks it is important to do lots of different things in life. He

looks for new things to try. These descriptions were taken from the conservation

and openness to change items in the Portrait Values Questionnaire (Schwartz,

2005; Schwartz, Lehman, & Roccas, 1999). In the control group, the six students

were described in terms of their hobbies and their social life (e.g., She likes to

cook. or She has many friends in the dormitories.).

Identification. We measured national identification with the same four items

used with the Israeli samples in Study 1 (a = .83).


To test the hypothesis that increasing the accessibility of conservation values

induces greater national identification whereas increasing the accessibility of

openness to change values reduces national identification, we compared the mean

406 Roccas et al.


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level of identification with Israel in the three groups. The extent of identification

differed significantly across the three conditions F(2, 111) = 7.25; p < .001. Par-

ticipants in the conservation condition rated their Israeli identity as a more

important part of their self-concept than participants in the openness to change

condition did (M= 5.83, SD = .73 versus M= 4.95, SD = 1.13). Participants in the

control group were in between (M= 5.34, SD = 1.09). The planned contrasts

comparing identification in the conservation and in the openness to change con-

ditions to identification in the control condition were significant (conservation:

t (111) = 2.09; p < .05; openness to change: t (111) = -1.71; p < .05).

These findings indicate that increasing the accessibility of openness to change

and conservation values affects peoples sense of identification with their nation,

at least temporarily. This supports our reasoning that individuals salient value

priorities lead them to identify with groups that enable them to fulfill these values.

If the correlations found in Study 1 were exclusively the result of the effect of

identification on values, or the effect of some external variable that affects both

values and identification, then temporarily raising the salience of values would not

affect national identification.

Do conservation and openness to change values affect identification with all

national groups in this same way? We do not think so. The social context may have

a profound influence on relations between values and identification because the

social context determines the opportunities a national group provides for the

attainment of particular values. Findings from Australia (Feather, 1994a) exem-

plify this point: Like Americans and Israelis, Australians identified more the

greater the importance they attributed to security values (r= .21) and like Ameri-

cans (but not Israelis), Australians identified less the greater the importance they

attributed to universalism values (r= -.17). But unlike Americans and Israelis,

Australians identified more the greater the importance they attributed to achieve-

ment (r= .14) and hedonism (r= .17) values.

Following Feather (1994a), we reason that what influences individual differ-

ences in identification is the interaction between characteristics of the social

context that hinder or promote the expression, attainment, or preservation of

specific personal values and the importance of those values to the individual. Thus,

relations of a particular value to national identification are determined by the

extent to which the nation is perceived as promoting or hindering the attainment of

that value. Study 3 assesses this reasoning by examining identification among

immigrants with two national identities, one linked to their nation of origin and

another linked to their nation of residence. We reason that identification with each

of these national groups provides opportunities to attain different values.

Study 3

Studies 1 and 2 examined the simple case of identification with the national

group of residence among members of the dominant group in society. Study 3 is a



16/27

first step in examining systematically the effects of the social context on the

relationship between values and national identification. We posit that relations

of national identification to values are affected by the social context because

the social context, by determining the types of values than can be attained through

identification, determines the very meaning of identification. National identification

has a different meaning (and different consequences) when it provides a sense of

safety and security than when it provides a sense of distinctiveness.

To exemplify this point, we examine relations of value priorities to identifica-

tion in the complex, yet common, case of the dual national identities of immigrants.

Participants in this study were immigrants to Israel from Russia. Because both the

national group of residence and the national group of origin are large social

categories, identification is likely to be based on symbolic attachment to the group

as a whole rather than on the personal ties among specific group members (see the

Lickel et al., 2000, taxonomy of groups). However, identification with the two

groups has a different meaning and facilitates the attainment of different values.

Identifying with the country of residence fits the expectations of the dominant

societal group. It signifies successful integration and implies that the overt change

in residence is accompanied by a more profound change in identity. Thus, for

immigrants, as for members of the dominant group, identification with their

country of residence can provide a sense of safety and stability. We therefore

hypothesized that attributing importance to conservation values correlates posi-

tively with identification with the country of residence (as found in Study 1).

