paper titled: cayman and the federation: relationships ... - cayman and the federation.pdf ·...

Oneil Hall, University of the West Indies Cave Hill.

1

Name: Oneil Hall

Institution: University of the West Indies, Cave Hill Campus.

Faculty: Humanities and Education

Department: History and Philosophy

Reflection Question: How did British Overseas Territories (BOTs) relate to the West Indies

Federation?

Paper Titled: Cayman and the Federation: Relationships Saga!

Blame Jamaica?

UCCI/UWI/ICCI Caribbean Conference: 50-50 – Surveying the

Past, Mapping the Future

University College of the Cayman Islands, Grand Cayman.

21 – 23 March 2012


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BIOGRAPHY

Oneil Hall is a full-time MPhil/PhD student at the University of the West Indies,

Cave Hill Campus in Barbados. He was born in 1989, and spent most of his life in

one of Jamaica's most historic towns of Spanish Town. He started his elementary

education at Spanish Town Primary School. From 2001 to 2008, he attended the

prestigious Jamaica College, and then the University of the West Indies, Mona.

After his first year at Mona he went to Cave Hill Campus for a year on a regional

exchange programme. At Cave Hill he developed very close friendships and

decided to transfer in 2010. From Cave Hill, he obtained a Bachelor of Arts degree

(honours) in History with Political Science. He has served as the secretary for the

Cave Hill History Society 2009-2010. He is currently doing post graduate research

on the relationship between Jamaica and the Cayman Islands 1863-2000. He has

done research on the Michael Manley's social engineering projects in the 1970s

and the informal Justice System in Jamaica. Other research interest includes the

Christopher "Dudus" Coke affairs of 2010.


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The Cayman Islands Coats of Arm.

“Jamaica and the Cayman islands are two of a few countries in the world that

have the pineapple represented on their coat of arms. The pineapple is indigenous

to Jamaica. However, for Cayman, it points to her ties with Jamaica.

Undoubtedly, Jamaica and the Cayman Islands have a very long and interesting

history that spans to almost 300 years. The past centuries have seen many

changes in this relationship. However, it is imperative to note that 2012 marks a

very significance year for the administration and governance of Jamaica and the

Cayman Islands. While they were separated in the legal sense of administration

of the territories, for the past half century the territories have become even closer

than before. Indeed, the prosperity of Cayman in the financial sector has provided

employment for many Jamaicans. This economic boom fosters an even closer

relationship between the territories. Further, the last century has seen an increase

in trade and travel; migration; assimilation of cultures and even immigration

conflicts. The nature of the relationship between the two territories is

reminiscent of the pineapple fruit which is very sweet however though it itches

the mouth at times. It is submitted that although the relationship between the

territories has been sweet and yet itchy at times, it remains one we should all be

proud of – why? Because it is more than pineapples.” – Oneil Hall

The Pineapple

represents

Caymans’ ties to

Jamaica

The pineapple

is an

indigenous

fruit to

Jamaica.


4

ABSTRACT

“Islands of the blue Caribbean sea, side by side we stand” The BWI Federation (1958-1962) was

an avenue for the Anglophone West Indian colonies to gain formal independence, as one great

nation, from the United Kingdom. Sadly, the federation never survived. This year will mark the

50th

anniversary since the collapse of the federation. The federation collapsed as result of a

number of factors. These include several major weaknesses in its structure, disunity among

Caribbean politicians, insularity among its members, lack of communication between islands,

and Jamaica‟s withdrawal which ultimately led to its demise. Jamaica‟s withdrawal meant that

she would opt for independence by herself and her dependent territory of the Cayman Islands

would refuse to join her. Instead of choosing the path that Jamaica did, the Caymanian opted to

remain a dependent of Britain. Nevertheless, even before the onset of the federation, Jamaica and

Cayman Islands relations existed from as early as 1661. In fact, in 1863, Britain passed an Act

making the Cayman Islands a dependency of Jamaica. In this regard, the Cayman Islands and

Jamaica shared the same Governor until 1962 when Jamaica became independent. This paper

argues that Jamaica‟s withdrawal from the Federation led to a new relationship between the two

territories. Further, the paper will examine Caymanians‟ attitude towards the federation; how the

federation reacted to the Caymanians and how the end of the federation changed the relationship

with her closest neighbor, Jamaica.


