Harold:

Here are names of some people who were estremely helpful to me in the East last Spring - they are sincerelY interested in you and I WOUld appreciate a letter from you to each of them.

DON MILLAR 537 Blackhawk Ave., Madison, Wis. was extremely helpful during the Wisconsin campaign this spring, he represents the Milwaukee Sentinel here and is the one whO put out the "rescued at sea" story about you.

Miss Joyce Gafke, 610 Arlington Place, Chicago, Ill. was a student at the Univer of Wis. who organized a Stassen for President club there which was very e ffectiv~

Joseph Ridder, Journal of Commerce, 63 Park Row, New York City was chairman of my committee there and extremely helpful.

Victor Ridder, Duluth Herald, Duluth, was also in N.Y. while I was there and helped me a lot. " ..

Mrs. JOhn" Oross, The Carlton House, 22 East 47th. St.New York Oity, was Chairwoman of my committee - She is an extremely capable woman and tremendously interested in you - She was formerly a Hoyt of Cleveland and extremelY wealthh.

Mrs. Dwight Davis, 4 Sutton Place, New York City who you may alSO know as PaUline Sabin. She is a very outstanding woman and extremeLly helpful, a friend of Mrs. Cross and very much interested in you.

Mrs. ' Virginia Bacon, 1801 F. Street N. W. WaShington D. C. -wife of former congressman -daughter in law of former ambassador - very prominent in WaShington and smart political - strong for you and great help to me.

Mrs. JOhn Gross, Bethlehem, Pennsylvania. - wife of v.p. of Detheehem Steel and very a cti ve in Pal pOli tics - very s t rong for you and spend a lot of time in you behalf in p&.

Harvey Hosbour, 50 Federal St. Boston was my contact in Boston and extremely helpfUl arranged Cunningham article.

Mrs. C. Reinold Noyes 455 E. 51st. St. New York City - formerly rs. Sumner McKnight of MplS. and mother of Henry - hard worker and very helpful.

~rs. Winthrop Emmet, 520 East 80th. St. N.Y.City is assistant editor of Vogue - very active in your behalf called a meeting at her home of about 40 people .If at herj home for me to speak to inCluding the mg.ed of her mag.

Robert Coughlan, associate edt of Life wno wrote story about yo~.

Katharine Scherman, Life, who called at my office and did researcn on story strong admirerl of yours altnough she has never seen you.

October 3, 1944

Dear Harold:

Joe arrived here Friday afternoon. Talked in general terms with Ed. Gave enclosed, (1), to Dispatch. Went to Warren's house and told him about it. Warren made several suggestions and Joe called Mpls paper and gave them story with corrections, which made it look better in the Mpls paper (2).

That night papers called leaders and Ed frantically. Ed at farm ~nd not available, but back home Saturday, saw leaders, George, and Hoy, and Earl, and statements were prepared calmly, which appeared in Sunday paper (3). Saturday and Sunday phone s rang, tempers flared. Reactions two kinds -- 1, hard feelings; 2, furious. Reasons --should have consulted friends before making statement, hurt !lewey's chances, slap in face at you and hurt you for future. Then all grievances of past gathered up, such as insults in office, "be t" , etc.

Through Sunday afternoon furious and uncontrolled temp ers, outside of Warren, Ed and me.

Monday settling down process started in. Editorial in Monday morning paper and Radabaugh's statement were well received, (4). Warren and I called constantly. suggesting to people not to be bitter. but to think how we could repair the damage.

Today, Tuesday, things in general have settled down. Joe had talk at Fairmount cancelled, also at Mp ls. He is in Albert Lea today, Tuesday, addressing Chamber of Commerce. Will get report on it tonight. Every precaution to make it go smooth was taken.

Ed talked to Albany, explained situation, they understanding. Bose , Ann S., others very bitter. They will calm down I am sure. Everyone more determined than ever tha t Tom shall carry the state and will work in that direction. Joe going on air Wednesday evening. Warren and I will do everything possible to get right talk. Joe willing we go over it in detail with him. but doesn't agree to follow all our suggestions.

Thi s "Whole thing most unfortuna. te, but wi 11 work out of it some way. It is my sincere belief the net damage to you will be negligible, if any. .

Pierce Butler going east tonight. Will see them in New York. Had long talk with Pierce this afternoon.

Vic Johnson working Wisconsin. Doing a good job. Spent three hours with Turner Catlidge yesterday. Relationship with him and others his group most cordial, etc., etc.

-2-

From leading editorial in New York times last week, it would not surprise me to see them declare for Roosevelt . Under­stand , indirectly, St.Louis Post Dispatch will do the same .

Roy end George both working well with Ed. Ed doing magni­ficent job . He has grown tremendously the past four months. He makes speech for Dewey middle of month. Will not mention your name directly or indirectly .

Warren here yesterday. Enclosing clippings. He did well . Bricker here Satur day morning . 9 0' clock, St . Paul Auditorium. We are going to try to get a crowd. Goes to St . Cloud for noon meet­ing. Hope Esther and Glen can ride up with him to St.Cloud . He then goes to TIuluth, evening meeting .

A real good job by party being done in this state to carry it for Tom. My contacts are very flimsly , but I v~uld guess 50-50 now. You know "rabbi t ll is at Ann Arbor for special course . ::1arge going daVID Sa tur day.

