notes for current affairs from july to august 2015

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Indian Penal Code Sections 499 and 500 of the IPC United Nations Special Rapporteur on freedom of expression, the Human Rights Committee of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and other international bodies have called upon states to abolish criminal defamation, recognising that it intimidates citizens and dissuades them from exposing wrongdoing. Indian Penal Code Sections 499 and 500 of the IPC, which deal with defamation and prescribe a maximum jail term of two years. against democratic opinion. Criminal defamation has a pernicious effect on society: for instance, the state uses it as a means to coerce the media and political opponents into adopting self-censorship and unwarranted self-restraint; groups or sections claiming to have been hurt or insulted, abuse the process by initiating multiple proceedings in different places; and, more importantly, the protracted process itself is a punishment. Providing Affordable Housing and employment opportunities through cheap loans face various hurdles in their implementation. Under the Pradhan Mantri Rozgar Yojana or PMRY — a funding policy aimed at creating small business opportunities for unemployed Indians . At present, the government is battling a housing deficit of 18.78 million units and 95 per cent of it is driven by LOW INCOME populations who live in and around the urban centers. low-interest employment and housing subsidy loans-Integrated Subsidy Housing for Urban Poor (ISHUP), which was aimed at providing a grant of Rs.1.6 lakh to each slum dweller. Rs.1,100 crore, which was set to be funneled phase-wise to 57 state banks that have pledged to fund affordable housing. banks come up with excuses like ‘you don’t have a PERMANENT RESIDENCY proof, you don’t have any government employee as a guarantor’— and they simply reject it. 80 per cent of people in slums work in an unorganised market-they drive auto-rickshaws, run fast food

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Page 1: Notes for current affairs from july to august 2015

Indian Penal Code Sections 499 and 500 of the IPC

United Nations Special Rapporteur on freedom of expression, the Human Rights Committee of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and other international bodies have called upon states to abolish criminal defamation, recognising that it intimidates citizens and dissuades them from exposing wrongdoing. Indian Penal Code Sections 499 and 500 of the IPC, which deal with defamation and prescribe a maximum jail term of two years. against democratic opinion. Criminal defamation has a pernicious effect on society: for instance, the state uses it as a means to coerce the media and political opponents into adopting self-censorship and unwarranted self-restraint; groups or sections claiming to have been hurt or insulted, abuse the process by initiating multiple proceedings in different places; and, more importantly, the protracted process itself is a punishment.

Providing Affordable Housing and employment opportunities through cheap loans face various hurdles in their implementation.

Under the Pradhan Mantri Rozgar Yojana or PMRY — a funding policy aimed at creating small business opportunities for unemployed Indians . At present, the government is battling a housing deficit of 18.78 million units and 95 per cent of it is driven by LOW INCOME populations who live in and around the urban centers. low-interest employment and housing subsidy loans-Integrated Subsidy Housing for Urban Poor (ISHUP), which was aimed at providing a grant of Rs.1.6 lakh to each slum dweller. Rs.1,100 crore, which was set to be funneled phase-wise to 57 state banks that have pledged to fund affordable housing. banks come up with excuses like ‘you don’t have a PERMANENT RESIDENCY proof, you don’t have any government employee as a guarantor’— and they simply reject it. 80 per cent of people in slums work in an unorganised market-they drive auto-rickshaws, run fast food and cigarette kiosks, sell fruit and vegetables on carts, and work on private construction sites. Reserve Bank of India governor, simplified some of them while delivering a lecture at the Institution of Rural Management Anand (IRMA) in Gujarat.

farm subsidies and WTO

limits the policy space of the government

Doha Round-post-Bali work programme under the Doha Round. blaming India for the deadlock in multilateral trade negotiations at the WTO is back. pressuring India to take onerous commitments that were not even contemplated during the negotiations

triple challenges for the government — 1.securing India’s interests in the multilateral trade negotiations; 2. explaining its negotiating position to its key trade partners, and 3. fighting the perception battle in the media.

Page 2: Notes for current affairs from july to august 2015

2013 Bali Ministerial Conference of the WTO, the post-Bali work programme is required to build on the decisions taken at Bali on agriculture, development and least-developed countries’ issues, as well as all other issues under the Doha mandate that are central to concluding the Doha Round. It is also expected to provide for a permanent solution to the problem of public stockholding for food security purposes, an issue that was partially resolved at Bali through the so-called peace clause. Director General of the World Trade Organization, Roberto Azevêdo, has repeatedly exhorted countries to focus on issues that are “doable for all members and not just for some”. This has provided an escape route to the developed countries to ward off demands for cuts in their farm subsidies. It is an open secret that a lowering of ambition on farm subsidies is a thinly veiled attempt at shielding the United States from taking commitments that might require it to make changes to its recent Farm Act. Developments in Geneva suggest that the developed countries are aggressively seeking onerous commitments from India and China that are not part of the negotiating agenda on farm subsidies and were not even contemplated during the entire course of the Doha Round. India has proved to be a soft target in the past for papering over negotiating inaction by the developed countries. The example of sectoral initiatives in tariffs is particularly relevant. Pressuring developing countries, particularly India, to make concessions that go beyond the negotiating mandate is a part of strategy effectively deployed by the developed countries-the negotiating mandate is a part of strategy effectively deployed by the developed countries. U.S. has successfully diverted attention from its inability to cut cotton subsidies — a crucial element in the negotiating template — and shifted the blame on India for a lack of progress in negotiations.

How India must respond-Agreeing to the commitments sought from it would limit the policy space of the government in respect of certain categories of farm subsidies. This could jeopardise the livelihood of millions of farm households and further exacerbate the agrarian distress.India is fully within its rights to resist pressures for commitments that are beyond the agreed negotiating mandate. India’s response should have at least four distinct dimensions. First, at the WTO, India should unequivocally resist requests for concessions that are beyond the negotiating mandate. The government would need to replicate the resolve and firmness shown by it last year during the impasse on trade facilitation and food security issues. However, India could indicate its willingness to show movement within the confines of the mandate, provided the developed countries are willing to reciprocate by cutting their farm subsidies and addressing issues of food security and farm livelihood. India should also actively galvanize support from other developing countries for ensuring that the Doha Round is not concluded without the developed countries making meaningful cuts in their farm support. It should also seek simplification in the tariff structure of the European Union, which is extremely complex and impedes farm exports of developing countries.

Second, the Department of Commerce and the Ministry of External Affairs should work closely to clearly articulate India’s negotiating approach to the capital-based officials of its key trade partners. In the past, at crucial stages in the negotiations, considerable misinformation was circulated and an impression created that India was being rigid and difficult in the negotiations. India was also wrongly projected as being isolated. This pattern could be repeated in the coming few weeks. This needs to be forcefully countered. India should clearly bring out the unreasonable demands being made on it and elucidate

Page 3: Notes for current affairs from july to august 2015

how the onus for slow progress in the negotiations actually lies on the developed countries. Further, India should unequivocally convey to the developed countries that it would not acquiesce to demands that go beyond the negotiating modalities, while the developed countries fail to honour their side of the negotiating mandate.