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Introduction

In 1956 the British Parliament passed the British Caribbean Federation Act. This Act established

the West Indies Federal Government. It was an integration project for the Anglo-phone

Caribbean. The Federal Government was responsible for foreign affairs, defence, and ensuring

that the finances of the islands were stable. Also, it possessed a power that was very residual in

nature. The residual duties included the power over West Indies Colonial Welfare funds; the

University College of the West Indies; Federal Shipping and other functional obligations. In this

regard, it was argued that a government with only functional duties seemed more of a make-up

story than reality. Nevertheless, from the outset, the Federal government had no real

governmental power. In fact, they had no power to force unit territories to comply with federal

policies. In effect, this meant that the unit Legislatures had more powers than the federal

government. In addition, the powers to levy taxes were still in the hands of the unit territories.

Structural weaknesses of this nature spelled an early death sentence for the Federation.

Accordingly, in May 1961, the Federal Government was dissolved. In this regard, James

Ferguson posits, “The Federation took eleven years of discussion to come into being, but even

so, it started and failed to flourish.” 1

The post- World War II era saw a wave of decolonization across the globe. The British West

Indian islands were no exception. They caught the decolonization flu and with pressure from the

United Nations and the United States; Britain decided to relinquish her little Caribbean gems that

had lost their brightness. The subsequent coming on stream of the Federation was nothing new

to the region. Indeed, there were early attempts to unify the region from as early as 1847. Suffice


6

it to say, Britain‟s modus operandi was that of federating the islands for centralization of

administration purposes rather than affording independence to ten countries. Nevertheless, the

colonized saw the West Indian Federation as a political avenue to gained independence. Eric

Williams in 1958, for example, posited that it was hoped that the federation would be the

instrument through which the British Caribbean colonies would achieve political independence.”

Sir Shridath Ramphal in a lecture commemorating the 50th

Anniversary of the West Indies

Federation argues,

The British West Indies Federation came formally into existence on January 3, 1958. It was

dissolved on 31 May1962. In the four and a half years of its life almost all activity of

significance in the Federation - in the Federal Parliament, in communications between the

Federal Government and the Governments of the territories; in ‘federal’ discussions within

the territories - centred on this issue of distribution of power between the centre and

territories -- wrangles conducted essentially between politicians and between the public

servants entrusted with the unenviable task of fulfilling their masters contradictory

mandate.1

A plethora of research has been undertaken with respect to the British West Indian Federal

experiment. These have examined the reasons for the federation; failure of the federation; and

recommendations for re-federalism. This paper builds on, and contributes to these federal

research approaches. The aim of the paper is to examine the relationships between the Cayman

Islands and the Federation. It must be noted that during the Federal Experiment, Cayman was a

dependency of Jamaica and as such, for the purposes of this paper, Jamaica will be featured.

Although many dissertations, essays, books, articles have been written on the Federation, there

has been a silence in the academic arena on Cayman‟s relationship and role in the Federation.


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With due fairness, Michael Craton in his book “He Hath Founded Upon the Sea: A History of

the Cayman Islands” had dedicated a few pages to the issue at hand. However, in a general

sense, this is not a topic that has drawn the interest of scholars, for several reasons. However, this

paper seeks to resurrect the federal ghost in the Cayman Islands by showing how the Federation

question has broken the relationship between her and Jamaica

Based on historical documentation, it will be argued that the rise and fall of the Federation led to

a new type of relationship between Jamaica and the Cayman Islands. The paper will proceed on

this premise from the backdrop of Cayman‟s reaction to the Federation; the Federal

Government‟s response to the Cayman Islands and finally how the failure of the federation

altered the relationship between the territories of Jamaica and Cayman.

