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CHAPTER IV

MAVOOR MOVEMENT:

A CRITICAL APPROACH

This chapter tries to explore the history of Mavoor movement

popularly known as Chaliyar movement with an intention to study the conflict

between the trade union and environmental movements in the area. This

analysis is made in a context where the left plays the decisive role in shaping

the course of action of these two social movements. The chapter is divided

into four parts. The first part presents a brief history of Mavoor Gwalior

Rayon Factory with a special focus on those controversial special incentives

given to this extraction industry. The second part unveils the environmental

impact of the new factory. Third part examines the rise of environmental

activism with a focus on organizations and individuals. Final part discusses

the role of left in shaping the history of the Chaliyar movement.

4.1 Introduction

There are two important factors, which seem to be relevant in the

establishment of Mavoor Gwalior Rayon’s Factory at Mavoor in the state of

Kerala - the worldwide modernist campaign that industrialization is the only

way to development, and the manipulation of government policies for

overriding the propaganda that the newly elected communist government in

Kerala would be anti capitalist. In spite of the Marxist reservations on

capitalist system and its development strategies, first Communist government

in Kerala headed by EMS Nambuthirippad decided to pursue the capitalist

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model of development rather intensely. In an Article published in connection

with the fiftieth anniversary of the first communist government in Kerala, S

Ramachandran Pilla, Senior leader of the CPIM argued that

“Industrialization through the private sector was one of the means by

which the backward economy of the resource starved state could be taken

forward…… if the government had been able to continue its work of

industrialization unhindered ….. Kerala and the people would have made

much progress in the production of material values” (Pillai, 2009).

His observation is mainly based on two arguments: firstly, the central

government was not willing to locate any major public sector industries in

Kerala and secondly, the financial resources of the state government were not

sufficient for starting new public sector undertakings. There was also a strong

propaganda that the labour management relations in Kerala with a communist

government in power would not be congenial. In short, the new Government’s

appraisal of the situation in the state of Kerala and consequent declaration of

industrial and Labour policies were capable enough to send the message that

unprecedented special assistance would be provided for setting up new

industries. While addressing the Silver Jubilee Celebrations of the All India

Trade Union Congress – Trade Union wing of the then undivided Communist

Party-in December 1957 at Irinjalikuda, EMS declared his government’s

attitude towards the role of private sector in the industrial development of the

state. He said, “Without the active cooperation of the management and

workers; without pooling together the resources of the state and private

individuals for retaining and expanding the existing industrial base; without

launching new industrial undertakings, the working class of the state has no

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redemption” (quoted in Prabhash, 2009). It was in this background G.D Birla,

the Indian big Capitalists came up with a proposal to establish a pulp-

producing factory in Kerala as a major leap towards industrial development.

After protracted negotiations, the Birla management and the

government of Kerala signed an agreement on 3 May 1958 as per which the

company ‘would set up a 100 tonne per day (TPD) Rayon grade pulp

manufacturing factory at Nilamure –Beypore area on the banks of river

Chaliyar in the district of Kozhikode’. The provisions incorporated in this

agreement particularly related to the mandatory supply of raw materials

constituted the determining factors that shaped the vicissitudes of this

industry. According to this, the Company would have the exclusive right and

License for a term of 20 years to fell and cut bamboo from the reserved

forests of the Nilambur valley. The Government has to Supply 1, 60,000

tonnes of bamboo every year as raw material to the factory, as observed by

an environmental activists, at a ‘throw away rate’ of Rs 1per tonne. Here it is

surprising to note that the rate of raw materials agreed four years ago between

the same Birla management and Vidhya Pradesh, presently Madhya Pradesh,

government was Rs 6.5 per tonne. The supplementary agreement signed on 6

August 1962 further expanded the felling area to the forest divisions of

Wayanad, Kozhikode, Palaghat and Nenmara. It also enhanced the quantity of

raw materials to 2 Lakh tonne per year. The most important provision of this

agreement was that the company shall have the right to extract additional

quantity of raw materials to meet the requirements as and when the plant

capacity is further expanded (Sreedhar, 2009)

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The factory started production in 1963 providing direct employment to

1840 workers and 350 office staff. The new fiber division further enhanced

the strength of labour force by adding 1000 workers and 250 office staff. As

the production increased year by year the volume of direct employment

increased to 5000 out of which around 1000 were reserve workers. In addition

to this, the chain of economic activity unleashed by the factory created more

than 10,000 employment opportunities in deferent parts of the state.

Meanwhile the management took a strategic decision to resort to contract

work, which gave birth to a class of contractors, a new group of stakeholders

whose mediatory role extensively strengthened the social base of the

company. Many works, which could be done by the reserve workers, was

hired out to contractors. It is alleged that many leaders irrespective of their

party affiliation benefitted from contract work and in turn helped the factory

management to mobilize public opinion in its favor (Mohan,1988).

President’s rule in 1965 happened to be a blessing for the factory.

V.V. Giri, the then Governor of Kerala was of the opinion that the company

should find out its own ways to meet the raw material requirements.

Therefore, his government (the State was under President’s rule) signed an

agreement on 14 July 1965 by which the company was accorded sanction for

the purchase of 30000 acres of private forestland from Malabar for utilizing

bamboo and to later raise eucalyptus plantations. The government also

assured that the land thus purchased would be exempted from acquisition.

Accordingly, the management purchased 30,000 acres of private forest in

Nilambur region for raising soft wood plantations (Sreedhar, 2000).

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The decisions of Achutha Menon government in relation to the Mavoor

factory attracted mixed response. On the one side, the environmental activists

held the view that the new government’s decisions were eco-friendly.