Third, the Department of Commerce should regularly brief the media about key developments in the negotiations for ensuring that the battle of perception is not lost. Otherwise, there is a risk that the government’s perspective might get drowned in the blitzkrieg by commentators sympathetic to the economic interests of the developed countries.

Assuring the farmer

Fourth, the government should assure the stakeholders, particularly the farming community, that it would not bend under unfair demands and pressures of the developed countries. In the absence of such an assurance, the farmers may feel apprehensive about continuity in government support schemes for agriculture.

Prime Minister Rozgar Yojana

To employ over million People by starting seven lakhs micro ventures by the jobless educated youth. Prime Minister of the India announced on August 15, 1993. It aims to take urban regions only in the year nineteen ninety three to ninety four & entire country starting by ninety four to five. After 1994-95, the current self-employment Scheme for the Educated Unemployed Youth (SEEUY) will be included in PMRY

Any jobless learned person residing in any region of the country whether rural or urban satisfying the subsequent circumstances will be entitled for aid. Though, during 1993-94, the proposal would be function in urban regions only

Contributions made by India’s premier science and technology institutions to the welfare of Indian society

IISc and IIT like premier institutes in India failed to address the needs of the society.

Drawing a comparison with the U.S.-based Massachusetts Institute of Technology — where at least 100 major inventions over the past half century have “changed” the world — the software mogul said institutions here fall short. The problems in the country are immense — from poverty to illiteracy, from polluted rivers to a crumbling healthcare system – and yet, students leave IISc. without having an impactful work in research. IITs actually for training and producing engineers? Most IIT-ians I know - and this is a fair number - are not pursuing engineering. They are bankers, consultants, angel investors, senior level executives or even heads of non-governmental organisations.

Islamic extremism

religious stimuli is also a reason impacting the rise of Islamic extremism across the world

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Sociological divisions such as tribes and castes often predate organised religion-ethnicity like tribals etc.ethnicity is often comparable to that of religion. For instance, Boko Haram’s main catchment area is the Kanuri tribe in north-eastern Nigeria, as well as the three neighbouring countries of Niger, Cameroon and Chad. Boko Haram’s area of operations is predominantly Sunni Muslim

Political misgovernment

Islamic tumult can often be traced back to governance issues.The system has usually lacked participation and is marked by maladministration, endemic corruption and repression. Many of these countries have essentially been dictatorships backed by either armed forces or a dominant tribe.

In the Maghreb countries of North Africa such as Algeria, Tunisia and Egypt, this phenomenon came to be called Hogra or the impunity that the ruling class enjoyed, and was deeply resented by the rest.

Power vacuum and outreach

Somalia after Siad Barre or Libya after Muammar Qaddafi, as well as Iraq and Afghanistan after the U.S. withdrawal, was seen as an open invitation for motley groups to fill the political void.Geopolitical outreach is perhaps easiest to understand. A foreign sponsor uses Islam as a Trojan horse for expansionism. Pakistan’s long-standing backing for the Mujahidin and the Taliban in Afghanistan is an obvious example of this strategy.

It is, clear, therefore, that Islamic extremism is not monolithic. During the long Cold War, the West often painted the Comintern in similar simplistic and exaggerated terms, making various errors of judgement in the process. Islamic extremism is a serious threat with an impact well beyond its direct theatre of operations. However, ignoring the nuances of the various stimuli that fuel it would only amount to repeating history, with similar outcomes.

National Skill Development Mission and the role of private sector in skilling the unskilled

If China is known as world's manufacturing factory, India can be world's human resource capital," Modi

65 per cent of India's population which is below the age of 35 years. Modi said Indians should be ready to replace the diminishing workforce in other countries. "We have to scientifically map the world's manpower requirement and prepare accordingly," he added.

Pradhan Mantri Kaushal Vikas Yojana (PMKVY), skill loan scheme and the national policy for skill development and entrepreneurship 2015 on the World Youth Skill Day. Under the skill loan scheme, youth can avail credit between Rs 5,000 and Rs 150,000 to attend skill-related training programme. Modi stressed the need for more ITI institutes in the country.

government estimates an incremental requirement of 110 million additional skilled personnel across 24 sectors by 2022.

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NIIT Limited committed to train 10 million young Indians across 16 sectors over the next five years, Tata Housing announced that it would provide vocational skill development training to 100,000 socio-economically backward youth across the nation by 2024.

National Entrepreneurship Network (NEN) and Skills Development Network (SDN), have had a significant impact on job creation and job fulfilment in India and now the foundation is looking forward to scale-up its initiatives to help India create and fill 25 million jobs, in the organised sector, by 2020. "Entrepreneurship and skilling are the two magic keys to India's economic and job growth.

InMobi, a Bangalore based company, unveiled artificial intelligence discovery platform to show relevant ads to the user, thereby, not annoying users with irrelevant ads. Rivals Google and Facebook face challenge.

652 Drugs under price control - National Pharmaceutical Pricing Authority added 39 drugs-which have a market size of Rs.1,054cr. The medicines are manufactured by Abbott Laboratories and GlaxoSmithKline plc and domestic companies Lupin, Cadila Healthcare, Ipca and Sun Pharma.

Europe to finance Greece under Emergency Liquidity Assistance (ELA)-€900 million.

Greece gets Parliament’s consent for bailout and austere measures.

Greek Financial Deal: €86billion total bailout from European Stability Mechanism and IMF contribution to recapitalize banks, repay debts, interest payments etc.,-€50billion Trust fund from privatizing assets- €25 billion to repay recapitalization for banks

€12.5billion to reduce debt to GDP ratio €12.5billion for investment

-€12billion Bridging Loan- To repay Central Banks debt by mid-august-€35 billion EU funding- for Growth and new Jobs.

Jamaat-e-Islami Party, Downs Syndrome, Myeloid Leukemia-need stem cells to treat.

Doordarshan and Kisan Channel.

Page 6: Notes for current affairs from july to august 2015

Govt. appointed panel on Net neutrality

The panel recommends that the core principles of Net Neutrality must be adhered to.Main proposals

Controversial plans such as AirTel Zero can be allowed with prior permission fro TRAI, but not platforms such as Internet.org of Facebook.

Content and application providers such as Facebook “cannot be permitted to act as gatekeepers” and profit out of network operations.

Over-the-top apps(e-commerce, YouTube and Radio Taxis) should be actively encouraged as they enhance consumer welfare and increase productivity.(remove impediments for their growth)

Apps offering domestic calling should be brought under the regulatory framework prescribed for telecom operators.(to create a level-playing field)

VoIP apps(Skype, Viber and Whatsapp) providing international calling services, messaging should be exempted from licensing requirements.