Cayman and the Federation

Although the Cayman Islands did not have a seat in the Federal legislature she was very much

integrated within the British West Indian Federation. By virtue of her being a dependency of

Jamaica she was much apart of the Federation as Jamaica. Nevertheless, in 1957, the Cayman

Islands Assembly passed a resolution transferring civil appeals from the Grand Court to the

Federal Supreme Court instead of the Court of Appeal of Jamaica, the latter being reserved to

deal only with criminal appeals. However, by 1959, appeals from the Grand Court were sent to

the Federal Supreme Court in both criminal and civil matters.3 Federal Supreme Court records

show that the Cayman Islands used the Federal Supreme Court as their High court until 1961. As

such, it is submitted that the Cayman Islands were very much a part of the integrated judiciary

that lasted for roughly four years.


8

Another example of the Cayman Islands being integrated in the Federation was through the

Federal Agriculture Department. There was a visit from the Federal Agricultural Advisory

Committee to the Cayman Islands where seeds from St Lucia were offered so as to help with the

coconut disease which plagued the country‟s agricultural sector at the time. Moreover, the

Cayman was a part of the University College of the West Indies, which was attended by many

Caymanian students.

In addition, the Federal Government organized several meetings to deal with the concerns the

Cayman Islands had with the Federal Arrangement. “During the Inter-Governmental Conference

in Trinidad, it was agreed that an official Working Party be set up to examine any problems

which arose with respect to the Cayman Islands which at the time had no representation in the

federal Legislature.”4

This Working Party Committee met on May 5th

1961. The meeting was a

further attempt to integrate the Cayman Islands in the Federal project, though met with some

resistance. As meetings of this nature were convened to specifically deal with Caymans‟

concerns, it would be disingenuous to argue that she was not apart of the Federal project or she

did not know where she stood in the Federal arrangements. Cayman was very much an active

participant in the Federation although she did not have a representative in the Federal legislature.

In any event, other federal projects such as unification of the customs union and the postal office

to which the Cayman was not willing to be apart. Her absence from these arrangements was not

due to the federation rejecting her; the fault rests solely on her. Indeed, many letters were sent to

include her in these Federal projects, but she resisted.

Cayman’s Attitude toward the Federation


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The Montego Bay Conference 1947 is a very clever place to start examining the attitude of West

Indians to the idea of Federation. Michele A. Johnson posits, “The Montego Bay Conference had

been hailed at the time as the event which marked the beginning of the West Indies Federation,

closer scrutiny of its proceedings suggests otherwise. There were clear signs from the attitude of

the participants that the project was doomed to failure.”5 Elisabeth Wallace further notes,

As part of its decision to push modified self-government, the British authorities encouraged

the experiment in confederation. The idea had been discussed in the Colonial Office since the

later nineteenth century, but it was brought to new life with a regional conference held at

Montego Bay, Jamaica, in 1947. The British were interested in administrative efficiency and

centralization. The West Indians talked about political independence.6

Cayman‟s attitude to the Federal Project was one of caution. The first instance where

Caymanians gave a negative attitude to the Federation was at the Montego Bay Conference in

1947. From as early as this Conference, the Observers representing the Cayman Islands argued

that they would not federate if they “did not have a seat in the federal legislature.” While The

Standing Committee recorded their concern, it was explained that Cayman could not have a

representative in the Federal legislature because she was a dependent of Jamaica. Furthermore,

she was just 0.24 per cent of the Federal population which meant she was too small to have a

representative in the Legislature.

In addition, Caymanians were very skeptical of the Federal Project. This skepticism might have

been fuelled by the constant in-fighting over federal taxation; where the federal Capital city

ought to be; and the number of seats Jamaica should get in the legislature. These conflicts raised

Caymanians‟ eyebrows at the federal project. In any event, from the outset, there were

challenges with the structure of the Federation and this in turn made the Caymanians worry.