Identification with the country of origin, however, may have a different

meaning. Previous research revealed that Israelis typically expect immigrants to

identify as Israelis rather than as natives of their country of origin (e.g., Horenc-

zyk, 1996). For many years, expectations toward immigrants to Israel were at least

implicitly and often overtly assimilationist (Horowitz & Leshem, 1998; Smooha,

1978). Both official policy and practices and informal public attitudes encouraged

immigrants to relinquish their distinctive cultural identity and to assimilate into the

larger Israeli nation as soon and as much as possible (Ilatov & Shamai, 1996).

Hence, identifying with ones country of origin might be seen as non- or even

counternormative. Behaving in a way that violates social expectations opposes the

core motivation of conservation values. We therefore expected that identification

with the country of origin would correlate negatively with the importance of

conservation values.

The Moderating Role of Perceived Pressure to Assimilate

Peoples perceptions of what others expect of their ingroups vary. Some

immigrants feel stronger pressure to assimilate than others. We suggest that it is

the subjective perception of social expectations that determines the motivational

role of values in affecting identification with groups. We posit that conservation

values correlate positively with identification with the country of residence only to

408 Roccas et al.


17/27

the extent that people think that such identification is socially expected. Similarly,

we posit that conservation values correlate negatively with identification with the

country of origin only to the extent that people think that such identification

violates what the dominant group expects.

We therefore hypothesized that perceived pressure to assimilate moderates

relations of conservation values with identification: The stronger the perceived

pressure to assimilate, the more positive the correlation between conservation

values and identification with the country of residence and the more negative the

correlation between conservation values and identification with the country of

origin.

Method

Participants

One hundred immigrants to Israel from Russia, who had lived in Israel for five

years or less, completed a questionnaire anonymously in their native language

(Russian) as part of a larger survey. All were university students of humanities or

social sciences (61% female, mean age = 21.19).

Measures

Values. Values were measured as in Study 1.

Identification. Identification with Israel was measured with the same four

items as in Study 1 (a = .83). Identification with the immigrant national group was

measured with three of these items, modified to refer to the group of immigrants

from their country of origin (a = .85).

Perceived pressure to assimilate. We used a slightly modified version of a

questionnaire from Horenczyk (1996). Based on previously collected informal

data, we identified five areas of identity-related behaviors relevant to the accul-

turation of Russian immigrants in Israel: language, culture, festivals, friendship,

and values. Respondents indicated their agreement with the 15 statements, on a

7-point scale ranging from strongly disagree (1) to strongly agree (7). For each

area, the questionnaire included three items corresponding to three types of accul-

turation attitudesassimilation, separation, and integration (for example: We

live in Israel and we should relinquish our Russian culture and our old habits; we

should adopt the Israeli way of lifeto think and act like Israelis). The assimi-

lation scale included an additional item in which respondents rated the importance

they attributed to involvement in the host society.

Participants responded to the acculturation items twice. First they gave their

own view; then they reported what they believed a typical Israeli student would

want a good immigrant to answer. We used responses to the assimilation items in

the latter questionnaire as a measure of pressure to assimilate (a = .89).



18/27


We assessed the role of conservation values and subjective pressure to assimi-

late in predicting identification with Israel and Russia with regression analyses

(Table 3). In one regression, we entered conservation values, perceived pressure to

assimilate, and the interaction between the two as predictors of identification with

the country of residence (Israel). In another regression, we entered the same

variables as predictors of identification with the country of origin (Russia).

The regression revealed that perceived pressure to assimilate moderated the

association of conservation values and identification with the county of residence.

A significant interaction between conservation values and perceived pressure to

assimilate indicated that conservation values related more positively to identifica-

tion with Israel the stronger the perceived pressure to assimilate.

Relations of conservation values with identification with the country of origin

differed greatly from their relations with identification with the country of resi-

dence. Conservation values did not correlate with identification with Russia. Their

effect on identification became apparent only when perceived pressure to assimi-

late was taken into account in the regression. A significant interaction between

conservation values and perceived pressure to assimilate indicated that conserva-

tion values related more negatively to identification with Russia the stronger the

perceived pressure to assimilate.