Think it appropriate your name not be used in any of Minnesota broadcasts. This policy being followed. Also not guessing at your opinion , or stating a guess at it , as to what you would like to see happen. Feel this to be poor judgment. Keeping Sidney and Julian closely advised so they can keep older group lined up for future . They are both doing a swell job .

We will have "E" up soon . Only home few days and laid up most of it with bad cold.

Editorial in St.Paul paper written by Al Crocker. They want to do anything and everything we want done , and are certainly giving Tom every break, and more so than those across the river .

Ilpac ll doing outstanding job . Stopped by to remind vVarren he had tw) days left to re-regi e ter, due to change of address. That is one for the booksl

Did you hear about the little boy who went in Sunday School wi til his father, also to Church. After Church as they were walking home father said, IlHow did you like i t?" . Little boy said, liThe music was fine , the singing excellent, but the 11 commercial" was a little l ong" •

Also did you hear about the man who went up to a hotel to get a room. The clerk said he had no tit ing except the Bridal Suite . The man said he didn't want that , that he had been married 45 years . The clerk said, "So what! If I rent you the Ball Room you don't have to dance , do YOU?II.

Also about the man who went to a ~ymphony Concert (a business man like myself) He asked an accomplished musician there if Bach was still composing . The musi cian looked at him for a moment , then said, "No sir, but he is now "de-composing" .

-3-

The weather is swell. Minnesota has a good foot ball team this year. The Michigan game next Saturday should be excellent. Remember the rainy one we went to together?

The ducks have not started to fly, but I am not going to hunt them without a license and federal stamp, nor without plugs in my gun. None of us ever do.

As for me, my health is excellent. I have lost some weight, taken some exercise, pounding hell out of business, and the results are more than satisfactory. The fund raising which we usually have every four years is going according to schedule in a very satisfactory manner.

Herb Lewis is in London doing a good job and feeling fine. His wife said last night if Norway were to be invaded he would cover it.

I have been lax about writing you, but will try to do better from now on, and I hope all the script is intelligent, along social, family and business lines.

I think I must be getting about ready to run for County Surveyor, for I seem to be able to take awful bumps with a smile and in stride. Modestly, I really believe · both Warren and I are going to emerge from this past four or five day period better than most of our acquaintances. for we did keep calm and collected, and tried to be sensible and intelligent in what we did. and due to Ed's excellent handling, George and Roy stayed on the beam.

You have not been heard from since the 18th of September, so I imagine you will be getting back to some port of a port in the not too distant future, and I hope this reaches you in the course of the next few days.

I can sincerely say, Harold. people, by and large. think more of you today than they ever have before. Turner C. said that even though people kicked you and Joe around the country, Joe's statement would never hurt you, for your stature was well established beyond any question of doubt, and I hone stly believe this to be a fact.

When you get a chance, drop me a line, and not over too many scotches, so I can read it.

With sincerest and best regards,

Dear IV1r dtassen:

Y~iJ~6~). r,lotor 10~pedo. Boat, Dase 16 ~ Fleet ,0 . ~avy P. O. 3220 Jan Francisco , Calif .

This letter is from one of your campaigners vho at the present is stationed in the .:.:30 . Pacific . It soon ,rill be one year .

Your rememBering of me will probably be vague as the work I did for you vvas in Iortheast linneapolis ,( P. N. A. Hall , Ect)distributing literature and serveing refreshments .

In order to relate my problem to you it is necesary to go back to my ehlistement in the I.Lerchant marine . Upon my completion of boot training I \Vas transfered as a life boat instructor , before shipping out • . H·t that time my ".,ife vas pregnat and she was worried I3.bout me no~ being in t he .states 'lhile my son lvaS born . I transfered into the navy so I could stay in the states a little longer . At Great Lakes I ".~s recomended for metal school as that is my trade but before my boot trl'1 ining 1"as completed I got a Cox". rate becaus

-e of my maratime experience , conse uently I lost out in going to metal school . I tried my damndest to drop my Cox. rate so I couldgo

{tlschoolbut the_reply I received 'las that after I was asigned to a sel - a Going unit ~ could vith my commanding officers approval to strike for metalsmith in our o r,rn outfit which I immeadiately did .

The problem I am about to confront you with may seem to be liuite complicated to ypu because of censor reasons •

.. ctually my Cox . duties in the navy have beenvery limited. vvben I arrived at this base I immeadiately went into our metal shop • cieveral months later I took two examinations, one \"l8.S my second clas P . O. test and the other for metalsmith second . I passed both of those examinations • . d·S you kn01'1 when the enlisted personal change from a right arm rate to a left arm rate it must be approved in the bureau cit 'dAshington D. C . j: .. few months l ater my papers lere returned with a negative rep~ because the bureau said the navy is short of the cross anchor rate . •

ly present situation is that I can stay in the metal shop without any chance to make a metalsmith rate because of compliment reasons or I can carryon vith my Cox. rate in th?t duties . ror dtassen aft

-1' about nine years being connected with metal work , 10. Pump Co . included then to change my line of work to something I' am not inter'

-~sted in is pretty hard to take . I tried to interest my self.in Cox "rork but it isn't in me . The navy says 'Ie can choose the type of VI"

- ork v'ere intersted in. My heart is set in metal viork, I have a secI' - et aJ bi tion to have my 01'rn shop after the war . You your self wouldn -' t be content av.ray from your l aw books . You can understand how I fe -el gOing into something entirely different from 'what I have been do

-in1?~r dtassen you are the only one I can turn to to get me that rate With the rate there ill also have to be a transfer as that rate is not needed on this base , if possible a transfer to Wold Chamberlain navy base woul d be more than welcome , next any base in the states , last any repair ship.

