papari, danial. notes on framing places.pdf

Mediating Power in Built Form Page 1

Notes on:

Framing Places: Mediating Power inBuilt Form

By: Danial Monsefi Parapari December 2008

Introduction:

Dovey begins his book with a comprehensive definition of power and its diverse forms of application. He divides power in two main categories:

1- Power to: to have the capacity to perform2- power over: to use others` capacity to perform

He then focuses on power over and tries to categorize it as follows:

1- Force: Vivid exercise of power which works by prevention.2- Coercion: The threat of force to secure compliance in a latent form.

2-a- Domination: 2-b- Manipulation: The subject is kept unaware of the power exercise2-c- Seduction: Deals with construction of desires and is highly sophisticated.2-d- Authority: Is integrated with the institutional structures of society and is marked with the absence of argument.

Then he brings the idea of legitimation, who should have the right to practice power or on the other hand, how can people who have the power try to prove their right. He thinks that architecture is regularly called on to legitimize power in a crisis (Dovey, 1999). Milne sets Parthenon as an example which was in part a legitimizing gesture linked to the threat to Athens from the Peloponnesian War. (Milne, 1981).

Afterwards, he tries to find the relationship between power and spatial programming and for this; he first turns to social theories of Anthony Giddens, Pierre Bourdieu and Michel Foucault, Both on the issue of spatial practice and presentation. And then, he links this work, with spatial syntax analysis by Bill Hillier. He adapts the gamma analysis which translates the building`s plan into a structural diagram of how life is framed within it and divides primary syntactic relations into three main structures (Dovey, 1999, p. 21).

1- The linear: which is known as enfilade2- The looped: ringy syntax3- The fanned: branching syntax

Then he compares this gamma analysis in different buildings.


According to Hillier and Hanson, spatial syntax structures social relations of two kinds: those between inhabitants and those between inhabitants and visitors. (Hillier & Hanson, 1984). And this is very interesting to me: The level of access, the entrance, the special paths, the amount of visibility and etc. The other thing which is intriguing to me is the dialectics he chose to analyze in different places: Inside/outside, vertical/horizontal, and so on.

Then he mentions Lefebvres ideas on production of space and its three different dimensions: practiced, conceived and lived (Lefebvre, 1991). And concludes: The practice of power can be hidden within the structures and representations of space (Dovey, 1999, p. 46).Lefebvres work has been instrumental in opening up new interpretations of space and place, particularly our understanding of the fragmentations of place experience in the postmodern condition (Jameson, 1984)

He brings a famous quote by Churchill: We shape our buildings, and afterwards our buildings shape us (Dovey, 1999, p. 89). But he doesnt believe that spatial design causes change inbehavior, it can sustain it and therefore aid its reproduction (Dovey, 1999, p. 103).

When it comes to Meanings and methods of its transfer, I believe there are three different stages: Signs are at the lowest level, they are designed to convey a simple piece of data, trying to inform the audience. They are simple, strict and easy to understand. It is very important that only one meaning can be understood from them. Symbols come next. They are like the signs, but with a metaphoric point of view. This is the most used method of meaning transfer in architecture. Like the height of a building which may be interpreted as its symbol of power over the surroundings. Mystery is at the highest level, which is rarely used in architecture and need a great deal of knowledge to decode. This type of signs is usually harnessed in buildings which try to show a connection with divinity, like Persian Khanghahs. Dovey believes that all architecture represents some social order and style is its language of expression. He thinks that all styles mediate practices of power but mentions two important ways in which contemporary styles are at an ideological disadvantage in practices of power (Dovey, 1999, p. 69).

The first is that they lack semiotic connections to the history of empire. As (Hughes, 1991, p. 102) puts it, the neo-classical works metaphorically as the past underwriting the present; it is difficult for the new to establish a linkage with the history of empire. Yet the capacity to construct historical narratives through stylistic revival is not limited to the neo-classical, hence the use of the vernacular to sustain the Aryan myth. Indeed, mediations of power do not rely on style at all; modern versions of archaic types can achieve similar effect. The cathedral of light was a form of high-tech gothic which tapped a traditional idea of community spirit and connection to a higher order.