An expert group headed by NITI Aayog vice-chairman Aravind Panagariya to classify caste data collected by socio-economic and caste census.

Caste census conducted by Registrar General of India came out with 46 lakh categories of caste, sub-caste, different surnames in the caste and clan names.

India-Myanmar discusses on signing an MoU on movement of people across the land border.

To resolve border issues, India-Myanmar joint boundary working group will meet and inspect the earth blockage site on Ti-Ho(Tizu) river on the India-Myanmar border.

India committed to support the modernization of the Myanmar armed-forces and in building a professional and capable Myanmar navy to safeguard its maritime security.

Cooperation in the Energy sector, trade and commerce.

Manipur’s Dilemma

Naga leader A.Z.Phizo: “Nagaland cannot accept the Indian excess population as our country is too small”.Northeastern states , including Manipur, outburst due to fear of losing ancestral land to “outsiders”.Manipur Regulation of Visitors, Tenant and Migrant Workers’ Bill, 2015 was withdrawn by the govt. after opposition from various sections in the society-women, opposition parties and section of ruling party.However, the opposition underscores for the imposition of Inner Line Permit system(ILP), as in a few other northeastern states.

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ILP regime Introduced by British to protect tribal populations from encroachment into their areas,

but later to advance commercial interest.

Can India afford to introduce a quasi-visa to its citizens to enter one state from another?

2001 census indicated the size of the migrant community was nearly as much as that of the dominant ethnic Meiteis, so northeastern states want to curb inward movement. But there has also been outward migration of the indigenous people.Industries: extract land from people, leasing-out of one sixth of total area of Manipur oil exploration and drilling to international oil majors.

Though understandable the intentions of northeastern states –hill valley divide in the state and congestion in the state rather than huge in-migration of outsiders. States should ensure that alien-investor-driven development does not disrobe its people. After all, they would benefit from the growth generated out of its own domestic resources.

RBI and Sri Lanka’s Central bank ink pact

Currency swap agreement for mutual assistance in tight liquidity conditions or balance of payments and liquidity crises.Under this agreement Sri Lanka can draw a maximum of $1.1 billion for a period of upto 6months. The agreement is in addition to the existing framework for currency swap arrangement for the SAARC members.SAARC members can draw currency $100 million to $400 million with a total limit of $2 billion from RBI financing facility.

Japan enacts security acts- China slams Japan

Japan’s post world war-II Constitution bars it from using force to resolve conflicts except in cases of self-defense.PM Abe’s govt. has pushed for a change that would revise the laws such that Japan’s military would be able to mobilise under 3 conditions:

a. When Japan is attacked, or when a close ally is attacked, and the result threatens Japan’s survival and poses a clear danger to people.

b. When there is no other appropriate means available to repel the attack and ensure Japan’s survival and protect its people.

c. Use of force is restricted to a necessary minimum.

China sees Japan’s move as provocative.

Opponents say that the twin-legislaton could draw Tokyo into U.S led conflicts around the globe, and could violate Article Nine of the countries pacifist post-war constitution.Also, Japan’s military rise and wartime barbarities will once again come up.

Page 8: Notes for current affairs from july to august 2015

Asia’s Pivot doctrine of U.S, led to deploy nearly 60 percent of its forces under the Pacific Command, with China as focal point.

Human Rights situation improved- U.K. report

Since President Maithripala Sirisena took office, positive steps were taken to address human rights and democracy concerns, including establishing new institutions and undertaking legal reforms but it points out several challenges remain-high militarization of tamil region.Invitation were given to exiled journalists to return to Sri Lanka and lifting travel bans on foreign nationals visiting north region.

Drug Price Control Order,2013 and NELM by NPPA and issues of accessibility

The NPPA’s decision to expand the number of drugs under price control by a further 39 drugs has no doubt increased scope of price control but the pharmaceutical industry feels the objective of increasing access to medicines is not being adequately addressed.The industry feels that the artificial price control had introduced distortions in the industry.With manufacturing on non-controlled drugs becoming more profitable, smaller companies are exiting controlled products. Competition is being eliminated leading to monopolies being created.The introduction of DPCO 1995, which covered 74 bulk drugs and their formulations saw several players exit and consequent discontinuation of the making of half the products. This led to India’s production of a vital active pharmaceutical Ingredient (API) like penicillin moving to China, India is completely dependent on china for its supply.

Farmers’ suicides- sociological, economical and agricultural reasons

Farmers who aspire to the lifestyle of salaried persons end up taking loans, sometimes at 60-80% interest rates, become prey to loan sharks.The mono-cropping had been the major cause for suicides, farmers had a tendency to focus on a single crop if it had seen commercial success, when it fails they face collapse.Also, not getting assured returns after harvest from buyers who could not pay, farmers find it difficult for survival. Like sugarcane, cotton, tobacco and other crop factories are owned by politicians who often default on payments.

India’s battle against malnutrition

A nationwide survey called the RSOC conducted by the ministry of women and child development in 2013-14 in league with Unicef showed that the proportion of underweight children in India was 29.4%, and that of stunted children 38.7%. There seems to be some sign of progress in India’s battle against malnutrition, although malnutrition rates remain high.

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Most malnourished states of the country have witnessed the sharpest fall in the proportion of underweight children. But when it comes to stunting (low height for age), considered an indicator of chronic undernourishment. Little evidence to suggest that state interventions, either in the form of broad-based programmes such as the public distribution system (PDS) for food grains or targeted child nutrition programs such as the Integrated Child Development Services (ICDS) , Mid-day Meals scheme played a major role in fighting child malnutrition. A nationwide survey called the Rapid Survey on Children (RSOC), conducted by the ministry of women and child development in 2013-14 in league with Unicef, showed that the proportion of underweight children in India was 29.4%, and that of stunted children 38.7%. National Family Health Survey (NFHS), had reported in 2005-06: the ratio of underweight children at 42.5%, and the ratio of stunted children at 48%.

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Most states in the North-East saw big improvements in rates of stunting, albeit on a high base.

While poverty is not the only cause of malnutrition, it is an important cause, not just because poor people may lack adequate food but also because the poor often have less time and resources to care for their children. The proportion of malnourished children among the lowest wealth quintile is significantly higher than the proportion of malnourished children among the highest wealth quintile. While there is a clear link between wealth and nutrition at the household level, the link is much weaker when one looks at countries or states. India, for instance, has higher malnutrition rates than many poorer countries, such as those in Africa. Within India, some of India’s richest states, such as Maharashtra and Gujarat, have higher proportions of underweight children than some of India’s poorer states such as Assam and Uttarakhand.