In closeing I want to stress that I'am not of the greegarious typ --e but a,fellow who is asking .for help to stay in his own line of

work . 1. 11 apreciate any actlon taken .in this matter . Jnclosed is self addressed envelo e for your reply.

D klou~s sluc3r~R . 639- 47- 35 La vr ence L ublinow's ' vox . ••

Wednesday Morning , October 4ta .

Enclosed are comments from the morning paper on speech a t Alb ert Lea. .

Also two releases last night which are most unfortunate .

Have information things went especially well at Albert Lea , no boos , etc .

Radio address tonight will help some , but not as much as I would like to have it . lrill send you copy of it .

)Vo~

k; ~' L4-...; ~ h/,Le/ Ph,;-~

~ ~~~~--

1 ___

TEXT OF SPEECH BY SENATOR JOSEPH H. BALL AT 7 :45 P. M. VlEDNESDAY OCTOBER 4, 1944.

OVER STATION KSTP

(Release on delivery)

On Friday night I issued a statement on t he national campaign, ' published Saturday morning . ~Vhat I actually said seems to have been overlooked in much of tne comment it pr~voked J and I take this opportunity to repeat my statement . I quote;

"It is my deep conviction that the foreign policy of the United States, particularly our firm intehtion to join vvith our present Allies in establishihg a strong and effective international organization having real authority and power to maintain peace, is by far the greatest issue facing the American people in the November 7th election,

I "The lives of future generations and the security of our liberties are at

stake.

"That issue is far more important than the political success or failure of any party or person . I

"I have read or listened to all of Governor Dewey ' s speeches and statements to date . He has not as yet convinced me that his own convictions on this issue are so strong that he would fight vigorously for a foreign policy which \vill offer real hope of preventing World War Three against the inevitable opposition to such a policy.

"That being the case , I would violate my ovm deepest convictions if I were at this time to try to campaign for Governor Dewey.

"I shall instead devote myself to discussing this issue of foreign policy and stressing its importance to the future of America at every opportunity, trust­ing in the peoplets judgment on November 7th to make the right decision for America.

"This is a strictly personal. decision by myself alone. I am making this statement because of repeated inquiries as to my plans in this campaign and because I believe the people of ~tinnesota , who elected me, are entitled to a frank and honest statement of my posi tion and my reasons therefore." End of quote and of statement .

-- I realize that it is a serious step for a Republican Senator to take such a position regarding his party1s nominee for President, and I took it only after long and serious consideration, -- )

For the benefit of those who nre interpreting my statement to suit their own partisan political purposes, I wish to mnke it very plain that I said exactly what I meant, and that I did n~t mean anyttine I did not say _

Many person, disagree with my emphasis on the foreign policy issue . I share their concern ovet administrative bungling and have fought to correct it for four years. My antipathy to a fourth term is as great as anyone ' s . I have said re­peatedly that our postwar domestic prosperity 1vill depend in large measure on the development of clear, sound federal tax and labor relations policies, a responsi ­bility which the present administration has failed to meet and which I hope the Republican party will meet .

{ I recognize my responsibility both to the people of Minnesota and to the Republican party . But before either of these is my responsibility to eleven

\

million American boys who are fighting and dying to win this war, and to their sons, now alive and yet unborn, who vdll pay the price of our failure to prevent its recurrence.

I cannot forget that 25 years ago the League of Nations was sabotaged and killed by public officials who claimed to be for its , general outline and purposes, but who fought every specific authority needed to make it effective . No one can tell whether this war and the snuffing out of millions of young lives might have been prevented had the United States joined the League and throvm its great strength behind the principle of joint enforcement of international law. No one can tell because we never tried the experiment . We yielded to the multitude of fears dinned into our ears , fears for our sovereignty, for our independence , fear of interference in domestic affairs, fears proven by the subsequent history of the League to have been entire~ groundless but which are nevertheless being revived today by the opponents of collective security .

.. -2-

I know that these questions of foreign policy, becaus e of all the prejudices and fears involved, are supposed to be political dynamite, that it is a time­honored political custom to leave t hem alone as much a s possible-- until after election. But I see the heavy casualty lists issued every day-- lists of boys who are facing-- not political dynamite-- but live TNT, flame throwers, tanks, and the pell of massed artillery fire . They cannot take refuge in nice safe generalities.

The very l east we at home political failures of the past, the grave issues of the future, of the political consequences. ability.

ovre to our heroic youth, dying because of our is to discuss honestly, specifically, and clearly particularly tha t of maintaining peace, regardless Tha t I shall continue to do to the best of my

No one is more strongly in f avor than I of a bipartisan or non-partisan approach to the great problem of main t aining peace and of preventing a r ecurrence of world '.'Tar. I introduced in the Senat e , over a year ago, a bipartisan resolution on the subject and l ater t eamed up with Democratic congressmen to speak for that r esolution from coast to coast . I believe that our bipartisan activity helped in some small measure to spur the national administra tion to action in this all­important field. I am happy that Governor Dewey has joined Secretary Hull in main­taining a bipartisan approach to the problem of forming an interna tional security organization to guard against future wars .