Figures 2 and 3 illustrate the two interactions. Identification is plotted for

participants whose perceived pressure to assimilate score is one standard deviation

Table 3. Regression Analysis of National Identification amongImmigrants with Dual Nationalities. Relations between

Conservation Values and National Identification Moderated byPerceived Pressure to Assimilate (Study 3)a

Identification with the country of residence

AdjR2 = .08, F(3, 89) = 3.65, p < .05

b t p

Conservation .30 2.93


19/27

above the mean and for participants whose perceived pressure to assimilate score

is one standard deviation below the mean (Aiken & West, 1991). The figures are

plotted for the full range of conservation values. As predicted, Figure 2 shows a

more positive regression slope predicting identification with Israel from conser-

0

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

Low Conservation High Conservation

IdentificationwithIsrael

Low Assimilation

Pressure

High Assimilation

Pressure

Figure 2. Regression of identification with the country of residence (Israel) as predicted byconservation values for two levels of subjective pressure to assimilate (Study 3).

0

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

Low Conservation High Conservation

Ide

ntificationwithRussia

Low Assimilation

Pressure

High Assimilation

Pressure

Figure 3. Regression of identification with the country of origin (Russia) as predicted byconservation values for two levels of subjective pressure to assimilate (Study 3).



20/27

vation values for individuals who feel strong pressure to assimilate than for

individuals who feel weak pressure to assimilate (b = 0.80, t= 3.21, p < .01;

b = 0.14, t= 0.73, p = n.s., respectively). In contrast, Figure 3 shows a more nega-

tive regression slope predicting identification with Russia from conservation

values for individuals who feel strong pressure to assimilate than for individuals

who feel weak pressure to assimilate (b = -0.53, t= -2.46, p < .05; b = 0.06,

t= 0.36, p = n.s., respectively).

In sum, this study provides support for the hypothesis that the interaction

between individuals own values and the values whose attainment group member-

ship facilitates affects their level of identification with the group. Thus, for people

who felt strong pressure to assimilate, conservation values correlated positively

with identification with their country of residence but negatively with identifica-

tion with their country of origin.

We attributed the opposing patterns of correlation with country of residence

versus country of origin to the difference in the nature of these two national

groups. Whereas identification with ones country of residence is normative,

participants viewed identification with their immigrant group as conflicting with

prevailing social expectations. Therefore, identifying with the two groups was

likely to express or affirm opposing values: Identifying with ones country of

residence would promote or protect conservation values, whereas identifying with

ones country of origin would threaten these values.

General Discussion

The present research reveals systematic associations between personal values

and the extent of identification with the nation. Participants identified more with

their country of residence the more they endorsed conservation values and the less

they endorsed openness to change values. These results replicated across samples of

Americans, Israelis, and recent immigrants to Israel from Russia. Further evidence

for the motivational role of conservation and openness values in explaining identi-

fication was provided in Study 2: Identification was affected by experimentally

increasing the salience of conservation values versus openness to change values.

We would like to underscore the negative correlation we found between

openness to change values and national identification. Previous research focused

on the attractiveness of groups as a source of stability and safety, as means to

reduce uncertainty. Our findings suggest that a group that provides a sense of

safety and stability is not attractive to all to the same degree; it is rejected by

people who attribute high importance to values that express motivations for

novelty and change. Thus, a seemingly positive characteristic of group member-

ship can deter some people from identifying with a group.

Identification with a national group does not always facilitate the attainment

of conservation goals. As findings of Study 3 indicate, relations of values to

identification depend on the specific social context in which the group operates.

412 Roccas et al.


21/27

The more pressure recent immigrants felt to assimilate the more negative was the

correlation of conservation values with identification with their national group of

origin. When identification with the national group of origin is perceived as

conflicting with prevailing social expectations, it may increase uncertainty and

challenge stability. Hence, identifying with this group is inconsistent with an

emphasis on conservation values.

Taken together our findings support our general hypothesis that identification

with a group is affected by the extent to which that group serves to satisfy

important motivations. Note, however, that we do not suggest that identification

with their country of origin is negatively correlated with the importance of con-

servation values for all immigrant groups. We examined dual identification among

immigrants from Russia to Israel. These immigrants tend to emphasize conserva-

tion values more than the general population does, but not dramatically more

(Knafo & Schwartz, 2001). This may not be the case for other immigrant groups.