The second disadvantage of contemporary styles is that they cannot easily play upon the fear of change. (Dovey, 1999, p. 69). As Thies argues in his book Propaganda is most effective when it reinforces and twists prevailing values and ideologies, rather than displacing and replacing them(Thies, 1983)

And finally, he starts analyzing some examples in buildings with different functions and cultural backgrounds. I will try to do the same process with some examples from my home country, Iran.


The Grand Bazaar of Isfahan

The Bazaar of Isfahan, the heritage of the Saljuqid and Safavid era, is the longest roofed market in the world. Bazaar means a marketplace or assemblage of shops where miscellaneous goods and services are displayed to buy and sell (Bazaar). Archaeologists have found evidence of bazaars in different parts of Iran, It is certain that the creation of cities was based on not only the growth of the population but also on the increase of production, which brought about the growth of trade and accumulation of wealth (Bazaar of Isfahan, 2003). The Bazaar of Isfahan consisted of two parts, the old section, which started from the old square, close to the Friday mosque, and the new section, which started from Naghsh-e-Jahan square1 and connected to the old section.

By the 11th century, after selecting Isfahan as the capital of Saljuqid era, the old square had become the center of the city. It had a castle, a drum house, a qaiseria and shops selling silk, brocade, materials, previous stones, ivory and many other goods. There were some peripheral markets along the main streets radiating from the old square from at least that time. The 1.5 Km (1,650-yard) shopping street is still the main street in the bazaar, the longest vaulted bazaar street in the world (Weiss & Westermann, 1998, p. 231).

After selecting Isfahan as the seat of Shah Abbas, a new bazaar was designed between the old bazaar and the square. Shah Abbas redeveloped the city extensively and had a number of new bazaars built: the buildings surrounding the Naghsh-e-Jahan square (originally including a large number of coffee houses), both the Hasan-abad and mosque bazaars to the south east and the large bazaar to the north, where the old bazaar was located (Walcher, 1997).

As a result it contains a representative selection of Islamic secular architecture over the last 500 years. It has about 5 km (3miles) of shopping streets (raste), some with brick arches, some with poplar beams, over a hundred caravanserais and sarais, innumerable covered halls (timce) and connecting wings (dehliz) (Walcher, 1997, p. 232).

Naghsh-e-Jahan is surrounded by a layer of shops. Behind these shops there are several parts of the bazaar, like caravanserais and peripheral markets for different businesses. As Mohammad Gharipour argues in his article, after the construction of the new Friday mosque, called the Shah mosque and located in the square, Shah Abbas attempted to encourage people to participate in Friday prayer in the Shah mosque, instead of the old Friday mosque (Masjed-e Jame).

But most people rejected participation in Friday prayers in the Shah mosque, and for a while there two Friday prayers conducted in Isfahan; one in the Shah mosque and another one in the old Friday mosque. People had not accepted the new square as a city center. Then Shah Abbas decided to donate all the shops around the new square to people under the regulations of waqf. In this case nobody was obliged to pay to buy these shops. After that gradually Naghsh-e-Jahan square replaced the old square as the main city center for gatherings, shopping, and participating in Friday prayer.(Bazaar of Isfahan, 2003)

1 Naghsh - e- Jahan (Shah square), with its measurements of 512x129 m (1680x523 ft), is perhaps the largest piazza in the world. (Robert Hillenbrand, Islamic art and architecture, Thames and Hudson, 1999: 230)


This is a good example of how authority can change the construction of subjects` desires, known as Seduction. The Bazaar became the skeleton of the city. Another usage of the Bazaar was as a place for meeting people, seeing and being seen. The number of religious schools, mosques and public baths in the Bazaar shows how Bazaar acted as the heart of Isfahan. Comparing the old and the new Bazaar the main difference is the linear organic growth of the old section and the radial growth of the new bazaar. The old Bazaar was developed based on meeting the needs of the society and providing the best accessibility for people in the neighborhood residential quarters, called mahalleh (Bazaar of Isfahan, 2003).

Nowadays the economic role of the Bazaar has changed. It is more of a touristic value, rather than a functional agent. Import of goods from western countries and the change in the economic circulations is the main reason. With the sprawl of modern shopping centers through the city, most of the citizens do not need to come to Bazaar for their daily needs. Most of the shops have changed their original business into selling souvenirs which is more attractive to the tourists who come to visit the area.