But my deep desire to keep the issue nonpartisan does not blind me to the fact that it is and of necessity mus t be a political issue . It is a political issue because the convictions and attitudes on it of the President and the oon­gressmen and Sena tors elected this fall 1IIill in the final analysis determine whe­ther or not the United States will join an effective world security organization . Without the United States in it, such a n organization canqot hope to succeed.

Already it is apparent that a bitter fight will be waged against our joining the international security organization now being worked out. It .vill t ake the strongest kind of leadership from the White House to overcome that opposition .

Let us r emember that the people of ~nerica never had a fair chance to ex­press their overwhelming support of the League of Nations in the 1918 and 1920 elections because the issue was brushed a side , subordinat ed to local questions and personalities. General sta t ements for an associ ation of na tions gave the impress~ there was no controversy and the r eal points of cleavage were never brought out clearly.. I believe it would be a betrQyal of our fighting men to permit that sort of evasion again, and what I can do to prevent it I shall do.

All of us who r ead the newspapers and listen to the radio are fairly well informed as to the main outlines of the internati onal security organization being worked out a t the conference of American, British and Russ i an representatives a t Dumbarton Oaks . Governor Dewey in his Louisville speech followed those outlines generally when he spoke for a world court to settle judicial disputes , a general a ssembly in which all nations would be r epresent ed, and a smaller executive coun­cil to settle political disputes and t ake action against future aggressors. That is fine as far as it goes .

But, even as Governor Dewey spoke , the two major nnes of attack on our joining such an organization were developing, and si nce then t hey have bs come very clear. Both Republican and Demo cr atic Sena tors have sta ted them in speeches . crhere is nothing new or strange about their arguments. In fact they have a ver y familiar ring, because they are exactly the arguments used to delay, sabotage , and finally kill the League or' Nations in the Senat e t vrenty-five years ago .

One of these t wo arguments is the demand that all the peace settlements, both in Europe and Asia , must be compl eted and must m08t al l the varying standards as to what we believe would be just and f air, before the United States should join an internati onal organization to maintain peace .

On the surface , that sounds fairly r easonable ; but let's examine it mor e closely. In the first place, it would mean delaying any est ablishment of an internati onal security organization for a t l eas t t hr ee , and possibly five or more , years. Probably it would mean killing it for good simply by delay, because nations are not likely vol untarily to limit their soverei gnty in favo~ of i nt er­national control of aggression except in a time of crisis When the horrors of war are close at hand,

-3-

At Versaille , fear of future 2.ggression Ylas a major force working toward injustice in the settlements. It ~ill be a much more potent force after this war unless we can eliminate its influence by cre2.ting beforehand a vrorld security organization in vmich nations and peoples can and will have confidence.

But I do not expect, and I do not believe anyone who has studied the forces now working expects the peace settlements aft er this war to satisfy any individual or nation completely. There vr.i.ll be injustices 2.nd there 'will be deviations from principle which t he people of America ,vill dislike. To expect anything else out of the seething cauldron of hate stirred up by this most brutal and destructive of all wars is to expect the impossible. The only hope of gradually correcting such injustices without war is to have ready an organization which provides peaceful procedures for change and adjustment . Experience under the old League of Nations justifies th2.t hope.

If we and our Allies are to demand 2. world Utopia before we do anything effective about preventing future wars , we'll never do it. This argument is now, as it was in 1919, merely a subterfuge for opposition to our joining any inter­national organization.

The second line of attack is the demand that even after the world security council has determined that a clear case of military aggression exists2.nd has called for use of joint military f orces to stop it, with our representative on the council agreeing, the United Stat es Congress must still consider the case and give its consent, either through a formal declaration of war or some other re­solution, before a single United States cruiser or aircraft carrier can be ordered into action against the agg~essor .

Vfuer e does that leave the enforcement of our intern,o,t ional l aw against future aggression a nd war? Obviously, if we reserve the right to decide in each individual case whether or not we will help maint2.in peace , so "rill every other nation, and we 'll have no more certainty of internati onal law enforcement than we had in the twenties and thirties, a nd no bEtte~ chance of preventing a third world vrar. Instead, we could look forward only to a repetition of the endless delays, the confusion and dodging of responsibility and ultimate inaction that finally resulted in the f ailure of the League machine ry to preserve peace.

I believe these are two of the vi t.s.l questions at the very heart of the problem of preventing another great ymr. Tht:! American people can decide them only if the two Presidential nominees , us vlell as all Congressional candidates, state their positions on them clearly and honestly. That has not been done as yet .

Presumably, the present Administr~tion , because it is negotiating the agreements at Dumbarton Oaks, is committed on these questions. Presumption is not enough on this vitul issue and I believe the President has a primary res­ponsibility to present these and other is sues to the people a nd state his position on them vrith complete candor . Unfortunc:tely, we have not had that kind of l eadership from the Vmite House . In that Situation , it becomes even more incumbent on the oppositi~n to drD.w the issues clearly and forcefully. Othenlise, we cannot decide these issues intelligently at the polls.