In such cases, identification with ones country of origin and of residence may

have different social meanings than in the present study and may therefore offer

different opportunities to attain important values.

Furthermore, we do not suggest that identification with any group that defies

widespread social expectations relates negatively to conservation values. Nonnor-

mative groups (e.g., religious cults) can provide certainty to their members by

endorsing unequivocal rules or by emphasizing clear distinctions between ingroup

and outgroup members. But other things being equal, we expect identification with

a normative group to relate more positively to conservation values than identifi-

cation with a nonnormative group.

Self-Enhancement Values and Identification

In the present research, self enhancement values showed near-zero correla-

tions with national identification (ranging from -.10 to .06). Feather (1994a) too

mentioned that power values did not correlate with identification and reported a

.14 correlation for achievement values. One may wonder whether these findings

are consistent with the pivotal role of self-enhancement motivation in Social

Identity Theory. Social Identity Theory posits that identification with groups is

motivated by self-enhancement (Tajfel & Turner, 1986). However, according to

Social Identity Theory the link between self-enhancement motivation and identi-

fication is complex: It can lead to higher identification when the group has high

status and to low identificationeven a wish to leave the groupwhen the group

has low status.

We have investigated the complex relationship between identification and

self-enhancement values in the context of identification with ones university

department or work organization (Gandal, Roccas, Sagiv, & Wrzesniewski, 2005;

Roccas, 2003). In these studies, self-enhancement values did not relate directly to

identification. However, self-enhancement values moderated the relationship



22/27

between perceived group status and identification. Among people who attributed

high importance to self-enhancement values, identification related strongly, posi-

tively to perceived group status. Whereas among people who attributed low impor-

tance to self-enhancement values, the relationship of identification to status was

weak. We postulate that self-enhancement values play a similar role in relation to

national identification: The greater the importance of self-enhancement values for

people, the more strongly national identification is likely to depend upon the

perceived status of the nation.

Implications for Relations of RWA with National Identification

The finding that relations of conservation values with national identification

depend upon the social context may have implications for relations of RWA with

national identification. Studies that have examined relations of RWA with national

identification have reported positive correlations. However, these studies focused

exclusively on members of the dominant societal group. The social context may

well affect relations of RWA to national identification in a manner similar to its

effect on the relations of values with national identification. Thus, there may be

circumstances that would lead people high on RWA to identify less with the nation

than people low on this dimension.

Conclusion

Examining relations of values and national identification helps uncover the

motivational basis for identification. Our findings make clear that there are no

general motivations that always lead to identification. Rather, identification is

affected by the fit between personal motivations and group characteristics. Thus,

this research illustrates the importance of both individual differences and the social

context in explaining identification.

The influence of situational factors on identification has long been acknowl-

edged. Our research highlights a more subtle, yet important, aspect of the social

context. The social context defines both the dimensions of individual difference

that are most likely to affect identification and the direction of their effects. As our

understanding of the impact of individual differences in motivation on human

behavior deepens, the importance of identifying the contextual factors that influ-

ence the operation of different motivational goals also grows. One important

challenge is to clarify which values may be affirmed or thwarted and which needs

may be satisfied or frustrated by identifying with which types of groups.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

This paper was written in part during the first authors residence as Visiting

Scholar at the Centre for the Study of Group Processes at the University of Kent,

414 Roccas et al.


23/27

Canterbury. The work of the first author on this research was supported by Israel

Science Foundation Grant No. 774/06. The work of the second author on this

research was supported by Israel Science Foundation Grant No. 921/02-1. We

thank Anat Bardi, Lilach Sagiv, and anonymous reviewers for their helpful com-

ments on earlier drafts of this paper. Correspondence concerning this article should

be sent to Sonia Roccas, Department of Education and Psychology, The Dorothy

de Rothschild Open University Campus, 108 Ravutski Street, P.O. Box 808,

Raanana 43104, Israel. E-mail: [email protected]

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