Dovey believes that the western shopping mall seeks to legitimize itself as public and communal, yet this mostly leads to gestures of legitimation which are framed within private space. He brings the proliferation of car raffles as a good example for this issue, where luxurious cars are raffled for the benefit of charity. The cars act as a legitimizing factor. They are seductive wish images which also represent the public interest idea of charity and goodwill. Yet unlike real charity raffles, these are highly instrumentalized with strings of identical cars (but only one real prize) on display throughout a string of malls. This ensures a swift turnover of both raffle draws and adjacent attractions (Dovey, 1999, p. 135). As Shields says, the mall generates an illusion of civic life and mis-recognition of community (Shields, 1989).

But, considering Middle-Eastern Bazaars, the process of legitimation is totally different. They do not need any car raffles or charity. The Bazaar is surrounded by mosques, schools, and even functional structures like water storages and these all, attract people to pass through shops. They satisfy all the needs of citizens and Bazaar alone with its surrounding structures can be interpreted as the main service area of the city so no one can resist them, like what happens to the shopping mall.

Dovey belives that shopping malls may have a negative impact on general urban life, because they can attract more audience, if there is not a good urban texture. However, the importance of a vital and imaginative public realm can be understood from the malls:

The seductions and manipulations of the mall are not totalizing but neither are they easily resisted. They are coupled with enough genuine convenience and spectacle to attract shoppers. In a sometimes derelict and dangerous city, the mall is clean and safe. Indeed the more car-ridden and dangerous public space becomes, the more banal its designs, then the greater the relative advantage of the private malls. One of the dangers of the mall is that it generates a powerful lobby against good urban design. Investment in genuine spectacle, art and design quality in public space undermines the profitability of the mall. The proliferation of private malls and their hybrids is an invasion of public space by private interest. They are slowly but surely turning our cities outside-incapturing the meanings of the urban, the vital and the fantastic, but in a manipulative and seductive manner. Public life itself is being consumed by new zones of consumption. (Dovey, 1999, p. 138)


The traditional and modern housing units in Iran

From the beginning of civilization, human habitation has been a great concern to us. When our ancestors moved out of the cave, their only target was to find a shelter against the harsh weather conditions and wild animals, but during the time, this attitude toward human dwellings has changed: The form, the place, the relation between different chambers, the variety of functionswhich are served in a residential unit and so on. As Harries argues Architecture is an act of self-assurance in the face of the terror of both space and time (Harries, 1996, p. 231). The earliest building codes, specifying structural integrity in housing construction, are found in the Code of Hammurabi (Code of Hammurabi). During the Greek and Roman empires cities were developed mainly on the appropriate placement of dwelling units concerning defense and water supply and these ideas were kept throughout the Middle Ages.

In 13th-century Europe, the city became a center of trade, and its walls provided a safe haven from nomadic warriors and looters. People could find shelter for themselves and their flocks, herds, and harvests while the open country was being overrun by enemies of superior force. Demand for urban housing increased. For centuries this demand was filled by unplanned additions to, and subdivisions of, existing structures (History of Housing).

But it was not only Europe which was affected by the fear of enemy`s invasion. At the same time, due to the Mongolian invasion of the Middle East, The City walls were primarily acting as a shelter, providing safe place for the insiders, letting them to have a normal life. These walls formed a spatial isolation, which I am going to discuss about later. Another element which highly affected urban development was the climate. In this section, I am going to discuss Yazd, and its dwelling format.

Yazd is the capital of Yazd province in Iran. The city is located some 175 miles southeast of Isfahan. Because of generations of adaptations to its desert surroundings, Yazd is an architecturally unique city; Iran's oldest inhabited city and largest community of Zoroastrians, known for its Bagdirs wind towers, possessing an ancient desert location on the Silk Road (Yazd).

The citys water was supplied through the largest networks of qanats in the world. To deal with the extremely hot summers, many old buildings in Yazd have magnificent wind catchers, and large underground areas. The city is also home to prime examples of yakhchals, the latter of which were used to store ice retrieved from glaciers the nearby mountains (Yazd).

There is no certain data on Yazd`s urban regulations, and I believe that the city developed organically until the first national urban regulations in 1890s. One can note many special characteristics in Yazd`s architecture, which were designed as an answer to the natures cruelty. The structures were built close to each other, with high walls, creating narrow alleys which always provided shadow for the pedestrians. There were some horizontal structural components in these alleys, known as Saabaat, which make some parts of the passage look like a roofed corridor. The entrance door to the neighboring units was usually placed under these saabaats.