Key drivers of malnutrition

The absence of sanitation and low social status of women which leads to a high proportion of low birth weight babies are key drivers of malnutrition

Soil Health Card scheme

Against a target of 84 lakh cards, only 34 lakh have been issued. Some of the States such as Arunachal Pradesh, Goa, Gujarat, Haryana, Kerala, Mizoram, Sikkim, Tamil Nadu, Uttarakhand and West Bengal have not issued a single card to farmers against the targets set for them for 2015-16.

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The Soil Health Card is a printed report that will be given to farmers once in three years for each of his/her land holding. It will contain crucial information on macro nutrients in the soil, secondary nutrients, micro nutrients, and physical parameters. The card will be accompanied by an advisory on the corrective measures that a farmer should take to improved soil health and obtain a better yield. Andhra Pradesh has taken the lead in disbursement of the Soil Health Cards to farmers. Tamil Nadu and Punjab exceeded targets for collection of soil samples during the kharif season. Soil Health Card portal allows for registration for collection of soil samples along with testing in approved labs. The important aspect of the portal is that it not only gives an assessment to a farmer about use of major fertilizers but also micro-nutrients which are missing in his field and which must be added for a balanced soil. Information is given for different crops.The system envisages building up a single national database on soil health for future use in research and planning. A total of 2.53 crore samples will be collected and tested to generate 14 crore Soil Health Cards to farmers once in three years.Fertilizer Quality Control System web gives information on the quality of imported fertilizers at ports while States check the quality of indigenously manufactured fertilizers.India imports 25 to 30 per cent of its requirement of urea, 90 per cent requirement of DAP (Di ammonium Phosphate) and 100 per cent MOP (Muriate of Potash). Participatory Guarantee System portal provides for online registration, approval, documentation, record of inspection and Certification of organic products produced by a farmer.

India, and the Taliban’s changing dynamics

India has been on the sidelines because of its limited relationship with the Taliban. Though India has never recognized the Taliban, what often goes unnoticed is that there was limited interaction even during the Kandahar hijacking. An Indian delegation was allowed in without visas and the External Affairs Minister entered into talks with representatives of a government it did not recognise. The point person for all of this was Taliban foreign minister Wakil Ahmed Muttawakil.However, times are changing. The perception that talks with at least some of the Talibani elements might bring an end to the imbroglio is gaining ground in Afghanistan. This, coupled with the existence of several lines of thought in Taliban, allows India to reconsider its position on Afghanistan.Considering the social capital that India has built in Afghanistan, India might, at an appropriate moment and in consultation with the Afghan government and other stakeholders, consider opening a channel to factions associated with Taliban’s Qatar office. Diplomacy is often about picking the lesser evil to serve the national interest. Among those attending were representatives of Pakistan, China and the U.S.

Next door Nepal: What Delhi must tell its guests

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The four-party alliance that signed a deal on June 8 to bring in the constitution at any cost at the earliest, may have missed the deadline, but is determined to do all the formalities symbolically and deliver the statute soon. Maoist chief Pushpa Kamal Dahal (Prachanda) arrived in New Delhi. India has also invited leaders of the faction-ridden Nepali Congress and Communist Party of Nepal-Unified Marxist Leninist (CPN-UML). Delhi’s role, from bringing the insurgent Maoists to the mainstream to abolishing the monarchy, has been visible. But where it is perceived to have failed, just like Nepal’s political actors, is that the transition has taken too long, with Nepal headed for greater chaos and political instability as other external forces are emerging as key players almost on par with India. India’s traditional and natural clout to its north has visibly diminished over the years. It also faces a tough competitor in China on the crucial and contentious issues that Nepal confronts today.

Nepal’s status as a Hindu stateThe idea of secularism with the right to change one’s religion has further provoked the votaries of a Hindu Nepal. They are now demanding a referendum to settle the matter. Modi’s initiative may work if he encourages the Nepali side. But he also needs to tell them that they need to realise they have failed both the Nepalese people and India, which had wished for peace and prosperity in Nepal. He needs to tell them that a segregationist approach, monopolised by the four parties, will not be enough to prepare a constitution acceptable to all.

Are reservations futile?

Excessive and prolonged reservations have had unintended and possibly net negative consequences. The history of reservations goes back at least to the Hunter Education Commission of 1882; around 1901-02, reservation of seats was introduced in several educational institutions around the country. In 1932, Britain as the colonial power cynically proposed a divisive communal award. This award mandated separate electoral representation for Dalits and for adherents of various religions. Mahatma Gandhi was strongly opposed to segregation in representation but ultimately agreed to a compromise with Dr Ambedkar. Independent India's constitutional provision for reservations of electoral seats was meant to expire in 60 years, and should have been over in 2010 - but has been extended till 2020. Reservations in employment in government or the public sector, originally 15 per cent for SCs and 7.5 per cent for STs, were intended to last for 10 years till 1960. These reservations in jobs have repeatedly been extended, with the latest extension again till 2020. Have reservations helped the poorest and those who live in remote parts of rural India? The Socio-Economic and Caste Census (SECC), conducted between 2011 and 2013 and released on July 3 indicates a fairly bleak picture. Out of a total of 179 million households in the country, the income of the highest earning member in 133 million households, that is 74.5 per cent of the population, is less than Rs 5,000 per month. It is illogical, therefore, that a central government order dated May 27, 2013, on "revision of income criteria to exclude socially advanced persons/sections (creamy layer) from the purview of reservation for OBCs" stipulates that the income ceiling of parents of children seeking to qualify for the OBC quota is Rs 50,000 per month. It is also absurd

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that low-income Muslim, Christian or other minority households are excluded from the category of OBCs. Given the low income levels of an overwhelmingly large proportion of Indian families, perhaps family income below Rs 25,000 per month should be the norm to be eligible for any form of reservation not just for OBCs, but also SCs and STs. Further, all reservations could be phased out by 2020.

Drawing an extremely tenuous parallel with current conditions in India, it is pertinent to ask what have been the economic consequences of reservations. Going further one could also question whether it is enough for us to claim that we are professionals, academics, journalists, government officials and so on, and it is somebody else's business to create a just, transparent and caring India by participating in risky electoral politics. Clearly, the various forms of hate crime and inequities that disadvantaged Indians face cannot be corrected just by reservations. In episode after episode of violence or corruption around the country there is an immediate demand for a CBI investigation. Well, the irony is that on July 7 the Supreme Court has suggested an investigation into the role of former CBI Director Ranjit Sinha in the 2G and coal scam probes. Consequently, it would be useful if the government were to ask an external consulting company such as McKinsey or the World Bank to evaluate the manner and extent to which reservations have helped the weaker sections.