10

Ultimately, this skepticism led the leaders to take a watch and see approach. This attitude was

reflected in the proposal by the Working Committee on May 5th

1961. The Memorandum dated

11th January 1957 highlights the attitude of skepticism. The Memo was sent from the Cayman

Islands to the British Caribbean Federation. They argued that they would like to preserve their

position in the West Indies Federation, a position which arguably highlights that they were

skeptical. Indeed, they did not trust the Federal project and as such, were willing to take a „watch

and see‟ approach. The Memorandum notes,

The Cayman Islands wish to consider at the end of the first five years of the federation

whether they should come completely within the ambit of the Federation or whether the

interest of the federation and/or of the CI would perhaps best be served if they became a

separate and distinct unit.7

Caymanians‟ attitude from 1947-1962 was never static. It was never a direct „no‟ until after

1961. In reality, it was clear that once Caymanian interest was preserved, they would have no

problem with the Federal project. The Cayman Assembly‟s Memorial on April 7th

1955 notes,

“Whatever arrangements are made for Constitution advance and the BWI Federation we wish

therefore to stipulate respectfully and firmly that aims which we have stated should not be

compromised and that the rights with we enjoy should not be prejudiced or diminished.”8

Caymanians would not compromise on issues of free movement; taxation; trade and stamps. In

1947, the observer said they wanted representation; by 1955 they were arguing once their interest

was preserved they would have no challenge with Federation. However, by 1957, they were

arguing that they wanted to preserve their position on the matter. Clearly, the Caymans‟


11

Assembly attitude towards the Federation was never static, though from 1947-1961 there was a

gradual progression in the direction of saying “NO.”

Furthermore, a diplomatic note between the Attorney General of Jamaica and the Chief Justice of

the Federal Supreme Court helps us to understand a little more about Caymans‟ attitude toward

the Federation. Attorney General of Jamaica, J. L Cundall, was one of the framers of the 1959

Cayman Constitution. This was the first ever written Constitution for the Cayman Islands. He

worked closely with the Caymanians‟ Assembly, the Colonial Office and Commissioner in

producing the Constitution. He wrote, “I felt I have to go cautiously as I would be intervening in

a matter which constitutionally does no concern of mine, knowing very well that the word

„Federation‟ is if, possible an even naughtier word in Grand Cayman than it is in Jamaica.”9

Based on his role and interaction with the Cayman leaders his judgment is worthy to take into

account that “Federation is, if possible, a naughtier word in Grand Cayman than it is in Jamaica.”

In essence, there were many factors which caused the Caymanian to have a negative attitude

towards federating. These include representation; fear of taxation; immigration; trade and

control; stamps; and the role of influential businessmen.

Moreover, one of the pillars of the Federal government was unification of the Postal Services. In

the Legislation of The West Indies Federation, the central control and operation of the postal

services by a central agency had been provided for and it had been a subject of comment in the

various reports issued since the federal state was envisaged.10

The Cayman Islands had a serious

challenge with the federalization of the postal services because stamps were used by them to

advertise their islands. It was something more than just sending mails. It was their mark of

identity and individuality. Above all, stamps represented a substantial portion of Cayman


12

revenue. Revenue was derived from the sale of their very distinctive stamps, and they wished to

continue to use these, not Federal stamps, as so to maintain their revenue.

Another pillar of the Federal legislation was free movement of people. Caymanian expressed in a

Memorial to the Colonial Office in 1955 that they wished to retain their right to control the entry

of foreigners to their islands. There was the fear that unrestricted entry in the Cayman Islands

would create a multitude of problems. One such problem was envisaged to be housing, an area in

which there was already a severe shortage. Further, immigration control was envisaged to be an

additional burden on the administrator of the Islands. It was feared that increased immigration

with a pre-existing housing shortage would engender the creation of slums condition. In turn, this

would lower the standard of living in the Islands, which previously had enjoyed a very high

standard of living.