Finally, may I appeal to the people of ~linnesota to reject the hD.te groups and. the r abid partisanship which is becoming apparwt on both sides in this national campaign. We cannot hope to build either a peaceful Vlorld or a sound America on the foundation of hat e , fear and prejudice .

Continual raking over the errors of the past generates hoat but little light. The problems facing us in th e future , both a t horne and abroad, are vast and complicat ed . Their adequate and honest discussion should leave little time for mud slinging between now and ele ction~

statement released by Senator Joseph H. Ball Thursday, October 12, 1944

As a result of my recent statements on the importance of the foreign policy ~ssue in the present national campaign, I have received many hundreds of requests to st~arize the real points of controversy already developed over United States participation in a United Nations security organization so that voters can better judge where all candidates for federal office stand, on them. In response to that demand, in cooperation with others who feel as I do, I have drafted the following query which voters who regard this issue as paramount might address to candidates for the Presidency and Congress:

It has become clear in this campaign that general statements by candidates favoring an international security organizatioo offer no more assurance to the people than they did in 1918 and 1920. Therefore, we are asking you to answer these specific questions regarding the main lines of attack already developed against United States entry into such an organization:

1. Will you support the earliest possible formation of the United Nations security organization and United States entry therein before any final peace settlements are made either in Europe or Asia?

2. Viill you oppose Alny reservations to United States entry into such United Nations organization, which would weaken the power of the organization to act to maintain peace and stop aggression?

3. Shou~ the vote of the United States representative on the United Nations security eouncil commit ~n agreed upon quota of our military forces to action ordered by the council to main­tain peace without requiring further Congressional approval?

Time is short and I urge all Americans who vmnt our country to do its full share to prevent a recurrence of VTorld war to insist on clear, ul1equivocal answers to these quest.ions from Presidential and Congressional nominees. Safe, easy generalities on this issue are not enough when eleven million American boys are facing death because of the failure of governments, our own included, to solve this great problem after World War One.

Candidates who have thought this issue through and believe it 8an be solved only by strong and effective international organization can and vdll answer all three qUf.)stions vlith a strai~t affirmative, appending their O,Yll reasons for such answer. Isolationists, nationalists, American imperialists and others who will give lip service to the principle of world orga~ization but sabot~e every effort to make it effective will either anSVler in the negative or so qualify their an~wers as to make them meaningless.

STATEME!iT OF SENATOR BALL MONDAY OCT . 23 , 1944

The record in this national campaign is largely complete .

Here at home, Governor Devley would not reverse or abandon any major objective or policy of the Roosevelt Administration . He does promise more efficient administration and a friendlier attitude toward business , both needed . However , domestic issues cannot be separated from international issues . This war is con­vincing proof that in the shrinking world of today what America does at home has terrific repercussions abroad , and that the solutions reached for international problems ¥Qll shape and limit our choices at home .

The American system has proven by its miraculous record in this war that it is stronger' than "ever despite changes in federal policy and administrative mis ­takes the p ast twelve years . It ~an and vdll sll'viv8 domestic blunders , but nei­ther our enterprise system nor our democratic institutions will survive a thiro. world war . Therefore, the foreign policy which the American people choose for their government in this election becomes all- important .

The Roosevelt Administra ti on , VQ th some mis takes and timidity, has by its action reversed the isolationist foreign policy the United States followed for two decades . It has established American l eadership of the United Nations in fi ghting this war and developing a world security organization to maintain peace in the future .

President ?,oosevelt in his Saturday nig.'1t spee ch capped this record of action by meeting squarely and unequivocally the two vital and controversial issues on which the isolationists kept us out of the League of Nati ons and will fiGht our entry into the United Nations Securi ty organiza'~i()n . He insisted that the United Nati ons organization be formed without delay, before hostilities cease, and that it be granted power to use miHtary force aGainst future aggressors \'Qth­out requiring individual approval of ea:h membe~ nation .

Governor De'wey has opposed delay but has not met squarely the second vital issue . He has spoken for a strong int ernati onal securi ty organizati on, but in each speech has so ",wrded his corruliitmsnt that bot h isolationists and int@r­nationalists could find comfort and su ppor t in 'Ilha t he said . A su~stantial part of his support is t alking s trc~ight isolationist doctrine to the country .

President Roosevelt is in a position to r e ceive a clea r and tremendously forceful mandate on this gre: ... t is~ue from th e American people .

Governor Dewey'S mandate would be confused and weak and his leadership hampered by a seri ous division among his own slWDorters .

On that basis , I shall vote for and support ')resident Hoosevelt .

I .....

SPEECH OF SENATOR JOSEPH H. BALL (R- Minn) on behalf of PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT FROM ~NASHINGTON OVER BLUE NET.IJORK ~ffiC at 10 P.M. THURSDAY, October 26, 1944.

Release for Friday A'.M. papers, Oct. 27.

We are in the closing days of a national campai gn carried on in the midst of the greatest war in our history . That fact itself is proof of the vitality and strength of the democratic institutions which we are fighting to preserve . Unfortunately, the campaign has not measured up to the needs of the times .