One of the residential buildings in Yazd is the Laariha House, which is a good sample of Iranian traditional architecture. It was constructed in early 1900s during the Qajar dynasty. It occupies 1700 meters of land and has about 1200 meters built space (Laarihaa House). It is known for its beautiful ornaments which are visible in doors, windows and even on the roofs, but the interesting thing for me, is the segregation between private and public areas. The public areas were used to serve guests or to host ceremonies, while the private areas were the actual living spaces.

Figure 1

This kind of segregation is one of the dialects that Dovey puts an emphasis on. The house is divided into two different sectors which are connected by the octagonal shaped lobby, right after the corridor. Each section has its own courtyard which is surrounded by rooms and corridors. The corridor which connects the entrance lobby and the private corridor is called Shotor Galoo which means a camel`s neck, because it is designed as a U to limit visual access to private areas.

Here, I want to use another tool. J-Graphs, or justified graphs, are the most demonstrative graphs of what space syntax in general is trying to understand when it comes to space. As such, they can be used in many situations and with a fair ease of both interpreting and of constructing, at least


in its base, while they can still be useful tools after years of study that constantly seem to provide more information and applications. To understand how they work, the ideas of convex spaces and configuration are important (Koch). I analyzed the Laariha House, using JASS software (Justified Analysis of Spatial Systems), placing a node, in every room, setting the node at the entrance, as the root node. The result was quit fascinating. As you can see in Figure 2 the two segments are totally isolated. The courtyard`s role is more vivid now. Due to the climate and the dry weather, trees and water are of a lot of value to people. The courtyards surrounded by high walls, act as an internal garden, no matter how small they are.

Figure 2

JGraph of Laariha House in Yazd

Sketched by Danial M. Parapari Using JASS

But today things have changed. Now people tend to live in apartments, which are more luxurious and western style. A number of reasons can be related to this change. With the rise of land value, developers wanted to produce more dwelling units, per land, so they adapted the western style apartments as seen in Figure 4. Another reason may be the ongoing process of globalization in a lower level. With the growth of the international style in architecture, people have a more common taste in architecture and life style. But still, the segregation between the public and private areas of the house is kept as you can see in the Figure 3. This can be interpreted as an essence of Iranian housing units, how two powers repel each other within a single structure.


Figure 3

Figure 4


The citadel in Bam:

The Arg- Bam was the largest adobe building in the world, located in Bam, a city in the Kerman province of southeastern Iran. It is listed by UNESCO as part of the World Heritage Site "Bam and its Cultural Landscape" (Bam and its Cultural Landscape). This enormous citadel on the Silk Road was built before 500 BC and remained in use until 1850 AD. It is not known for certain why it was then abandoned. The entire building was a large fortress in whose heart the citadel itself was located, but because of the impressive look of the citadel, which forms the highest point, the entire fortress is named the Bam Citadel (Arg- Bam).

On December 26, 2003, the Citadel was almost completely destroyed by an earthquake, along with much of the rest of Bam and its environs. A few days after the earthquake, the then Iranian President Mohammad Khatami announced that the Citadel would be rebuilt (Bam to be rebuilt).

Larger than nearby Arg- Rayen, the area of Bam Citadel is approximately 180,000 square meters, and it is surrounded by gigantic walls 6-7 meters high and 1815 meters long. The citadel features two of the "stay-awake towers" for which Bam is famed - there are as many as 67 such towers scattered across the ancient city of Bam. (Lost beauty that was Bam, 2004)

The planning and architecture of the citadel are ingeniously thought out from different points of view. From the present form of the citadel one can see that the planner(s) had foreseen the entire final form of the building and city from the first steps in the planning process. During each phase of building development the already-built part enjoyed a complete figure, and each additional part could be "sewn" into the existing section seamlessly. The citadel is situated in the center of the fortress-city, on the point with widest view for security (Arg- Bam).

In the architectural form of Bam Citadel there are two different distinguishable parts:

* The rulers' part in the most internal wall, holding the citadel, barracks, mill, 4-sezonan house, water-well (dug in the rocky earth and about 40 meters deep), and a stall for 200 horses.