However, people like, K. Chathunny Master, former Marxist trade union

leader in Mavoor factory and MP from Kozhikode was of the opinion that the

attitude of the government towards the factory was detrimental (Chathunny

Master,1988). For instance, in 1971, in spite of the assurance given to the

company, the Government headed by C Achutha Menon nationalized all

private forest in the state including the 30000 acres of land in Nilambur

Valley possessed by the company. The objection raised by the Birla ended

when the supreme court of India upheld the Government’s decision. In

addition to this, the government also enforced certain regulatory measures to

monitor the extraction of forest resources by the factory. The supplementary

agreement signed on 20 November 1976 provided for a comprehensive set of

rules and regulations for allotting felling areas, issuing pass, recording of

measurements, weights, accounting, fire protection measure etc. Here it is to

be admitted that, as result of these decisions, the raw material became scarce

and costly as compared to the earlier period. It may be noted that, there are

considerable number of respondents who believe that these decisions of the

Achutha Menon government constitute one of the main reasons for the

decline of the industry and its final closure in 1999.

The workers of the factory went on an indefinite strike in 1985 based

on a set of demands. Renewal of the long-term wage agreement, abolition of

the contract system, distribution of due bonus etc were the major demands.

The management retaliated to the strike by closing down the factory and this

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closure continued for a period of 39 months. Largely, with the help of mass

media the management successfully propagated that the indiscipline among

the workers and the scarcity and the hike in the royalty rate of the raw

materials were the main reasons for the closure of the factory. In this

connection, it also published the details of loss incurred by the company from

the financial year 1982-83 onwards. As the closure went on indefinitely

leaving untold hardship to the families of employees, 13 workers committed

suicide making the situation more complicated. Gradually, the indefinite

strike, which was launched against the management for a better salary and

emoluments transformed into a mass movement with a single demand -

reopen the factory and save the workers from starvation. This unusual shift in

the history of working class struggle in Mavoor raised a series of questions

with regard to the nature and role of trade union movement in Kerala. Finally,

the factory was reopened in 1989 based on an agreement between the

management and workers. For the workers who had no other choice other

than to agree with the conditions laid down by the management, the new

agreement was nothing but a complete surrender.

4.2 Environmental Impact

While hearing a petition filed by the Grasim industries seeking orders

for repairing the damaged pipeline to Chungappally, Justice Narendran

observed, “The banks of Chaliyar, once a health resort, have virtually become

a hell on earth. At least for one decade the people there are suffering. The

petitioner company has liberally contributed to this. If the state government

and the Kerala State Pollution Control Board for prevention and control of

water pollution had taken effective steps, this could have been prevented long

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ago” (Surendranath, 2000). It is an undisputed fact that the government while

allowing the factory to locate in a sensitive area paid little attention to its

environmental consequences. As the production went on it unleashed a series

of drastic issues upsetting the natural environment not only in the locality but

also in a considerably wider area. This impact mainly falls under four

categories such as air pollution, water pollution, deforestation and finally the

cultural shift.

4.2.1 Water Pollution

Industries in India were set up widely on the banks of rivers because of

three main reasons; the chances of exploiting large volume of water usually at

free of cost , possibilities of water transportation mainly for bringing raw

materials and finally the relatively easy discharge of industrial waste (

Achuthan, 1979). As a result of this, rightly observed by A.V Thamarakshan,

the chairman of the Kerala Legislative assembly committee on environment,

“the river systems are in real danger of being irrecoverably polluted due to

heavy discharge of industrial effluents” (Korakandy 2009). All these

industrial waste are toxic to life forms that consume this water. This could

harm the liver, kidneys, reproductive system, respiratory system or the

nervous system (Prasad and Gaur(ed), 1992). The history of the Gwalior

rayon factory at Mavoor tells us the same story of irrational and unscientific

discharging of toxic effluents into river Chaliyar. The mountain streams

originated from the bamboo forest of Elampalaari hills in Nilambur Valley,

joined with streams like Neerppuzha, Karimbuzha, Kuravanpuzha,

Vadapuram puzha Urngattiri puzha, Pookkuda puzha, and Eruvazhinjapuzha,

the river Chaliyar forms one of the wealthiest rivers in the state of Kerala. It

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has a total river basin of 2923 Sqr. Kms. Its total length is 168 Km. Nearly 2

Lakh people use this river for different purposes.

The Pulp division produced about 4800 tones of Rayon Grade pulp and

270 tons of paper per month. In the Staple Fiber division about 2130 tonnes of

Viscose Staple Fiber, 1355 tonnes of sodium sulfate, 2100 tonnes of sulfuric

acid and 373 tones of Carbon disulphide were produced per month. The raw

materials used in the Pulp division were mainly bamboo, eucalyptus and other

wood amounting of 16,224 tonnes per month and inorganic chemicals such as

salt cake, caustic soda, lime shell, chlorine, sodium chlorate, sulfuric acid,

alum, sodium silicate etc. For both the units, the raw water was drawn from

the river Chaliyar that is flowing nearby the factory. Daily wastewater

generation was about 40000 m3 of effluent from both the units together.

As soon as the production started in 1963, the untreated effluents let

out into the river Chaliyar at Kalpally, 1.6 Km downstream. As a result, the

once-clear river turned black and the pollutants wiped out its aquatic life

within no time. The study conducted by the University of Calicut, in

association with the Department of Science and Technology, revealed that the

content of lead, mercury and chromium in the river water were far above the

tolerable limits (Babu, 2008). It also pointed out that the Chemical Oxygen

demand (COD) values and a good number of biochemical Oxygen Demand

(BOD) values were well above the permissible limits. The presence of lead, a

highly toxic metal was shocking. Its highest rate was 2.613ppm, much higher

than the permissible rate of 0.05 ppm. The highest value obtained for mercury

was 2.810 ppm where as its permissible limit was 0.002 ppm. (Seethi , 2000).