Special packages to states fly in the face of cooperative federalism

A string of development packages for Jammu and Kashmir, Bihar and West Bengal being discussed by the BJP-led government at the Centre flies in the face of cooperative federalism, a cause so passionately espoused by Prime Minister Narendra Modi. There is little or no doubt these additional funds or concessions are driven by political considerations. Such political packages have a significant component of additional funding, which only serves to distort further the existing mechanism of distributing resources. It has not even been a year since the new government implemented the 14th Finance Commission report that had recommended a higher, 42 per cent, devolution of Central tax receipts to states. And it chose to do this in one-go instead of phasing it out over a couple of years, which would have perhaps given states some breathing time to upgrade their capacity to spend, that is, plan and execute projects. States were overjoyed because higher devolution means higher untied funds. But soon after they spent some money on full-page advertisements lauding Modi, they realised the extra funds given with one hand were taken away with the other. Many “special packages” in the past, including to Bundelkhand, the Northeast, Odisha’s Koraput-Bolangir-Kalahandi (KBK) region, West Bengal, Bihar and J&K, were suddenly announced to suit politics, and then additional funds were sought from Parliament through supplementary demands for grants. For instance, the Rs 8,750 crore special plan for West Bengal was announced on December 7, 2011, to placate Banerjee, who had just a week ago forced the UPA government to withdraw its decision allowing 51 per cent FDI in multi-brand retail. While some money may be used for development purposes, the lack of strong monitoring of the implementation often results in poor delivery and diversion of funds. Unfortunately, the Central government has also not seriously thought of an institutional

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mechanism for a national discussion on the need for special plans — and of their post-award review. The Constitution did envisage this need and provided for the setting up of an inter-state council. But ironically, although established in 1990 and mandated to meet thrice a year, it has met only twice in the last 10 years, and only 10 times since it was set up. It can be resuscitated so that the government and any particular state can justify the need for a development package based on urgency and principles of equity.

Identity crisis of CJI- impacts various satutes including NJAC

The constitutional identity of CJI- is he the CJI of the institution Supreme Court of India and ‘ a first among equals’ among supreme court judges, or Is he the CJI of the Republic of India representing the entire judiciary of the country? Oath of Office Legal experts say the confusion lies in the fact that constitution does not provide a separate oath for the CJI as in the case of the President under article-60 or Vice-President in article-69.All judges in the supreme court take a common oath prescribed in the schedule 3 of the constitution-which begins as “I ……, appointed CJ or Judge of the supreme court of India”.A case in the supreme court challenges NJAC act that it violates basic structure , as CJI is part of basic structure under art-124, the act relegated CJI to one among the 6 members of the NJAC commission.

Paren Patrae- Political Authority has the right to defend the rights of citizen if they are unable to protect themselves.(Govt. could argue for victims in bomb blasts etc.,)

Problems of single mothers-unwed mother to be the sole legal guardian of her child

Supreme Court’s recent ruling giving an unwed mother the sole legal guardianship of her child without requiring the father’s permission has rightly been described as a milestone judgment.Hitherto the father’s involvement was legally necessary in any petition that sought to have the mother as the sole legal guardian and it was this aspect that a single mother had challenged first in a lower court, then in the Delhi High Court and finally in the apex court in 2011. This is not the first time that the higher courts have gone against the grain of patriarchal and prejudiced perceptions and practices against women (though they have been guilty of some regressive pronouncements too). The ruling also has multilayered aspects that go beyond affirming the obvious rights of the mother. How far these rulings will percolate and actually force changes in bureaucratic requirements, and then in social views.

Most single mothers in India face harassment when applying for documentation, an aspect that is crucial to daily life in this country starting from birth certificates and school admissions, to applications for passports and other such documents. Most of the agencies involved insist on

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the father’s name being mentioned or an affidavit giving his “permission.” In this present case (ABC vs State (NCT of Delhi)), the petitioner had wanted to make her five-year-old son her nominee in her savings deposits and insurance policies but was told that as a Christian she was governed by the Guardians and Wards Act, 1890 and would require the father’s approval before she was granted sole legal guardianship. Her contention that the man had lived with her for barely two months and was not even aware of the son’s existence did not cut ice with the lower courts.Supreme Court has said that the child’s welfare (which is paramount) would be best served by having the mother as the guardian and that “her own fundamental right to privacy” would be violated if forced to disclose particulars of the father. The ruling thus also takes into account both the rights of “illegitimate” children and the unwed mother’s right to privacy.The ruling on the rights of the unwed mother cited this case to point out that where the child is in the exclusive care and custody of the mother, for whatever reason, she can act as the natural guardian of the minor and all her actions would be valid even during the lifetime of the father.The ruling has given rise to misgivings that it would violate the father’s right to know his child, a point made by the amicus curiae. Long-term implications for the social norm that an ideal family unit must consist of father, mother and the offspring. However, the Court has held that the “uninvolved parent is not precluded” from approaching the guardian court to quash, vary or modify its orders if the best interests of the child so indicate.If things are to change at the ground level, such rulings must receive not just wide media publicity but must also be disseminated through informal and popular means of communication.right of every mother to be recognised as the legal guardian of her child in her own right. Right of every mother to be recognised as the legal guardian of her child in her own right.

Resource exploitation in Arctic region-Implications

Rising global temperature is melting Arctic sea ice, making a piece of the planet accessible for the first time in living memory. On their way the tourists would often encounter cargo liners on exploration missions—each clearing the way for future routes to exploit the frozen pole. These cargo liners herald the intense competition to grab the abundance of natural resources that lie under the melting sea ice. Whether the tourist is from far away India, China or Singapore, he or she will be able to gauge the future economic and political impacts of the disappearing ice caps on his or her respective economy. Recent scientific studies confirm that the Arctic is warming twice as fast as the rest of the globe. The period between 2005 and 2010 was the warmest since record keeping began in 1840. In September 2011, at the height of its summertime shrinkage, ice caps covered 4.33 million square kilometres of the Arctic Ocean. This, according to the US National Snow and Ice Data Center (NSIDC), was a 50 per cent drop from the average sea ice cover between 1979 and 2000. Arctic is also getting thinner and younger. Its thicker, older ice caps that have formed over several years and were able to survive through the summer melt season are increasingly being replaced with ice that accrues over the winter every year and then melts away. This makes the Arctic more vulnerable to global warming. By the reckoning of NSIDC, only five per cent of the Arctic ice caps were over five years old last summer. In the

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early 1980s as much as 40 per cent of the Arctic sea ice was over five years old. Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) in 2007 estimated that the Arctic will have an ice-free summer by the end of this century. Arctic’s vast reservoirs of fossil fuel, fish and minerals, including rare earth materials, are now accessible for a longer period. But unlike Antarctica, which is protected from exploitation by the Antarctic Treaty framed during the Cold War and is not subject to territorial claims by any country. There is no legal regime protecting the Arctic from industrialisation, especially at a time when the world craves for more and more resources. The distinct possibility of ice-free summer has prompted countries with Arctic coastline to scramble for great chunks of the melting ocean. The scrambling pales the Gold Rush of the 19th century in its scope and degree. Of the eight Arctic nations—Russia, Sweden, Norway, Iceland, Denmark (Greenland), Finland, Canada and the US—several have explored the Arctic waters and found over 400 oilfields with proven reserves of around 240 billion barrels of crude oil and natural gas. This is about 10 per cent of the world’s known hydrocarbon reserves. They have also discovered significant deposits of various minerals on the seabed. New reserves will be available with further melting of the polar sea ice. The US Geological Survey estimates that the Arctic holds up to 20 per cent of the world’s unexplored hydrocarbon reserves, with potential oil reserves of 90 billion barrels, natural gas reserves of 47.3 trillion cubic metres and gas condensate reserves of 44 billion barrels. Around 80 per cent of these new discoveries are likely to be found offshore at an easy depth of 500 metres. As a bonus, the vanishing ice also opens up two new faster shipping routes that sharply reduce the distance between Western countries and Asia by connecting the Pacific and Atlantic oceans.