With eleven million American sons in uniform, we had a right to expect in this campaign a courageous, serious and high-principled discussion of the solu­tions to the great problems facing us . Except io all too rare instances, ~e have not had this type of campaign . Instead we have had promises v:i thout -programs to fulfill them, meaningless generalities and concentration on ~inor issues . We have had name-calling, sarcasm and appeals to hate and prejudice, Neither gr eat party has met adequately its responsibility to the future of America .

Despite this unsatisfactory situation , we must choose a President on November 7. I have made my choice , 'on t he r ecord and the issues . Although I am a Republican Senator, I shall vote for President Roosevelt . Here are my r easons: --- On domestic issues , Governol' Dewey says he would retain or expand every major prGgr~m and policy of the Roosevelt Administration . He would expand social security. He would keep the Vlagner Act , wage and hour law, securities and exchatg! act nnd other major Roosevelt policies . De"Ney also accepts the Roosevelt thesis that if private enterprise f ails to provide full employment in the postw"ar period the Federal Government must step in and make , up the difference vdth a public works progr am.

Dewey does promise a more effici ent administ r a tion of these progr ams and a friendli er attitude toward business. I believe bot h of these ar e needed .

But on the i mportant domestic issues of taxati on and l abor r el ations , Dew'ey has failed to offer the American peopl e a workable , constructive program . He has properly called attention to weaknesses of the pr esent Administration in these \ fields. But his only solutions to our labor r el ations problem is to appoint a l abor leader secret ary of l abor and place all labor f unctions under that depart­ment . That sounds good but it is hardly adequate to solve the difficult labor r el ations problem ahead . Governor Dewey promises to r educe taxes for nearly everyone , but seems to overlook the huge r evenue needs of the ¥ed~ral Government in the immediate future .

Governor Dewey, and to an even ' great er degr ee speakers f or him in this cam­pai gn, nave attempted to scare the American peopl e into believing that r e- el ection of Roosevelt would mean a communist dicta torship in the Unit~d Stat es . Because of their r eckless and irresponsibl e handling of this scar e attempt, they have seriously weakened the chances of a Dewey administration being abl e to cooper ate ~dth Soviet Russia , Yet any student of foreign aff airs r ecognizes that continued cooperation and harmony between Russia, Britain and the United Stat es is a prime essential t o any r ealistic effort to prevent future wars .

But what ar e the f acts about American communists ? In four years in Washin gton I have yet to meet a f eder al office holder who is a communist , and I may add that I have absolutel y no use for tho American variet y . Ther e may be a handful of communists on the outer fringe of the New Deal, but to try to paint them as a s-'i:'l rious r:,Emace is ridi cul ous .

As a matter of fact~ it is a li~tle inconsistent to try to picture President Roosevelt as a would-be dictator in one spebch , and in the next blast him because his subordinat es quarrGl in public . Dictators do not per mit their subordinat es to quarrel in public,

The rights en d liberties of the American peopl e ar e in f ar l ess danger from the little handful of communists on the out er fringe of the New Deal than they ar e from the r abiO isolationists and l abor hat ers who unfortunat ely occupy positions of much gr eat er influence in Mr, Dewoy's campaign.

But domestic issues cannot be separ at ed from international iSSU0S. This war is convincing p~of that in th6 shrinking world of today what Am8rica dOGS at home has t errific r epercussions ~broad , and that the solutions r eached for inter­national problems will sh~PG and limit our choices her e at home .

-2-

Furthermore, the .~lerican system has proven by its miraculous record in this war that it is stronger than ever despite changes in federal policy and adminis­trative mistakes over the pnst twelve years. It can and -,rill survive domestic blunders over the next fow years, but neither our enterprise system nor our demo­cratic institutions and individual liberties will survive a third world war. Therefore, the foreign policy vmich the American people choose for their govern­ment in the November 7 election becomes all-important .

The one positive, constructive proposal made to prevent future wars is an . organization of the United Nations having authority to settle disputes by peaceful proc8dures, and endowed with po'rer to stop future at tempts at aggression by the use of joint military force. Its mnjor purpose '.vill be to stop future aggressions when they str.rt, before they he.ve grown so great that only a world war can stop them . The major principles of such an organization Vlere agreed upon at Dumbarton Oaks and published .

For a time, general statements in favor of such an organization, coming from even such confirmed isolo.tionists as Ham Fish, crclr.ted an impression that there vms no controversy on this iSSUe among politic<'.l l eaders . Hovrever, it has no\,{ become clee.r that our joining such c:.n organization -Hill be opposed bitterly. ~vo main lines of attack hUVG become apparent . They are not new or unexplored, because they ar~ the same major argum "nts used to kill the League of Nations 25 yenrs ago . And they vrere used t hen by men who professed to f avor the gener .:, l . principles of the LeRgue.

These two lines of atto.. ck can be summarized briE:fly in t wo of three questions which I suggested that voters ~sk all candidates for feder al office :

1. Will you support the 8arliest possible formation of the United Nations security organization and United States entry therein before ~ny final peace settlements are m2..de either in Europe or Asia?

2. Should the vote of the United States repr0scnt~tivo on the United Nations security council commit an <:>.greed upon quota of ou:" milit<:ry forces to 2.ction ordered by the cou\lcil to lTIHintain poac.:! without r equiring furth<::r Congrassional approval?