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The water pollution in Mavoor had a selective nature in the sense that

the management tactfully constructed a bund at Elamaram, dividing the river

into two entirely different quality zones; keeping the upper side non polluted

as a reservoir for unrestricted supply of clean water for the factory, where as

the downstream remained drastically polluted with toxic effluents. SreeDevi

Pillai, a documentary maker on river Chaliyar found two purposes in it;

firstly, it enabled the management to extract clean water for the factory

directly from the reservoir and secondly it was used to diffuse the mounting

pressure on the management from Vazhakkad area for a more effective

pollution control system. It was a fact that the proposal of a permanent

regulator cum bridge across the river Chaliyar sponsored by the factory

management did dilute the intensity of the anti factory agitations from

Vazhakkad area. K A Rahman, former president of Vazhakkad Panchayath

and the veteran leader of Chaliyar movement himself had regretted for being

attracted to the proposal and for diffusing the movement so as to see the

Kavanakallu regulator cum Bridge a reality ( Cheruvadi ,1997).

The Ramanilayam agreement which was described as the ‘most

unscientific and illogical solution one can think of to solve the problem of

river water pollution’ (KSSP, 1974), added another dark chapter in the history

of Chaliyar movement. The agreement signed on 16 December 1974 proposed

to shift the effluent discharging point to Chungappally, seven kms further

downstream. This agreement in turn accorded legitimacy to the practice of

effluent discharge into river water, that too in the presence of officials from

the Kerala State Pollution Control Board ( Nellikkode,1996).

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The extended effluent pipeline to Chungappally was commissioned in

the year 1980. However, it was a poor job, leaking effluent throughout its

length, and the effluent was more toxic now because wastewater treatment

had been almost stopped. The safety valves on the pipeline also did not work

properly. It was in this background people of Chungappally started agitations

and damaged the newly commissioned effluent pipeline, which further

intensified the issue of water pollution. Toxic wastewater spread to paddy

fields, wells and water tanks. In order to overcome the new crisis the factory

management resorted to open up the old outlet at Kalpally and started

discharging the effluents irrationally. In addition to this it also opened up

several unauthorized outlets ‘virtually making banks of Chaliyar a hell on

earth’ ( Narendran,1982)

4.2.2 Air pollution

WHO defines air pollution as a “situation in which outdoor atmosphere

contains materials in concentrations which are harmful to people or their

environment”( First Citizen’s report 1982). In the context of Mavoor, this

definition seems to be incomplete. The commencement of production at the

staple fiber division of GRASIM industries caused unprecedented air

pollution in and around the factory. It caused emission of carcinogenic toxic

gases like Carbon disulphide, Sulfur dioxide and hydrogen sulfide far beyond

the permissible levels. These gases mainly moved towards south east side of

the factory and the fog thus formed almost swallowed the nearby villages

(Ward 5, 8 and 4) of Vazhakkad Panchayath causing a series of chronic

deceases like asthma, chronic bronchitis, cerebra vascular accidents, heart

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attacks, reproductive system disorders, malformation of babies, renal stones in

children.

There were stories of unnatural deaths from the affected areas of

Vazhakkad Panchayath but were not officially recorded as the impact of

pollution. However, activists like K A Raham argued that environmental

degradation due to the new factory was serious enough to cause causality.

According to local people the death of Thekkethody Moyeen , Madathinkal

Kandan and Ayisumma all residents of affected villages was due to

respiratory deceases caused by air pollution. People like Ondeli and Kuttar

who were living in the visionary of the factory completely lost their health.

Around 250 inmates of the local Orphanage and children in the Govt Lower

Primary School at Elamaram were put in peril by piousness gases. It was

extremely difficult to find out a household free from deceases. (Cheruvady,

1979).

Out of several serious attempts to study the problem of air pollution in

Vazhakkad and nearby villages, the findings of the health survey organized by

Vazhakkad Grama Panchayath in 1994 were shocking. It revealed that in the

five years prior to it, 199 persons had died of cancer within the Panchayath

area. At the time of the survey there were 69 cancer patients in the survey, in

addition to 59 heart patients, 176 TB patients 134 with Astma,117 with

ulcer,50 persons suffering from kidney problems 129 epilepsy, 75 mentally

retarded persons, 82 with skin deceases ,5144 persons with sight deficiency

and 214 diabetic patients ( Nath ,1999). Dr.C Sadasivan Pilla, has cited, the

findings of an MD thesis that there was a high incidence of cancer and other

afflictions in the vulnerable areas.

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The Mavoor Gas tragedy of 1995 totally rejected the argument of the

factory management that the story of air pollution is exaggerated

(Madyamam, 1996). A group of workers who were repairing one of the safety

valves were exposed to hydrogen sulfide, and three of them Pulappady

Alikkutty, Kanhirandi Mamukkoya and Kunnummal Ramakrishnan died of

suffocation. Two others T Mohanan from Thalssery and Husain from

Muthuvallure were also seriously injured. This incident undoubtedly proved

that the toxic gases discharged by the factory are highly dangerous and the

chances of a wide spread leakage may cause a disaster as happened in Bhopal.

Another such incident happened in 1999 at Mananthalakkadav near the

Fibre Division. Ten residents of the area including three children were

hospitalized for breathing difficulties due to exposure to toxic gases from the

factory. Madathil Khadeeja, a victim of the incident reported that high-

density smoke rushed into their houses causing severe headache followed by

breathing difficulties and restlessness. According to Ahemmad Moideen, the

senior environmental engineer from the Pollution Control Board who

inspected the factory and its premises the next day of the incident, it was

sulfur dioxide came out from the carbon disulfide plant created the problem.

It happened when a flap in the safety valve broke in high pressure. If the flap

had not broken at that time, it would have caused a blast (Malayala

Manorama, 1999).