Caymanians also feared the notion of free movement because it would have put her tourist

industry and women at risk. In a Memorandum to the Premier of Jamaica dated 11th

January

1957 they argued, “with regards to migration, the Caymanians wish to control entry into the

Islands in order to ensure that they are not subjected to a large influx of people from Jamaica and

elsewhere to take advantage of their tourist trade and women.”11

On November 4th

1960 Caymans‟ Administrator Jack Rose analyses the Cayman Assembly fear

of free movement. He notes,

“You will remember that Marais did not think that freedom of movement raise serious

difficulties in practice , as the number of Jamaicans who would want to settle in the Caymans

would not be significant. I doubt if this view would find many adherents here. Over the past

few years, according to all enquiries made from Jamaica, we should have had a hundred or


13

two more Jamaicans here if they had not been put off by immigration formalities. Many

Caymanians strongly resent the Jamaican group already here, and even a further fifty or so

would arose considerable antagonism. We could probably expect many course of year or so if

freedom of movement were established.”12

Importantly, another pillar was trade and exchange control. The Federation was aimed at

building a larger economic union between the unit territories. It would have created a larger

market and encouraged free movement of goods and services without any trade barrier. In the

same 1955, memorial to the Colonial Office, the Caymanian expressed their will to “retain their

right to maintain their established channels of trade and employment.”13

Moreover, they noted

that “the Cayman Islands are now in a special position as to trade having for years built up a

trade with America which has become essential to their way of life.”14

In addition, Cayman

enjoyed a special visa waiver and the Islanders feared that if the Federal government would

control trade she would lose this special privilege. This was at the heart of United Sates of

America (US) Imperialism in the Cayman Islands.

Chiefly, Cayman Assembly preferred to trade with the US as opposed to her fellow British West

Indian territories. Their geographical position isolated them from the other Caribbean colonies in

the British Empire and facilitated the creation of an insular culture. In any event, from the very

outset, Cayman did not have a tradition of communication and trade with the Eastern British

West Indies Colonies. They knew little of each other.

It is submitted that the Caribbean Sea posed a serious challenge to trade and communication

between the islands. Unlike the United States and Canada which are located on one large land

mass, the Caribbean Sea breathes separation. Even further, the unit territories did not have the

requisite finances to create roads and railways and, in any event, Britain was not willing to fund


14

a transportation system to foster greater communication and trade between the territories. In

reality, West Indian islands are separated by water and distance has always made travelling

expensive. W. Kontak posits that “one per cent of the population travel. They are government

official, professional people, and businessmen, plus students.”15

In the West Indies,

communication between islands especially Jamaica and the Cayman Islands was rather poor with

the Eastern Caribbean; trade was limited and transportation was expensive. It was for these

reasons that Jamaica, a main unit of the federation and her Cayman dependent, were so isolated

from the rest of the region. While there was close interaction between the Eastern Caribbean

countries, Jamaica and her dependent did not overly feature in this.

Nevertheless, even within the context of the Eastern Caribbean, communication was weak.

While there was a close connection between Grenada and Trinidad, people from Grenada knew

very little about Barbados, Antigua and most of the other northerly West Indian islands. The

West Indian countries had little or no interaction culturally, educationally or economically,

institutions which were the key to the envisaged success of the political federation. In reality, it is

submitted that the Federation had to have failed since it was only the wealthy and high ranking

politicians who were able to interact between Jamaica and the Eastern Caribbean. Etzioni writes,

the poor communication conditions prevailed among islands, they had limited interaction among

them and contributed to the development of separate identities.”16

Bobb adds, “lack of

communication and contact between people allowed for the involvement of only a small section

of the people in the process.”17

In 1957, a brief to the Jamaica Premier argues

For many years past the majority of the male populations of the Cayman Islands have secured

employment as seamen on American merchant ships and tankers. Accurate statistics are not

available, but about 90% of the adult male population can be classified as “sailor” Partly for


15

this reason and partly because of the geographical position of the Islands Regular

communications by sea and by air have been developed between the Islands and the United