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These are the Northwest Passage along the northern coast of North America and the Northeast Passage along the Siberia coast.

Northwest Passage will reduce the distance from US’ Seattle port to Rotterdam in the Netherlands by almost 25 per cent compared to the current route via the Panama Canal.Voyage from Rotterdam to Yokohama in Japan via the Northeast Passage will be 40 per cent shorter than the traditional Suez Canal route. Explorers had long sought these trans-Arctic passages as possible trade routes. With fast-rising global temperatures, if, as some scientists predict, these passages become navigable round the year in the coming decades, they could redraw the global trading routes. Shipping routes will shift from politically unstable regions like Western Asia and piracy-infested routes like the South China Sea, the Malacca Straits and the Gulf of Aden.Till 2005, when definitive scientific predictions about the melting of Arctic sea ice appeared, the Arctic nations were a coherent group. They mostly focused on the environment and sustainable development of the region, says Sakhuja. They are now vying to assert their dominance in the Arctic using the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea. The law allows member states to exploit all natural resources within 370 km off their coastline. They can, however, extend their jurisdiction up to 650 km by submitting geological evidence of the limits

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of their continental shelves. Russia, US, Canada, Norway and Denmark (Greenland) have submitted claims for extending their jurisdiction in the Arctic territory.

Does India have rights over the Arctic?

It can be yes and no, depending on how one interprets a 92-year-old treaty. On February 9, 1920, India signed an international treaty on the Archipelago of Spitsbergen. The treaty, now called Svalbard Treaty, defines the international and legal status of the Arctic archipelago off Norway. It was signed by Norway, the Great Britain and its dominions, and a few other countries. India was then part of the British Empire. It is still a member of the British Commonwealth. The treaty gives all its 40 signatories equal rights to engage in commercial activities on the islands. Norway and Russia are utilising this right for coal mining.“Technically, we have a right to explore resources in these islands,” says Shailesh Nayak, secretary of Ministry of Earth Sciences. Asserting its right, India opened its Arctic research station, Himadri, in the Svalbard region of Norway in 2008. “In case of a future multilateral consensus on governance of the Arctic, this treaty gives India a major stakeholder status. Our

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experience in natural gas extraction projects in Sakhalin (sub-Arctic island in Russia) prepares us to work in Arctic conditions. India’s technological experience in ocean floor exploration for minerals and other resources may also be helpful while working in the Arctic.There are experts who argue that India should follow China in seeking a share in the exploitation of Arctic resources. But this would be short-sighted,” says Shyam Saran, a senior fellow with the Centre for Policy Research, a think-tank in Delhi. India lacks in financial and technological capabilities to match the countries in the forefront of the current Arctic scramble. Besides, Saran points out, such projects ignore the much greater damage, compared to any possible benefits, that India may have to bear if the Arctic continues to be ravaged by unchecked human greed.Costly, both for industry and environment.New alliances are also being forged to extend control over the newly accessible Arctic region or gain access to its resources. Except Russia, all the other Arctic nations are part of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), a security alliance. But that has not deterred them from charting out their own strategies for the Arctic. In an unexpected strategic move, Norway and Russia agreed to improve military relations and expand cooperation in their Arctic territories.Until two years ago, the countries were engaged in a four-decade-long dispute over the Arctic boundary. Both have created special army units for the Arctic in the past year. Russia built ice-class vessels designed to ferry military hardware and sent extra brigades to its northernmost bases recently. Norway plans to buy 48 F-35 fighter planes to bolster its Arctic defences. the US, Canada and Denmark staged military manoeuvres in their Arctic territoriesBehind these high-voltage military displays, the countries are evolving new strategies and changing national policies to govern and exploit the resources, mainly energy reserves.Oil is the lureRussia, one-third of which lies within the Arctic Circle, has been the most aggressive in establishing itself as the superpower of the emerging region. Within a couple of months, he declared another policy, offering tax cuts on hydrocarbons and minerals produced in the country’s Arctic territory. Now there is a virtual stampede among oil majors to reach the Russian Arctic. Rosneft has entered into two big-ticket agreements with Italy’s Eni and US’ ExxonMobil.“Russia’s interests in the Arctic are economic, geographical, scientific and environmental. The Russian Arctic is also a place where the geopolitical interests of both Arctic and non-Arctic states interact owing to their geographical positions. Though Scandinavian countries own smaller chunks of the Arctic, they have plans in place on how to exploit the resources. Norway has a 20-year plan to unlock the region’s oil and gas reserves and deliver them to foreign markets.US has also indicated that it would auction the exploration blocks in the Arctic by 2015. The Chukchi and Beaufort Seas off the coast of Alaska hold around 26 billion barrels of oil. Energy major Shell has obtained conditional approval to drill exploratory wells in the region from 2013. Non-Arctic nations in queue. The latest phase of the Arctic rush is being played out in the Arctic Council, an intergovernmental forum formed by the Arctic nations and representatives of the indigenous people of the pole like the Eskimo.The council discusses issues related to the environment, sustainable development and scientific research in the Arctic, and does not deal with matters related to military security. Six non-Arctic nations—the UK, France, Spain, Germany, Poland and the Netherlands —sit in the council as