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4.2.3 Deforestation

Srredhar. R, environmental activist associated with Thanal

Conservation Action and information Network, Thiruvananthapuram has

made a serious attempt to explore the damage caused by GRASIM industries,

Mavoor on our forests and Wild life. As an expression of solidarity with the

Chaliyar movement, he paid a visit to Mavoor and came to know about the

anti ecological nature of 1958’s agreement between the government of Kerala

and the Birla regarding the supply of bamboo and eucalyptus. Gradually he

started a research, which finally resulted in the publication of the work

‘GRASIM Since 1963, The Burden on our heads’ (2000). This work gives us

a detailed story of how the forest resources were exploited by the

management.

4.2.4 Bamboo Felling

As soon as the Grasim started collection operations in areas fully

reserved, leased and licensed to them in the Nilambur valley as per the

original agreement of 1958, they realized that bamboo in their area alone

would never meet their demands. It was in this background the management

decided to sponsor a bamboo survey of the Malabar region. A team of ten

newly recruited range officers under the leadership of M S Nair, Assistant

conservator of Forest concluded that the Bamboo stock in Malabar forest

would fully deplete if such exploitation continued. Interestingly the

management tactfully used the findings of the study for a further expansion

of the felling areas to Wayanad, Kozhikkode, Palakkad and Nenmara

Divisons. This proposal was approved by the supplementary agreement of

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1962. Later this was expanded to all most all forest divisions in Kerala. It was

in this background the Grasim Industries Mavoor was licensed to collect large

volume of bamboo from Kerala forest that too from almost all forest

divisions. The following table gives us the details of Bamboo felling by this

factory during the period 1962-1998.

Table 4.2.4.1: The details of Bamboo felling during 1962-98 period

Period Average Consumption

Per Year in ton Special Rates for Grasim

1962-74 2,00,000 Rs.1/tone

1974=84 60000 Rs.18/tone

1984-86 4858 Rs.18/tone

1988-1998 1,97,500 Varied rates from

Rs.250/ton(1988) to Rs.463/ton(1998)

Source: Sreedhar, 2000

In addition to this, there were no clear rules and regulations for

allotment, felling, collection, recording, auditing and verification process on

the bamboo given to Grasim for a long period of 18 years. It was in 1976, the

Achutha Menon government for the first time formulated certain specific

rules and regulations in this regard. By this time, the contract and additional

contract areas had been wiped out causing a massive denudation of the

bamboo forest. These areas were converted to eucalyptus plantation

destroying the bio diversity of our natural forest. The soil in bamboo forests,

it is pointed out, has high organic carbon content and excellent litter

decomposition due to the diversity of organisms in the soil. The soil nutrients

were found to be richer and the chances of erosion very less in bamboo forest.

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All these in turn affected the water and soil as life supporting resources and

the river systems.

4.2.5 Forest fire

The irrational, massive and unscientific bamboo felling was followed

by the frequent reports of forest fire from divisions allotted to the Grasim

industries. This resulted in the destruction of thousands of acres of forest

resources all over Kerala. It is noteworthy to mention that there were no such

types of reports of massive forest fire during the period 1946-1963. It was

after the intense intrusion of company into the forests in Kerala it became

vulnerable to serious wild fires. There are two major arguments explaining the

reasons for this kind of an environmental disaster. Firstly, there were no rules

and regulations for the extraction of bamboo from the forest. This allowed the

contractors and workers of the company to manage the forest resources in

such a careless manner. Second argument is that the company itself for

creating an artifcial shortage of raw material set the bamboo yards to fire. The

loss in fire was exaggerated and was used to bargain for the allotment of

additional felling areas. It is a fact that the supplementary agreements signed

between the government of Kerala and the factory Management did serve this

purpose and the catchment area was expanded to all most all divisions in the

state of Kerala.

4.2.6 Monoculture

Another unfortunate development in connection with the Grasim

industries was the misuse of the concept of scientific preservation for raising

eucalyptus plantations. As the stock of bamboo depleted, the factory

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management started to consume pulpwood and eucalyptus as the most viable

substitute for bamboo. During the period 1974 -84 the average consumption

of eucalyptus per year increased to 1, 60,000 tons per year which formed

nearly 75% of the total raw material consumption during the same period. It

was in this context we look upon the changes in the forestation policies of the

government(Sreedhar,2000).

It was with the second five-year plan the allocation for eucalyptus and

other pulpwood tree species began to crease rapidly. 30 to 40 % of plan

expenditure for forestation during the period 1956 to 1978 was allotted to

raise these types of trees. More over the social forestry programme was

almost hijacked for the sole purpose of pulpwood plantations. Even excellent

rain forest areas in Western Ghats region were cleared to put up these

plantations. As a result, the total area of eucalyptus plantations recorded a

rapid increase .(see the table)

Table 4.2.6.1: Details of Eucalyptus plantation during 1955-1998 periods

Year Plantation Area

(in hectare) 1955 00 1960 266 1965 6059 1970 21961 1975 31149 1980 30898 1985 31634 1990 31609 1995 28900 1998 29459

Source: Administrative Report of Kerala Forest Department (Sridhar, 2000)

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This transformation of natural forest areas into monoculture

plantations, that too with exotic species unsuitable for the natural environment

of Kerala, produced far-reaching results. The changes in the ecology has led

to the emergence of many pests and diseases.(The first citizen’s report

1982).Eucalyptus is described as a ‘ecological terrorist’ as it tends to lower

the water table. The process of clear felling caused irrecoverable damages on

the bio diversity of the tropical rain forest areas of Western Ghats making it a

man made desert (Gadgil & Guha,1997). The governments in India, which

was preoccupied with the modernist perceptions on industrial development

openly promoted pulp wood monoculture plantations. The committee on

Natural resources of Planning commission, government of India had

conducted a study on “forest raw materials for pulp & news print” in 1965.