States – better than those between the Islands and Jamaica. Consequently, the greater part of

the trade of the Islands is with the United States. In 1958 approximately 66- 2/3% of the total

trades of the islands consisted of imports from the United States . In those circumstances the

people of the islands are afraid that Federal control of trade and exchange may well disrupt

their complete pattern of trade and finance. Any outside dictation in regard to exchange

control would have a particularly adverse effect on the economy of the Islands. As net dollar

earners, they have hitherto been subjected to the minimum of control locally.18

Cayman Islanders also wished to retain the right to decide what taxes should be imposed on

them. The Islanders feared the proposed Custom Union and Federal Taxation system. The theme

of their message was “No representation without taxation which we would not hope to have.”19

Unlike other territories, income tax was not a feature of Cayman‟s culture and any federal tax

implementation would have led to rebellion. Furthermore, the proposed custom union with its

custom tariff worried the Cayman populous. For them, this would have adverse effects on their

economy. Moreover, custom duties were one of their main source of revenue, unlike the other

islands that were agriculturally-based societies. Cayman had no natural resource and was not

blessed with abundant fertile land. As such, custom and stamps duties were her means of

survival. In the 1957 Memorandum to the Colonial Office they note, “Our revenues are based

mainly on Customs duties and it would be disastrous to our economy if there was any

interference with their existing pattern of trade and taxation whereby such revenue was

imperiled.”20


16

Markedly, leading businessmen in the Cayman society were against the federal project. They

were very influential, persuasive and powerful. They organized town hall meetings, sent letters,

memorandum, and memorials to the Premier in Jamaica, Governor, and the Secretary of State,

highlighting their concern with the Federal projects. They expressed vocally and without fear the

fact that they were not in agreement with the Federal plan. Indeed, the activities of these

businessmen helped to cement and shape the Caymanian populous outlook on the Federation.

One such businessman was ED Merren. On the 5th September 1959 the Administrator Office of

the Cayman Islands A. Donald sent a letter to the Governor of Jamaica. He noted that Merren, an

influential businessman said “he would make an election matter of the relationship with the

Federation.”21

Implicitly, before Bustamante in Jamaica conveyed the notion of a referendum,

Cayman businessmen were advocating this as a way for the people to decide whether they should

federate. In addition, the letter highlights the level of political socialization and organisation

undertaken by Merren and others. The grassroots response was supportive in nature. The letter

further noted, “Merren had his first meeting on Thursday Night which was well attended in spite

of mosquitoes.”22

In any event, a letter to the Governor General of the Federation from the

Governor of Jamaica on 6th April 1960 supported this analysis. Governor Blackburn wrote,

There is a strong anti-federation view of the leading businessmen in Grand Cayman. But there

is a small group headed by two businessmen ED Merren and Dr. Roy Mc Taggart who make no

secret of their desire to take the Cayman Islands out the federation and are no prepared to

listen to any arguments to the contrary. However, I am glad to say that the unofficial

members of the Executive council with whom I later discussed the matter are much more very

reasonable and agree that the Cayman Islands cannot stand even though the motive of the


17

leading merchants in demanding secession may be suspects, I do feel that in economic affairs

we must treat the Cayman Islands differently from the rest of the federation.23

Nevertheless, the Federation controversy benefited the Cayman Islands. When the issue of

representation in the federal legislature came up on the agenda, Cayman questioned her political

status. In the April 7th

1955 Memorial to the Colonial office, the Assembly asked for greater

autonomy to manage their internal affairs. The Colonial Office and the Governor of Jamaica

were very sympathetic to Cayman‟s concern. In 1959 the Cayman Assembly was granted the

power from Her Majesty Government to manage their own affairs without the interference of

Jamaica under the New Constitution. Under this Constitution she was not subjected to laws

passed by the Jamaica legislature. From that time on, they had to report only to the Governor of

Jamaica and no longer to the Jamaica Legislature which had the powers to make laws for the

Islands without consulting them. It must be noted that the Jamaican legislature had always

respected the right of Caymanians to manage their internal affair and, in reality, little to no

interference was made in the internal governance of the Caymans.