C~~~idates who have thought this issue through ~nd o..re convinced it can be solve°cPj'b'y strong and effective international organizD.tion can and vrill ansv!Or both questions ,lith a cltarcut affir'm<:>. tive, opposin g either delay or hamstri:1ging of the organization I s povrer to use force <,. gninst future aggressors .

These t wo vital questions ar e a t the very heart of the problem of prevent­ing futur€ wars . The American people can decide them only if candidat es state their positions on them clearlY and honestly, not privately to interested individuals , but publicly to the people.

Presidcmt Roosevelt. has met both issues squ:::.rely. H0 wan ts the United Nations security organization est.::blished vrithout delay, before hostilities ceaso • . He 'wants our representative on it legally endoyred with authority to commit an agreed upon quota of our forces to action against an 2.ggr essor at the call of the council.

In addition, the Roosev0lt Administration , by a long series of actions, has r eversed the isolationist f oreign policy of the United States. It has established American leadership of the United Nations in fighting this VIar ::nd in developing a world secw:-ity organization . It has dono this through reciprocv. l trade agree­ments , the good neighbor policy, the destroyers-bases trade, lend-lease, selective service, r epeal of the arms embargo , the United Nations conferences on food, currency stabilization, relief and rehabilitation, and finally the Dumbarton Oaks conference.

Governor Dewey has said that establishment of the organization should pro­ceed without delay. He has not D.nswered thE: second \.'i t 2.1 question. He has spoken for a strong international security org2.nization, but h2.s so worded his commitments th~t both internationalists and isolationists could find comfort and support in what he said.

Two facts make Devley's VJeak commitments on this issue Eiven weaker . One is the r ecord of the majority of Republicans in Congress in opposing these foreign policy and preparedness measures before Pe~rl Harbor . The other is the f act that a substantial number of Dewey'S supporters, including most of those Democrats Who oppose Roosevelt, are t alking straight isol~tionist doctrine to the American ~eo­pIe. The present l eaders of the Republican party are trying to stand on both sides of the foreign policy issue.

-2-

.. . .. Vlhile Governor Dewey makes speeches aimed to please the int.ernationalists,

his running mate , Governor Bricker , is t alking the isol~tionist-nation~list doc t rines of the McCormick-Patt8rson press. In a press conference r ecently in St. Paul , Governor Bricker made stat ements which in eff ect answered both of the questions quoted a moment ago in tho negative . And it is significant that Bricker is the Republican Vice Pr esidentic! l nominee o. s a r esult of a d8al made by Dewey at Chicago in order t o avoid a contest for th\') nominr,tion . Th~t deal was hardly th~ act of a man with strong convictions on this issu0 . Bricker is a nan of integrity and his foreign policy views v:er e isol ationist then as they are now.

On th8 r ecord, President Roosevelt is in' a posj,tion to r eceive a clear and tre:nendously forceful mand:lt e from tho Am6rican people on this great issue . D6wey's m~ndate would be confus.;)d and weak and his l eadurship hampered by a serious division among his Dvm supporters. '

NeVertheless, therE: ",.re those who argue that Dewey should be elected be­cause there arc many members of' Congr ess, in thE:; Senat e particularly, who hate RoosevEJlt s o much they i'iill be; ",g!:linst any internntional proposal he makes , r e­gardl eSS of its merits . That argument is thd most serious indictment of Amorican politics yet made . It is not a V2.lid c:rgument for def eat of Hoosevelt , but it is [~ very powerful Grgument f or the def(;at of all mt::mbers of Congr ess whose decisj_ons c.r e mack on the basis of blind p~rtisanship and hate , r ather thE'-n the merit;:; of the i s sue and th 8 futur e welfGr~ of Amer i ca .

A word E'.bout the Democratic nomin e.:;; for Vice President, Senator Harry Truman of ~;Iissouri. I do not lik.::: the '!{c'.'Jr he '!Jas nominrl t ed any better than you do . But I am 8vel1 more disgusted by tho pres c.nt vicious smear ca~lpaign directed against him, largel y by the ver;/ same groups who E'. f ew months ago could not praise highly enough his a chievements as chairman of th€ speci al Senat.:;; Co~mittee to investigate thG na.tional defense progr .:<m, known as the Tr .... lf.l~n CO;;lr.!i t t ae . Truman admits he yras support ed by a political machine of unsavory' r eput rltion, but like the l at e Alfred E. Smi th of NO'll York , TrumGn has ri sen above it. I s erved with him on the Truman Committee for over three years ,::md scow him time and ~gain demonstrate his E'.bsolute integrity, his politicnl cour:1ge , his E'.bility and finally, his devotion t o America before any poli tic~l or pc.rtisan l oyalties .

Harry Truman ' s voting r ecord on foreign policy is 100 percent right. In addition, he participated in thE incaption of the B2H2 bipartisan f or eign policy r es olution ih FE:bruary, 1943, and joined bip3.rtisc.n t eams which stumped the country for a strong internationnl organization a year ago .

Let us r e ject the hat e gr oups and r abid partisanship which is becoming apparent on both sides in t his national campai gn . We cannot hope to build either a peaceful -.'{orld or a sound America on the foundation of hat e , f ear and pre­judice .

Our primary r esponsibility in this el ection is t o el oven million Americnn boyr who Etre fi ghting and dying to win this v!~r , nnd to their sons , now alive and yet unborn, YIho will peW the price of' L)ur failure to pruvent its r ecurr6nce .