This study concluded that “sufficient quantities of bamboo, at a reasonable

cost will not be available on a sustained basis for putting up any long fiber

pulp mill in the public sector in this area( at the tri junction of the three states

,Mysore ,Madras and Kerala). However if plantations of eucalyptus continue

to be made on a large scale, it should be possible to meet the requirements of

a 300 ton/day short fiber mill in the area” (Sreedhar , 2000)

4.2.7 Grasim and wildlife

The operations of Grasim management inside the forest also resulted in

large-scale assault on wild life. The forest divisions allotted for the collection

of raw materials were environmentally sensitive areas in the sense that they

were the natural habitats of several endangered species of wild life. For

example, the Wayanad wild life sanctuary, the Muthumalai Wild Life

Sanctuary and the Bandipur and Nagarhole National Parks constitute a single

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conservation unit in the Deccan plateau. The extensive Bamboo felling

operations in Wayanad forest division seriously affected the wild life of these

sanctuaries. The bamboo rich eco-system of Wayanad, which was a homeland

of elephants and other herbivores all of a sudden, converted into a place of

graveyard of wild life. Elephant came out to the open farms, homesteads and

human settlement areas in search of food and water. This led to frequent

conflict between the wild life and the human beings. In addition to this, the

company-sponsored intruders hunted wild animals for food. N Bhadusha ,

founder member of the Wayanad Nature Conservation Society observes

“most of the wild elephant deaths in Wayanad was due to multiple and fatal

bullet injuries on its body”(Ibid).

4.2.8. The cultural shift

The Grasim industries have made a remarkable change in the work

culture not only in the local region but also in a relatively wider area. On the

one side it resulted in migration of people from other parts of the state to the

Mavoor area and the formation of a new class of industrial workers with a

modernist orientation. On the other side the operations of the factory inflicted

serious changes in the work culture of the local people and thousands of

traditional workers, mainly bamboo workers, living in and around the bamboo

felling areas. According to one estimate nearly four lakhs, population working

in the traditional bamboo related industrial sector was thrown out of their

jobless. The massive and monopolistic collection of bamboo became a

irrecoverable shock to thousands of house hold units which were producing

eco friendly items like baskets and mats abundantly at a cheap rate. As a

result, these products became rare and costly.

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Transformation of natural forests into monoculture plantations also had

negative cultural impact. The naturally protected cultural system of the tribes

in the forest area faced serious setbacks over the course of time. The

sustainable life style of the Adivasis, based on the richness of the natural

forest, underwent basic changes. Their little huts were made mainly using

reeds and leaves of bamboo. Their food culture was also unique. Tuber, fruits,

berries, bamboo shoots collected from the forest were nutritious enough to

make them healthy. The forest and environment policies formulated under

the undue influence of commercial interests in turn denied the Adivasies their

fundamental right to life. It even denied access to minor forest produce.

4.3. Environmental Activism in Mavoor

The uniqueness of the Chaliyar movement, as in the case of similar

movements in the third world, was that it was a down to earth type; an

expression of the feelings of the victims. As the production went on massive

volumes of pollutants were discharged into the river Chaliyar at Kalpally. As

mentioned earlier the local people all of a sudden realized that the river,

which was an indispensible part of their cultural life, would succumb to a

premature death if the issue of pollution is not properly dealt with. Looking at

dead fish float on the river K A Rahman, the leader of the movement reacted

“from day one we felt betrayed” (Surendranath, 1999). In 1964, the very next

year of commencement of production, the restlessness on the banks of

Chaliyar finally culminated in the form of a protest march to the company

office which turned violent causing damages on the compound wall and

administrative office. This was followed by a conciliation talk in the presence

of district collector in which the management agreed to discharge the

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effluents directly into the sea for which it would lay 20 Km long pipeline by

1966. In addition to this, it would help the local people for digging new wells

as an alternative source for water supply. However, neither the management

nor the government did anything to implement these decisions. Gradually, the

struggle, which is recorded as the first case of environmental activism in

Kerala, came to a natural death when the management came to absorb the

main organizers of the historic march as their employees.

Hundreds of traditional fishermen who were living on the banks of

river Chaliyar were thrown out of their work. As the mainstream trade unions

and political organizations continued their negligence towards this issue, in

1965, Mayeen Kutty Master tried to organize these traditional workers. He

formed a union called Chaliyar Kakka Malsya Thozhilali Union to register

their protests. However they could not achieve anything significantly (Shukur,

2009).

The interim elections held in 1967 happened to be an opportunity for

the local people to articulate their interest in a more effective manner. There

were two assembly constituencies; Beypoor and Kondotti with a concern over

the new factory. The CPIM and Muslim League, which had significant

influence in these constituencies, were in alliance and hence placed C

Chathunny Master and Said Ummer Baffaki Thangal as their common

candidates from these two constituencies respectively. The Pollution from

Grasim industries emerged as the main issue in the election campaigning. A

delegation of the victims under the leadership of K A Rahman briefed the

candidates while they were attending a combined election meeting at

Vazhakkad. This resulted in an open declaration by the candidates that they

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would try their best to find out a permanent solution to the problem. The

seven party alliance led by CPIM came to power and EMS Nambuthirippad

once again sworn in as the chief minister of the state. For the Grasim

Industries the election result was something pleasant because the same

Government which promoted them returned to power. As the pollution went

on bringing untold hardships to the local people, the two MLAs were forced

to lead a protest march against polluter, which finally resulted in the

government decision to appoint a committee to study the pollution problem in

Mavoor. It took long four years to submit a report (1972). There were serious

allegations that this committee was fully under the control of the factory

management ( Cheruvady, 1997). Anyway, the report proposed for the setting

up an Effluent Treatment Plant (ETP) and entrust the job with National

Environment Engineering Research Institute (NEERI).