* The ruled-over part surrounding the rulers' place, consisting of the main entrance of the entire fortress-city and the bazaar alongside of the North-to-South spinal axis (which connects the main entrance to the citadel), and around 400 houses with their associated public buildings (such as a school and sport place).


Among the houses, three different types are recognizable:

* Smaller houses with 2-3 rooms for the poor families.

* Bigger houses with 3-4 rooms for the middle social class, some of which have also a veranda.

* The most luxurious houses with more rooms oriented in different directions suitable for different seasons of the year, together with a big court and a stall for animals nearby. There are few of this type of houses in the fortress. (Bam Citadel)

When the gate of the city was closed, no human or animal could enter. The inhabitants could continue living for a long period of time in isolation as they had access to a well, gardens, and domestic animals inside. When the fortress-city was besieged the inhabitants could remain in the city while the soldiers could defend it, protected by high walls and towers. (Arg- Bam)

I believe we can find all the forms of empowerment in this isolated society. Force can be found in the high walls and gates, which segregate the leader from the citizens. Coercion is shown in the prison, which shows people what would happen to them, if they dont obey the laws set by the Authority. The control of the authority over the people is even seen in the height difference, since the ruler had visual access to all his territory including the residential buildings and their courtyards.

The Persian Garden

The tradition and style of garden design of Persian gardens influenced the design of gardens from Andalusia to India. The Taj Mahal is one of the largest Persian gardens of the world, but the gardens of the Alhambra equally show the influence of Persian garden style on a more intimate scale(Persian Gardens).

Sunlight and its effects were an important factor of structural design in Persian gardens. Textures and shapes were specifically chosen by architects to harness the light (Persian Garden Home Page). Due to the dry heat of Iran, shade is also very important in the garden, without which it could not be usable. Trees and trellises largely feature as biotic shade; pavilions and walls are also structurally prominent in blocking the sun (Persian Gardens).

Also related to the heat is the importance of water in the gardens. A form of underground tunnel, below the water table, called a Qanat is used to irrigate the garden and its environs. Well-like structures then connect to the Qanat, enabling the drawing of water (Persian Gardens).

Animal driven wells was another means of bringing water to surface. Such wheel systems could also be used to move water around surface water systems, such as those which exist in the chahar bgh style (Persian Gardens). Trees were often planted in a ditch called a jub, which prevented water evaporation and allowed the water quick access to the tree roots.

We can see the dialects of inside/outside and even private/public vividly in Persian gardens. As Khonsari and his colleagues argue:


The Persian style often attempts to integrate indoors with outdoors through the connection of a surrounding garden with an inner courtyard. Designers often place architectural elements such as vaulted arches between the outer and interior areas to open up the divide between them.(Khonsari, Moghtader, & Yavari, 1998)

Shazdeh Garden meaning Princes Garden is a historical Persian garden located near (6km away from) Mahan in Kerman province, Iran.

The garden is 5.5 hectares ( Bam earthquake caused damage to Shazdeh garden) with a rectangular shape and a wall around it. It consists of an entrance structure and gate at the lower end and a two-floor residential structure at the upper end. The distance between these two is ornamented with water fountains that are powered by the natural incline of the land (Shazdeh Garden). The garden is a fine example of Persian gardens that take advantage of suitable natural climate. The edifice in the Garden was the summer residence of Qajar princes which is now restored and converted into a sumptuous restaurant (Mahan).

The garden was built for and during the eleven years of the governance of Abdolhamid Mirza Naserodolleh (during Qajar dynasty) though the construction was left unfinished due to death of Abdolhamid Mirza in early 1890s (Shazdeh Garden).

Figure 5

As you can see in Figure 5, when someone enters the garden, the residential area seems to be far and high, unreachable to a normal citizen. Walking up the stairs, along the water line, the building grows larger and larger, and you can assume who was living there. The prince`s room, was on the highest level, having visual control over all the garden, and even the nearby town, Mahan. I believe this kind of empowerment is categorized as manipulation, since the subject is not aware of the effects of the power exercise.


It does not matter what the functionality of the building is, but it can be taken for granted it contains diverse appearances of power mediations. It can be in all forms, hidden or vivid, hated or loved, and I do believe, that these built forms surrounding us, have a magical impact on our behavior.

Bibliography

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