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observers. More countries, including China, India, Brazil, Japan, South Korea, the EU and several individual European states, are now seeking observer status in the council. The status would not only keep them apprised of the fast-changing geopolitics in the Arctic, it might help them gain access to the region in future. However, India and China are emerging as the two strong candidates to join the ranks of the observers. Road to Arctic’s bounty is not without obstacles. There are environmental concerns that call for restricting industrial activities, challenge of building infrastructure in extreme weather conditions, which may hinder exploration activities and affect the economic viability of projects. Even the existing projects may face the heat. They are built on permafrost, and in the event of its thawing the same infrastructure would have to be rebuilt. The pristine Arctic nature has not been researched yet, and launching any production in the Arctic offshore would kill the natural habitatThere are also fears of oil spill, which can seriously damage the ecology. There is a wide technology gap. There is no equipment and infrastructure to remove a massive oil spill in icy conditions, and there are no sanctions on companies in case of an accident.When permafrost melts, it releases carbon into the atmosphere.there is approximately double the amount of carbon in the permafrost than there is in the atmosphere today. Depleting snow cover also leads to low reflection and higher absorption of sunlight. This will increase atmospheric temperature of the Arctic and induce further melting.The debate over whether to exploit the Arctic now revolves around two perspectives. The Arctic nations want to reap the riches, while the non-Arctic nations want the pole to be preserved as a global commons, such as Antarctica or international sea. But so far there have been no substantial global initiatives to decide how to govern the Arctic. This could be due to two major reasons. One, the Arctic has hydrocarbons. Two, its geographical location is unique. Under the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea, all eight countries bordering the Arctic have territorial claims over the ocean waters. Since researchers have confirmed that the rising temperatures will open up a treasure trove of natural resources in the Arctic, most Arctic nations have submitted claims for extending their jurisdiction in the Arctic territory. Until the convention finalises the claims in 2014, one cannot say how much of the Arctic will come under the international law. A similar situation of many contested claims existed for Antarctica before the Antarctic Treaty of 1961 came into force. But a provision in the treaty made the claims non-actionable to avoid future conflicts.

World Bank Report titled- “The State of Social Safety Net 2015”- poverty doubled

The poverty is rising in urban areas at a rapid pace. 773 million people (which constitutes 55 per cent of world’s poor population) are in acute need of social safety coverage. Three quarters of the poorest people in lower-middle countries, and more than one-third of the poorest people in middle-income countries lack safety net coverage and remain at risk.The report endorses the goal of universal access to social protection which includes safety nets by 2030. The safety net programmes include cash and in-kind transfers targeted to poor and

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vulnerable households, with a goal of protecting families from the impact of economic shock, natural disasters and other crises. Highlight promising innovations and review important policy and practical developments in this area. According to report, all five biggest social safety net programmes are in middle income countries, which include India, China, South Africa, and Ethiopia which covers 566 million poor people. India’s job guarantee programme, Mahatama Gandhi National Rural Guarantee Scheme, is the world’s biggest social safety net programme. In low-income and lower-middle-income countries, social safety nets cover only 25 per cent of the extreme poor, compared to 64 per cent in upper-middle-income countries. In Sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia, where most of the global poor live, social safety nets cover just one-tenth and one-fifth of the poorest 20 per cent of the population, respectively.

Poverty in Urban-poverty is urbanisingCoverage of the poorest in urban areas, where an estimated 863 million people live in precarious settlements, also remains a challenge. Poverty is urbanising at a rapid pace, says the report. It also highlights that cash transfer schemes constitute 50 per cent of the total social safety net programmes. Many countries are rapidly catching up these schemes. In 1997, it was only two countries which adopted conditional cash transfer scheme which now increased to 64 countries. The report strongly argues that conditional cash transfers scheme is one of the best way to reach out to targeted population. The report cites example of conditional cash transfer programmes in Latin America, such as Bolsa Familia in Brazil and Prospera in Mexico and more-recently established programmes in Asia, such as the Pantawid in the Philippines.The report also argues against unconditional cash transfers which are not much effective in comparison to conditional cash transfer. It further highlights the need to improve the efficiency of social safety net programmes to timely reach out targeted population.

Declining Cattle Population in India-threat to indigenous cattle

There has been a major change in the composition and mix of the cattle population in India. The proportion of male cattle has declined sharply as farmers do not fi nd it worthwhile to maintain bullocks to plough holdings that are becoming smaller and smaller. The composition of the milch cattle population too is changing. The proportion of the indigenous breed is falling and that of the exotic/cross-bred is growing. There are differences between states in the pattern of change, but those who seek protection of the cow and a ban on cow slaughter seem to be unaware of what has been happening.

The data on cattle population cited in this article are taken from the 18th and 19th All India Livestock Census, 2007 and 2012, respectively. The data on small farmer holdings are taken from the latest report on the agricultural census. The information on smuggling of cattle to Bangladesh.

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Earlier, during the five years 1956–60, the cattle population of India increased at 2% a year; in Odisha the annual growth rate was 4.5% and in Uttar Pradesh 2.7%. The growth rate was as high as that of the human population. In the country there were 50 sacred bovines for every 100 humans. The situation threatened to get out of control. But over the next half century there was fortunately a change. By 1992, there were about 20 crore cattle, only 23 for every 100 humans. And during the 20 years since 1992 the total population of cows and progeny has declined, from 20 crore to about 19 crore (by 6.69%). But this hides the differential growth of the exotic/cross-bred cattle and the indigenous type. The population of the exotic/cross-bred has been growing steadily, from about 1.5 crore in 1992 to a little less than 4 crore in 2012, constituting 7% of the total cattle population in 1992 and 21% in 2012. Taking these out of the total cattle population, the population of the indigenous cattle has declined from a little less than 19 crore to a little over 15 crore (a decline of 20.15%) over the two decades. This decline has been mainly due to the decline in the population of indigenous male cattle. The total male cattle population declined slightly, from 7.75 crore in 2003 to 7.67 crore in 2007, but significantly to 6.19 crore by 2012. The number of the male indigenous cattle, mainly bullocks, declined by 1.56 crore during these 10 years.

The reason is straight and simple-decline in size of landholdings The average size of cultivated landholdings in India has significantly declined over time. Today more than three-fourths of the cultivated landholdings in the country are of less than 2 hectares in size and more than half of this is of less than 1 hectare. (The average size of holdings of the small farmers is 0.67 ha or 1.78 acres.) It has become very difficult for most small farmers to maintain even one bullock, not to speak of a pair. They tend to hire the bullocks and ploughs from others for the main ploughing work or, increasingly, hire tractors, small or large, for the purpose. The larger farmers use tractors rather than keep bullocks. The bullocks are sold, ostensibly to traders who sell them to butchers. These Hindu farmers know the destiny of the cattle they sell, but cannot help it. Keeping them will mean both their cattle’s starvation and their own in the end.While the decline in the number of the male indigenous cattle has already started, that of the cows is also on its way. During the five years, 2007–12, the number of adult cows has not increased (there has been, indeed, a very small decline for the first time).

Increased milk supply from exotic, cross bred cows-1/5th of total cattle population

The increased milk supply is being taken care of by the growing number (and proportion) of the exotic/cross-bred cows (besides another major milch animal, the buffalo) who now constitute more than a fifth of the total cattle population of India. Gradually the number of the indigenous cattle, both male and female, will decline. Indeed. the total population of cattle will decline, since the exotic and the cross-bred, in combination with the growing buffalo population, will meet the demand for more milk. And bullocks will become very expensive to maintain, leading to a decline in their numbers.