Meanwhile, K A Rahman convened a meeting of the heads of local

self governments in the region and formed a committee by the name Chaliyar

Jala Vayu Shundheekarana Committee. B. P Unnyayin, the president of the

Mukkam Grama Panchayath and K A Rahman, the president of Vazhakkad

Panchayath were elected as the chairman and Secretary of the committee

respectively. This incident was significant as the first step towards broadening

the support base of the Chaliyar movement(Shukur,2009).

4.3.1 Demolition of Elamaram Bund

The bund constructed by the company at Elamaram across the river

Chaliyar remained as an object of public protest during the period 1973-80.

It (Elamaram Bund) prevented contaminated water reaching the water intake

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points of the company, particularly during the high tide period. As the effluent

discharging outlets were opened beneath the bund the company was able to

extract large quantity of clean water for meeting its various industrial and

other requirements. The water supply to Calicut city was also from the same

pumping station. Whereas, the downstream remained polluted with toxic

effluents and looked just like a ‘cesspool of stinking black soupy concoction’

(Surendranath, 1999). The construction of the bund which was repeated

every year gradually developed into an object of severe criticism by the local

people for whom the polluter factory had no right for clean water that too

from the river Chaliyar. On 26 November 1973, villagers in Vazhakkad and

nearby areas voluntarily closed their educational institutions, shops and work

centers. People in large numbers moved to Elamaram and demolished the

bund. The police force led by Malappuram and Calicut district Police

superintendents could do anything to stop the mob. Wastewater rushed in to

the pumping area upsetting the water supply system of both Calicut city and

the Grasim Industries. This incident indeed exposed the vigor of the

movement to launch direct action. The same kind of agitation was repeated in

the years 1974 and 1978.

It is interesting to note that the environmental activism in Mavoor went

on even during the period of National Emergency (1975-77), in spite of the

serious differences opinion with regard to the course of social action. The

extremist group within the movement formed Chaliyar Liberation

organization (CLO) and launched direct action against the company

disregarding the emergency. Propaganda was strong that CLO would resort to

violence. It was a fact that secret night meetings were frequent in the area

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during this period, whereas the pacifist group who were working as the

volunteers of Elamaram Bund destruction squad abstained from direct

action.

4.3.2 Chaliyar Malinnekarana Virudha Samithi

The Ramanilayam agreement, the immediate result of the Elamaram

strike held in 1974, has special relevance in the history of Chaliyar

movement. The meeting of the representatives of the action committee,

factory management and Kerala State Pollution Control Board (KSPCB) held

on 16 December 1974 at Thrissur Ramanilayam Guest house came up certain

specific proposals for resolving the pollution problem. Firstly it was agreed to

construct an effluent treatment plant and to shift the Elamaram bund to

Chungappally, 7.5 Kms further downstream. The agreement also proposed to

follow the directions of KSPCB while shifting the effluent discharging outlets

to a convenient point. The company would lay pipeline to the outlet point in

order to ensure a safe discharge of effluents. Finally, measures would be taken

to convert the temporary bund into a permanent Regulator cum Bridge across

river Chaliyar connecting Malappuram and Kozhikode Districts.

Ramanilayam agreement virtually divided the Chaliyar movement into

two opposing groups. The people of Vazhakkad area supported the

Ramanilayam agreement mainly for two reasons. Firstly, the proposal to

construct a permanent regulator cum bridge would find a solution to their long

pending demand for a shorter connectivity to Calicut Town. Secondly, the

decision to shift the effluent discharging outlets below the newly proposed

bund at Chungappally would keep their side of the river clean. However, the

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proposal to shift the effluent discharging outlets to Chungappally was not

acceptable to the people in Kayalam area. Therefore, they strongly opposed

the idea of extending the pipeline to Chungappally. This protest led to the

formation a new action committee called Chaliyar Malinnekarana Virudha

Samithi (CMVS) under the leadership of P K M Chekku. The CMVS

organized a series of agitations against water and air pollution in Kayalam

area, which constitute a main part of the Chaliyar movement.

The first agitation in this connection was against the move to construct

open canals instead of laying pipeline for discharging effluents. This was a

violation of the provisions of Ramanilayam Agreement, in which the

management had agreed to lay pipeline from the factory to discharging outlet

at Chungappally. Because of the agitations, the management dropped the idea

of open canals and agreed to lay pipeline up to Chungappally. However, the

pipeline work was carried out in an unscientific manner. Hence, as soon as it

was commissioned, the collar joints connecting the hue pipes got damaged

causing leakage of toxic effluents and gases. As agitations went on the

management agreed to replace hue pipes with Primo pipes. Still, the gas

leakages through the air valves continued and the company management all of

a sudden abandoned the air valves, which led to blowing up of the pipes and

wider leakages of effluents. . The angry mob damaged the pipeline at several

places, which further intensified the spreading of toxic effluents into paddy

fields, water tanks and wells. Moreover, the agitators prevented the company

technicians from repairing the damaged pipelines. Finally, the company

management could repair the pipeline with police protection that too as per

the order from Kerala high court. The CMVS continued its protest until 1998,

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when it was dissolved for the formation of a common platform for all those

activists in Mavoor.

4.3.3. Darussalam Declaration

The 39-month long closure of the factory due to labour management

disputes during the period 1985-89 totally changed the situations in Mavoor.