In the final analysis, the Federation wrangle in Jamaica led to the eventual administrative

separation of the Cayman Islands from Jamaica. The New Constitution that emerged out of the

Federal controversy gave Cayman self-government with its first written constitution. This meant

that the Jamaica Legislature could no longer make laws for Cayman. Jamaica, the most populous

and prosperous member, voted (1961) to leave the federation, fearing that it would have to

shoulder the burdens of the economically underdeveloped members. James Ferguson postulated,

“Predictably, Jamaica‟s departure brought the federation to an immediate end.”24

When Jamaica

left the Federation and opted for Independence on her own this marked the end of the

relationship between her and her dependency having the same Governor, a phenomenon which


18

had existed for more than 300 years. It is submitted that Federation discourse created the avenue

through which Cayman would advance her call for greater autonomy. On 19th March 1961,

Governor Blackburn notified the Secretary of States for the Colonies the Rt. Hon R Mauldling in

these words,

I Have honor to inform you that, at a meeting of the Legislative Assembly for the Cayman

Islands held on the 19th January 1962, which I attended, and at which the Assembly

considered the question of the future status of the Islands in light of Jamaica to secede from

the West Indies Federation, a Resolution was unanimously adopted stating that it is the wish

of the Cayman Islands to continue their present association with HMG in the UK and to

negotiate for internal self-government.25

It is important to note that the Jamaica Gleaner reported on August 16, 1962 that a Jamaica Coat

of Arm was presented to Jack Rose, the Administrator of the Cayman Islands commemorating

Jamaica‟s independence at the opening of the Administrator‟s Office. In making the

representation Mr. Singh a representative from Jamaica expressed the hope that the close

association which exist between the peoples of Cayman Islands and Jamaica will be strengthened

in the future, although the Cayman Islands are no longer a dependent of Jamaica.26

Jamaica and the Cayman Islands are two of a few countries in the world that have the pineapple

represented on their coat of arms. The pineapple said to be an indigenous fruit to Jamaica.

However, for Cayman, it points to her ties with Jamaica. Undoubtedly, Jamaica and the Cayman

Islands have a very long and interesting history that spans to almost 300 years. The past

centuries have seen many changes in this relationship. However, it is imperative to note that

2012 marks a very significance year for the administration and governance of Jamaica and the

Cayman Islands. While they were separated in the legal sense of administration of the territories,


19

for the past half century the territories have become even closer than before. Indeed, the

prosperity of Cayman in the financial sector has provided employment for many Jamaicans. This

economic boom fosters an even closer relationship between the territories. Further, the last

century has seen an increase in trade and travel; migration; assimilation of cultures and even

immigration conflicts. The nature of the relationship between the two territories is reminiscent

of the pineapple fruit which is very sweet however though it itches the mouth at times. It is

submitted that although the relationship between the territories has been sweet and yet itchy at

times, it remains one we should all be proud of – why? because it is more than pineapples.”

Until 1984, all appeals from the Grand Court in Cayman were sent to the Court of appeal in

Jamaica; it was not until 1972 that Cayman stopped using the Jamaican currency, though in

another sphere, many of the Caymanian Churches are still administered from Jamaica today.

Over time, there has been increased migration, inter-marriages and family ancestral linkages. In

addition, through remittances from Cayman, many Jamaican families are able to survive.

Nevertheless, there still needs to be a more indebt analysis of these relationships between the

territories after 1962. I think it is more than pineapples!

In conclusion, this paper has examined the relationship between Cayman and the British West

Indies Federation and how the federal controversy changed her relationship with Jamaica.

Cayman Islanders had many issues with Federal project. They had problems with the unification

of postal services, federal trade and exchange control; free movement and the fact that they had

no representation in the federal legislature. These burning issues cemented in their heart a vote of

no confident in the Federal project. Jamaica‟s withdrawal from the Federation meant that she

would opt for independence by herself. Instead of becoming independent with Jamaica, the


20

Caymanians opted to remain a dependent of Britain. The relations between Jamaica and Cayman

are still alive, a relationship which is worth investigating and worth more than pineapples!


21

End Notes

1James Ferguson. A Traveller‟s History of the Caribbean.( New York: Interlink Publisher, 1999.)