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Regional Differences

Maharashtra: which recently banned slaughter of all types of cattle

Odisha: which had the highest growth rate of cattle population in the country half a century ago and has for half a century a law banning slaughter of any cattle; there has been an extensive export of cattle (illegally) from Odisha, Bihar and West Bengal (as well as some other north and even west Indian states) to Bangladesh. Bangladesh imports nearly two-thirds of the cattle annually slaughtered in that country. Its main export is leather, hides and skin as well as leather goods. There is also some restriction on the manner of transport of cattle in Odisha. Odisha’s cattle economy at present, therefore, appears to be an example of what a more progressive cattle economy in another state can become if the farmers are prevented by law from disposing of their unproductive cattle.

situation in Gujarat was quite different from that of many other states Gujarat: which has recorded the highest growth in the total number of cattle, 25.2% (one of five states; the other four states being: Rajasthan 9.94%, Uttar Pradesh 3.57%, Chhattisgarh 3.41% and Assam 2.65%); This is a major milk producing state and has traditionally a breed (Gir) that is better milk yielding. But the important point to note is that while the female cow population greatly increased, that of the male drastically declined. If this had not been permitted, what would have happened?Tamil Nadu: that has recorded the highest decline in the cattle population. shows a pattern of change that all other states are likely to show, if not hindered by ban laws. The introduction of exotic and cross-bred cattle started in this state much earlier than elsewhere. By 2007 the exotic and cross-bred cattle constituted nearly two-thirds (66%) of the total cattle population of the state. By 2012 their share went up to 72%. What was more important was that the population of all categories of cattle recorded a decline: the cross-bred, both male and female, declined from 1.12 crore to 88 lakh (by 21.2%). The decline was much larger in the population of the indigenous, by 35.4%.

Dim Prospects for the Indigenousindigenous milch cattle has little chance of survival and growth. Long ago the Brazilian government imported Gir cows and bulls from Gujarat and Ongole cattle from Andhra Pradesh. Over years, through systematic selective breeding, they have developed an extremely high milk yielding Gir species and a very high quality beef cattle of the Ongole variety, which they are also exporting. Until now nothing had been done to improve the stock of our indigenous cattle in India. Very belatedly, an attempt has been started with a few breeds. But the ban on slaughter of cattle threatens to sound the death knell of any such endeavour. Both the indigenous and the cross-bred cattle will ultimately perish.The reason behind the demand for a ban on slaughter of the cow and its progeny is well known. The problem faced by the “sacred cattle” in India has been a matter of concern for a

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significant section of its Hindu population. This was the reason why in the Constituent Assembly a powerful group of members of Parliament, including of course many Congressmen, insisted on a ban on slaughtering of cows being put in the Constitution. The resistance to this was equally powerful. A final settlement was to include a provision to the effect in the Directive Principles, which are only indicative and not obligatory, unlike the Fundamental Rights.Sometime after independence, using this provision, a section of political leadership as well as Hindu religious advocates began pressing for promulgation of a law to this effect. The then Shankarachrya of the Govardhan Math in Puri went on a fast (only during the day time?) in November 1966 to press the demand. Today, after half a century, with a government by a political party wedded to Hindutva in the centre and in some of the states, there is a renewal of this demand. The extension of the law to ban slaughter of cows to all its progeny and the ban on trade in and stocking of beef by the new state government of Maharashtra is due to this renewal. The reason behind this latest demand is the same as before: the cow is sacred to the Hindus, who worship it as Mother and who use its excreta, like urine and stools (gobar), besides of course milk, in all their religious ceremonies. They believe that the cow’s body contains 33 crore godheads mentioned in Hindu puranas.

Solar Energy

The failure of solar installations in India is not primarily due to poor maintenance or lack of money, materials and skilled manpower as argued in "Solar Energy for Rural Electricity in India: A Misplaced Emphasis”-reportSolar is still not a visible product for the consumer. Rather than see the failure of solar installations in terms of a rural-urban divide, the author could have done well to locate his arguments in the context of the "new economy-old economy" divide. It questions the relevance of promoting solar photovoltaic (PV) systems for lighting in rural areas of India. It has also been presented as a special case of the so-called rural–urban divide, and the inequality hypothesis of a spatial kind.Rural–Urban Gap The differences between rates of electrification and consumption in urban and rural areas. It shows that, though electrification rates in urban and rural areas show a converging trend, there is divergence in terms of the monthly per capita consumption of electricity. It highlights the rural–urban gap in electricity consumption, which has increased in the past two-and-a-half decades. The renewable energy programme in India has a long history in India. Following the energy crisis of the 1970s, the Commission for Additional Sources of Energy (CASE) in the Department of Science and Technology was set up in March 1981. CASE was responsible for formulation of policies and their implementation, creation of programmes for development of new and renewable energy and coordinating and intensifying research and development in the sector. In 1982, a new department was created in the then Ministry of Energy—the Department of Non-conventional Energy Sources (DNES). DNES incorporated CASE under its umbrella. A

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decade later, in 1992, DNES became the Ministry of Non-conventional Energy Sources (MNES). In October 2006, the ministry was rechristened as the Ministry of New and Renewable Energy.The more recent emphasis on solar PVs should be understood in the context of the “global warming” agenda. It has a clear political economy dimension, which should not be lost sight of. Therefore, it is important that the right questions are asked. What is the purpose of promoting solar in the Indian context? Should it be in the context of some international requirements and norms? Or, should it be for the benefit of the country as part of the objectives of social policy? Is solar an agenda for enhancing incomes and employment opportunities at the grass-roots level? If so, the issues raised by the author become non-issues.

Complex IssuesThe non-conventional energy agenda in India dates back to 1960, when the scientific institutions of the country explored opportunities for alternative sources of energy. Subsequently, the now well-known renewable energy programme came to the fore with the setting up of a separate ministry. However, despite decades of initiatives by the ministry, India’s renewable energy programme did not make any major impact. Therefore, the question one should ask first, is, why did the non-conventional energy programme not catch up?On the supply chain angle, the key question relates to scalability. Until the setting up of the Jawaharlal Nehru Renewable Energy Mission, the question relating to local manufacture was not seriously examined. If the policy on manufacture itself is ambivalent, the service points attached to the value chain also tend to remain imperfect. A comparative analysis of the experience of India and Bangladesh is likely to be instructive. An earlier study by this author has shown that Bangladesh had a better system of rural servicing of PV installations than India. This study has reported that the renewable energy of Bangladesh had identified PV as a major source of subsidiary employment for women in rural parts of the country. This trust came as a corollary of the microfinance movement in the country. The Jawaharlal Nehru Mission itself should grow as a part of a large national agenda of energy security. In such a massive agenda, the conventional programmes, as directed by the government, should play only a catalytic role. The key role should come from private enterprises, which, in turn, will capture the market signals clearly and will respond to them instantaneously.

“Egg War: Why India’s Vegetarian Elites are Accused of Keeping Kids Hungry.”-

realities of diet in India are far more complex than Westernised notions will grant.