As the closure went on and 13 workers committed suicide the miseries of the

working class became the main concern of public. The mass movement

demanding the immediate reopening of the factory at any cost, in turn caused

a realignment of the social forces in favor of the management. The reopened

factory unleashed unparalleled pollution in such a dangerous fashion. The

effluent treatment plant, the most important mechanism for pollution control,

virtually broke down due to lack of proper maintenance. The level of air

pollution particularly in Vazhakkad region reached far above the permissible

limits making normal life extremely difficult. The results of the health survey

conducted by Vazhakkad Panchayath in 1994(November 22-30) was

alarming. It was found that 199 people died of cancer within the Panchayath

area in the five years prior to the survey (Ullath, 2009). The company records

had also endorsed the findings of the survey. As per the records kept in the

company office, Out of 100 workers died during the period 1989-95, 20 were

because of cancer. Meanwhile the Regional Cancer Centre (RCC),

Thiruvanathapuram conducted a cancer detection camp at Vazhakkad

(Madhyamam, 1996). The death of three workers on 23 January 1995 due to

acute exposure to toxic gases made the situation deplorable.

It was in this background that the historic meeting of the Chaliyar

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Samyuktha Samara Samithi was convened on 26 November 1996 at

Darussalam Arabic College, Vazhakkad. It reviewed the achievements of the

prolonged struggle for an effective pollution control system for Grasim

Industries to protect their natural environment from industrial pollution. The

meeting concluded that the hitherto agitations was not a success in bringing

any remarkable change in the attitude of the factory management towards the

issue of pollution. Therefore, the meeting decided to give up its 30-year-old

demand for an effective pollution control system and adopted the slogan

“Close Down Grasim”. This declaration (Darussalam Declaration) became a

landmark in the history of Chaliyar movement, as it was a curtain raiser of

series of demonstrations across the state. The World Human Rights Day in

1997(10 December), witnessed a massive demonstration in front of the

factory gate shouting slogans against the factory management. When the

leadership of the mainstream political parties abstained from the agitation,

people from different parts of the state irrespective of their party affiliation

actively participated. K A Rahman, leader of the Chaliyar movement

inaugurated the public meeting. Social activists like Mukundan C Menon,

Adv. P A Pouran, Nazurudheen Elamaram, PKN Chekku, K A Khader, K P

Iqbal, E. N Peethanbaran Master, A M Ahemmedkutty and N Ahemmad

addressed the gathering. (Malayala Manorama, 1997).Similar demonstration

was staged in many other parts of the state.

Realizing the need for strengthening the movement, it was decided to

reorganize the existing action committee. Hence, a meeting of likeminded

individuals and action groups was convened in December 1998 at Akkode

.The meeting also intended to overcome the regional conflict within the

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movement. After a detailed discussion, it was agreed to launch a common

platform for all. Thus, Chaliyar Samara Samithi was formed with Dr. K V

Hameed as Chairman and P K M Chekku as the General Convener. .

4.3.4 Relay Hunger Strike

The death of K A Rahman was another important event which directly

influenced the nature of Chaliyar movement. On 11 January 1999, Waging a

crusade for 35 years against Grasim Industries, he succumbed to cancer the

very evil he had been fighting against all these years. His death became a

sudden reason for the relay hunger strike started on 26 January 1999.

Environmental activists and other social workers from different parts of

country joined the struggle making it unique in the history of environmental

activism in Kerala. As the hunger strike went on the action committee was

reorganized as Chaliyar Samara Ekopana Samithi in order to give

representation to various non-governmental organizations that had extended

support to the Chaliyar struggle. The relay hunger strike continued until the

final closure of the factory on 10 October 1999(Shukur,2009).

4.4 The Main Stream Left and Chaliyar Movement

The attitude of the main stream left towards the Chaliyar movement

received serious criticism from the civil society. This was mainly based on

two aspects firstly those liberal policies of the left governments which helped

the Grasim management to exploit the natural resources in such an

unscientific and irrational manner and secondly their hostile attitude towards

the environmental protection movements in Mavoor. However, the KSSP, an

NGO dominated by leftist deserves special reference for its decisive role in

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exposing the environmental damages caused by the Grasim industries and for

a proactive approach in resolving the regional conflicts within the Chaliyar

movement.

As pointed earlier, the main stream left in Kerala, whenever it came to

power, had followed an investment friendly approach to the new development

projects. For instance, while addressing a meeting of AITUC, the trade union

wing of the undivided communist party held at Irinjalikuda in 1957, EMS

Nambuthirippad, the chief minister of the first communist government made

an important comment on his government’s policies towards development. He

said,

“Without the active cooperation of the management and workers,

without pooling together the resources of the state and private individuals for

retaining and expanding the existing industrial base, without launching new

industrial undertakings, the working class of the state has no redemption.”

(Tom,1989)

It was a fact that the first communist government in Kerala was under

the influence of modernist perception on development. In spite of the

ideological difference with the capitalist system, industrialization through

private investment that too by big capitalist was accepted as one of the means

of economic development. Gradually this was approved as an official policy

of the mainstream left in Kerala. Consider the following observation by S

Ramachandran Pillai, the Senior Polit Bureau Member of CPIM in connection

with the celebrations of 50th anniversary of the first elected communist

government in Kerala. To quote him,

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“The communist had no previous experience of running a state

government in India…… The state government was of course constrained to

work within the frame work of the constitution of India and the policies

pursued by an antagonistic central government ………..The effort to develop

industries in Kerala was a very difficult task due to various reasons. The

central government refused to locate any major public sector industries in

Kerala. The state government did not have adequate financial resources to

start public sector undertakings. The only alternative, therefore, was to

encourage private industrialists to start new industries. There were difficulties

in attracting entrepreneurs from outside the state, as there was incessant

propaganda that with a communist government in Kerala the employer-

employee relations would not be congenial for establishing industries. The

communists’ government had to take determined steps to come out of these

difficulties. It made public pronouncements that assistance would be provided

for setting up new industries with healthy employer- employee relations….