261

2 Ramphal. Shirdath Rough Handling Federation. (Paper presented at Commemorating of the

50th Anniversary of The West Indies Federation. UWI Cave Hill, Barbados, November 20th

2008.) 3

3 Colonial Reports 1953/54. Cayman National Archives, George Town: Grand Cayman.

4Working Party Committee. FWI-GG-GA-63 Constitutional Development - Caymans Islands 12

Jun 1961 - 4 Apr 1962 . West Indies Federal Archives, UWI Cave Hill: Barbados.

5 Johnson Michele A.. The Beginning and the End: The Montego Bay Conference and the

Jamaica Referendum on the West Indian Federation.( Social and Economic Studies Vol. 48, No.

4, Federation and Caribbean Integration Dec 1999) 117-149

6Wallace Elisabeth. The West Indies Federation: Decline and Fall (International Journal Vol. 17,

No. 3 Summer, 1962), pp. 269-288

7 Memorandum 11

th January 1957. CO 1031/2575 Correspondence on the opinions of the

Cayman Islands and the Turks the West Indies Federation 1957, Cayman National Archives,

Georgetown: Grand Cayman.

8 Memorial to the Colonial office dated 7

th April 1955. CO 1031/1697 Correspondence on the

perspective of the smaller British dependencies towards the Caribbean federation 1954-1956,

Cayman National Archives, Georgetown: Grand Cayman.

9 C J Cundall Letter to Federal Chief Justice 1958. IB/34/3/760 Transfer of Appeal Jurisdiction in

Criminal cases to Federal Supreme Court. Jamaica National Archives, Spanish Town: Jamaica.

10 Memos on the Unification of the Postal Services, 1B/34/14/704 West Indies Federation,

.Jamaica National Archives, Spanish Town: Jamaica.

11 Memorandum 11th January 1957. CO 1031/2575 Correspondence on the opinions of the


Georgetown: Grand Cayman.

12 Rose, J letter to Governor‟s Secretary Lindo, November 4, 1960, 1B/34/4/704 West Indies

Federation, . Jamaica National Archives, Spanish Town: Jamaica.

13 Memorial to the Colonial office dated 7th April 1955. CO 1031/1697 Correspondence on the




22

14 Memorial to the Colonial office dated 7th April 1955. CO 1031/1697 Correspondence on the



15 Kontak, W. Some Important Caribbean Questions. (1963.) 11

16Etzioni A. Political Unification. (New York: Holt publisher, 1965) 23

17Boxill Ian. Ideology and Caribbean Integration. (Kingston. Canoe Press University of the West

Indies, 1993.) 128

18 Cayman Islands Assembly Brief to Jamaica‟s Premier, CO1031//2575 Correspondence on the

opinions of the Cayman Islands and the Turks the West Indies Federation 1957, Cayman

National Archives, Georgetown: Grand Cayman.

19 Memos on the Unification of the Postal Services, 1B/34/14/704 West Indies Federation,

.Jamaica National Archives, Spanish Town: Jamaica.

20Memorandums 11th January 1957. CO 1031/2575 Correspondence on the opinions of the


Georgetown: Grand Cayman

21 Donald A, Letter to Governor of Jamaica 5 September1959. IB/34/3/760 Transfer of Appeal

Jurisdiction in Criminal cases to Federal Supreme Court. Jamaica National Archives, Spanish

Town: Jamaica.

22 Donald A, Letter to Governor of Jamaica 5 September1959. IB/34/3/760 Transfer of Appeal


Town: Jamaica.

23 Governor Blackburn (Jamaica) Letter to Govenor Hailes (Federation) dated 6 April 1960.

IB/34/3/760 Transfer of Appeal Jurisdiction in Criminal cases to Federal Supreme Court.

Jamaica National Archives, Spanish Town: Jamaica.

24 Ferguson. James A Traveller‟s History of the Caribbean.( New York: Interlink Publisher,

1999.) 261

25 Governor Blackburn to Secretary of Sates 19

th March 1961. IB/34/3/760 Transfer of Appeal


Town: Jamaica.

26 Jamaica Gleaners August 16, 1962


23

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