President Roosevelt, because of his convictions , his r ecord and the clear mandat e he can receive on this gr eD. t issue from the people , is best qualified to discharge that r 8sponsibilit'J' .

-3-

October 5, 1944

Dear Harold,

About a month ago I had the pleasure of attending a meeting of Minn. Insurance Agents. At the banquet the principal speaker was Senator Ball. I had not heard Joe speak in a long time and was quite surpr~sed and pleased over his development as a speaker. He gave a very fine talk which kept the audience of at least a thousand people, spellbound for an hour. I could visualize a great future for him even with all the mistakes he has already made. But his last two errors in speaking out of turn have hurt him severly, together with making it tough,and I mean tough, for any program that might be taken in the future.

I will try and give you a summary of developments in the state since you were h~re. This I'm doing ~t the suggestion of the little fellow and with the idea that what I pass on to you is at least my own feeling in this matter.

This campaign is different in m~ny respects than former ones. Party leaders are indifferent, they will not work, they are more interested in making money, the war and other entertain-

_ment, rather than politics. Berore Saturday, the campaign was moving along smoothly and in accordance with plans. Roy Dunn had taken the reins and was running the show. Still is (vmich was all right), there was very little effective campaign work accomplished in the state. I would say that if the election were held then the results would be the same as when you were here. The work done so far has been by radio. Roosevelt & Dewey have given a few radio speeches. I don't think they changed many votes. The republicans appointed a finance committee which you have seen in your clippings. You can recognize all the "old guards". Your people were giving the necessary support to con-vice the people of our cooperation. All in all I would say that everything looked encouraging. It would be a close race in Minnesota with Dewey losing the state. If that came about I know the people in the East would feel that we gave them everything we had and Roy Dunn could be singled out as the leader who lost the state. Up to this point we were in a good position.

About two Weeks ago Senator Ball issued a story calling for the defeat of eleven senators who were up for election because they were isolationists. He further stated that they were 8 rep. and 3 Dem. This was a mistake. I don't think he could change the course of any election or defeat of senators in other states. From Roosevelt's purge he should have learned that was the impOSSible. The Dems played this up a little, but it soon died down. This action of Joe's could have a bad effect in the future.

His statement of Satruday, which you have heard, was a prize. I fear it never will be forgotten. It came out of a clear sky, with repercussions that went allover the nation. Tele­grams, letters, resolutions, mail bag letters, editorials and conversation condemning him for his deed. Gov. Thye, Doc. Rad.

Roy Dunn and George Jones statements helped to clarify our position. Of course, one hears how this is another of Stassen's fast political

moves to further his own future aims. You would be surprised the numeber of people who believe this. On the whole they feel you had nothing to do with it. Your supporters who were never sold on Joe are welcoming the opportunity to condemn him. Your supporters who were favorable to him have also turned on him. The effect on the National picture you can well analize.

I found that two people knew that Joe was going to give out the release. Warren Burger and Les Malkerson. They were in agreement with him. After the heat started Burger had a change of heart and joined in with those who were displeased.

I called on the Gov. and suggested that he write East, reaffirming his stand and that due to Ball statement we were making a survey of the situation to ascertain the possible harm brought about by Ball's action. The survey would take about 10 or 12 days at which time a complete report would be submitted. He felt this was unnecessary at this time, also the report in the middle of October. He explained the situation was different now as he called Dewey Saturday night and had a long talk with him. He told of your visit back home, how you sat down with Gov. and Mrs. Thye, Senator and Mrs. Ball and asked that every possible effort be made to carry the state for Dewey. He was satisfied and told Ed. he had the highest regard for him and appreciated the work he was doing. Ed. then suggested that perhaps a meeting with Ball might help matters, to this Dewey replied he wanted nothing to do with Ball, that he was just a snake in the grass. I don't know if this last request nullified the first part of the conversation. Vllien I left him I had no assurance that the instruction contained in the Vic Johnston memo would be carried out. I feel it is more necessary that this be done now than before

Joe talked on the radio last evening reaffirming his position. I'm afraid this issue is about all you will hear and read from now until election. What effect it will have is un­certain. Now it looks like it will make ~ Dewey a martyr here in Minnesota. Then my prediction is that it will help him. There are so many who hate Roosevelt and they feel Joe's action is helping him. This has aroused them from apathy to a fighting group. You can't realize the effect of Joe's action on individuals who never could be stirred up. I can't relate incidents in detail, but have tried to give you the picture as I see it.

Before Ball's statement the betting in Mpls. was 21 to 1 on Roosevelt so win the Nation~t with $200,000 up. Dewey was favored in the state to win 6 to 5. oince Ball's statement the odds have changed to even money that Dewey would carry the state. On the nation~t it is still 2t to 1.

My best of Kat~ sends

/

My health is slowly improving and hope that you are well. luck to you and my only wish is that you'll be home soon. her best. ~

MINNESOTA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Copyright in this digital version belongs to the Minnesota Historica l Society and its content may not be copied

w ithout the copyright holder's express w ritten permis­sion. Users may print, download, link to, or email content,

however, for individual use.

To request permission for commercial or educationa l use, please contact the Minnesota Historical Society.

1 ~ W'W'W.mnhs.org