One of the large units to be started was under the ownership and management

of G. D Birla. The unit provided employment to nearly 15000 people together

with the trade and other subsidiary occupations. Though the central

committee of the party (CPIM) subsequently noted some defects in the terms

of agreement with G.D Birla, it approved of the agreement as a whole since it

would help find a partial solution to an immediate problem of the people”(

Pillai ,2009) .

This remark is to be analyzed in the context of environmental

pollution, which the people of Chaliyar river basin have been addressing over

the period. The bitter experience of nearly 50 years of environmental

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degradation due to an industrial project seems to be a non-issue for the left.

On the other hand, the subsequent left front governments extended a kind of

extra ordinary support to the Mavoor factory. This was evidently clear in the

tripartite agreement signed in connection with the reopening of the factory

after the 39-month long closure during 1985-89 periods. Critics found that the

LDF government (1987-91) which failed to protect the interests of the

workers had taken every measure to protect the interests of the management.

Raw materials was made available at less than half the rate at which it had

been supplied to the factory at the time of closure; the management was also

entitled to receive cash compensation from the government if the latter failed

to fulfill its commitment of raw material supply. For the workers the

unconditional withdrawal from the 39 month long agitation on the basis of an

anti ecological, anti worker agreement was a complete surrender whereas for

E K Nayanar, the then chief Minister of Kerala it was “a small sacrifices the

workers should make for the industrial development of the state’ (Mohan,

1989).

The regular members of the main stream left too had showed unusual

interest in justifying the liberal policies formulated by the party think tanks.

This was mainly in the form of providing support base to the factory in its

area of operation. The relationship between the local leadership and factory

management was complimentary and this was explicit from the very of

beginning of the factory. In 1963, when the reports of water pollution noised

in the area many local people including local leadership of the left movement

came up to support the management. They picked up the dead fish that float

on river Chaliyar and were took upon with the responsibility to conduct a

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campaign that the reports of river pollution were fabricated (Vijayamadavan,

2009).

The mainstream left was instrumental in explaining the cause of

Grasim industries using different means of mass communication, which

includes public speeches, publications of articles in dailies and periodicals,

demonstration, leaflets etc. Many environmental activists recollected that

mainstream left was highly intolerant to their agitation. They used harsh

words to criticize the green movements. SreeDevi Mohan, a senior reporter of

Ajtak has cited the public speech made by Elamaram Kareem, the leader of

CPIM movement to prove the antagonistic relationship that had existed

between the two movements (Mohan, 2011). Leaders like K Chathunny

Master, famous trade Union leader and former MLA from Beypoor

constituency to which the Mavoor factory belonged to, were in the forefront

of this campaign. They were against the decision to nationalize 30,000 acres

of private forestland maintained by the factory management in Nilambur for

the cultivation of eucalyptus (Chathunny Master, 1988). There were reports of

physical encounters between the leftist and the environmental activists

(Malayala Manorama, 22 January 1999).

Thus, the notion that the reluctance of the leftist to accept green

Marxist perceptions in addressing the problems of a postmodern society along

with their ideological limitations to acknowledge the primordial identities has

direct reference to the rise of new social movements in Kerala seems to be

more relevant in the context of Chaliyar Movement.

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4.4.1 Role of KSSP

Kerala Sastra Sahithya Parishad (KSSP),a left oriented non-

governmental organization working in Kerala with the slogan ‘science for

social revolution’ has played a very active role in the Chaliyar movement in

spite of the fact that some of its members who were working in the factory

had a different view with regard to the pollution problem( Vijayamadavan

,2009). KSSP, in 1977, formed a special team called Study Team On

Pollution(STOP) with Prof M.K Prasad, V.M.N Nambuthirippad, K

Sreedharan, K.M Unnikrishanan Nambeesan, K. Koyatty, K .K. Vijayan,

P.Balakrishanan Nair, Dr. Achuthan, Dr. K Sugathan, N Namasivayam, B

Prasanna Kumar and Dr. K T Vijayamadavan as the members. This team

visited the affected areas and collected information regarding the impact of

the new factory on health, agriculture, employment etc. They collected

samples of water, soil and such other materials to conduct chemical test to

assess the level of pollution. Most of the team members were from scientific

background and had sound knowledge in pollution Chemistry. The KSSP had

received support from the local people particularly from K A Rahman who

worked sincerely as if he was a member of the STOP team. His ancestral

home was transformed into laboratory for conducting various chemical tests

(Sreedharan, K. 2009). With the help of K A Rahman, the Parishad had

organized many corner meetings to make the villagers aware of the

environmental pollution.

The KSSP was perhaps the main organization, which pointed out the

absurdity in shifting the effluent discharging outlets from Kalpally. It

described this provision of the Ramanilayam agreement as “the most

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unscientific and illogical solution one can think of to solve the problems of

river water pollution” (Surendranath, 2000). The main objection of the KSSP

was that the agreement in reality legitimized the practice of discharging

effluents into the river water.

As the Ramanilayam Agreement caused a division within the

movement and formation of a separate action committee in the Kayalam area,

the KSSP campaigned for a joint movement and convened a meeting of the

activist on the both side. The meeting held at Calicut Science Centre finally

resolved to form Chaliyar Samara Ekopana Samithi with V K Damodaran

from KSSP as the Convener. K A Rahman and K A Shukoor from Vazhakkad

and P K M Chekku and P K Muhammad from Akkode were included in the

committee apart from prominent social activist like Adv. Majeri V.M. Sunder

Raj, Dr. Sugathan, D. A Achuthan, Prof K Sreedharan and Dr. K T Vijaya

Madhavan (Chekku , 2009).

The agitations against Coca Cola factory at Plachimada present a

comparatively different picture of interface between the environmental and

trade union movement in Kerala. The next chapter explores the uniqueness of

Plachimada Agitation.

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