mathgrs2015 carl- johan mattssonna1

Carl- Johan Mattsson Global Refugee Studies

Student no 20132210 Aalborg University

‘The only place I am in control’

A qualitative case study on young Somali men’s

social navigation in the town of Enköping, Sweden

Master thesis in Global Refugee Studies

10th semester 2015

Aalborg University

Carl- Johan Mattsson

Supervisor: Danny Raymond



Abstract

The existing research on the Somali community in Sweden is to a large extent limited to a few

areas of interest. The two most predominant areas of academic research are labour market

participation in connection to integration and health status. In regards to studies on labour

market participation the research has a mixed gender focus, whilst the research on health status

has predominantly been focused on Somali women. The few studies focused exclusively on

Somali men has often been in relation to criminal behaviour and drug abuse. As such there is a

research gap on how Somali men’s live their daily life and their social movement in Swedish

society. This thesis aims to contribute to bridging the research gap.

In order to explore and understand how young Somali men in the town of Enköping, Sweden

navigate their social surroundings this thesis draws on qualitative data collected during six

weeks of field work in the town of Enköping.

To gain an understanding for the social environments these young men moved in on a daily

basis the problems and challenges described in the dataset was analysed by applying thematic

analysis on the data. Through the analysis two main fields of concern was identified; economic

insecurity and real or perceived lacking language skills. The problems relating to these two

main fields of concerns was so prominent in the participants life that it affected their life in

negative manner, constructing both their present and future social environment as uncertain and

insecure. In order to understand how the participants moved in this uncertain social environment

to gain a better positon from which they could affect their lives in a positive direction the

thematic analysis was applied on the data set in order to identify common patterns of coping

and place making. Three strategies was identified; participation in ethnic diaspora

organisations, organised religion and football clubs. These three strategies was then analysed

through a theoretical framework consisting of diaspora, identity formation and coping theory.

The results from this analysis indicates that to these young men, social navigation was a matter

of constructing spatial social spaces of stability that enabled them to take control of the social

forces around them, allowing them to reconstruct and reassert themselves in a better position in

order to plan, adjust existing plans and identify alternative routes to pursue their social and

material goals in life.

Key words; Somali diaspora, Sweden, social navigation, place- making



Acknowledgements

I would like to take this opportunity to extend my deepest gratitude to all the people that helped

me make this thesis a reality.

To my supervisor Danny Raymond, I want to thank you for all your help, good advice and

patience’s you have showed during the process of complete this thesis.

I would also like to express my deepest gratitude and thank you to the participants in this thesis,

my key informants and the organisations I have worked with during my field work. You know

who you are, without you this would never have been possible.

Last but surely not least I want to dedicate this thesis to my sister Helena. You have always

been, you are, and you will always be my beloved sister. I love you.



List of Abbreviations

EIS – Enköpings Idrotts Sällskap

ESK – Enköpings Sport Klubb

FGM – Female Genital Mutilation

PUE – Public Unemployment Office

SCB – Statistiska Central Byrån

SD – Sverige Demokraterna

SFI – Swedish for Immigrants



Contents 1.0 Introduction .......................................................................................................................... 1

1.1 Previous research .............................................................................................................. 2

1.2 Aim & purpose ................................................................................................................. 4

1.3 Research question ............................................................................................................. 5

1.3.1 Sub-questions ............................................................................................................ 5

1.4 Delimitations .................................................................................................................... 5

1.5 Thesis outline ................................................................................................................... 5

2.0 Contextual background ........................................................................................................ 6

2.1 The Somali diaspora in Sweden ....................................................................................... 6

2.1.2 Points of stability – family and religion in the diaspora ........................................... 8

2.1.3 A real man – masculinity ideals ................................................................................ 9

2.2 The Swedish integration discourse ................................................................................. 10

2.2.1 Work and language – integration policy in Sweden ............................................... 10

2.2.2 Swedish public immigrant debate ........................................................................... 11

3.0 Methodology ...................................................................................................................... 13

3.1 Social constructivism ..................................................................................................... 13

3.2 Data collection ................................................................................................................ 13

3.2.1 Semi- structured interview ...................................................................................... 13

3.2.2 Sampling .................................................................................................................. 14

3.2.3 Ethical considerations ................................................................................................. 14

3.3 Field work ...................................................................................................................... 15

3.4 Case study ...................................................................................................................... 16

3.5 Analytical Method .......................................................................................................... 16

4.0 Theoretical concepts ........................................................................................................... 18

4.1 Social navigation ............................................................................................................ 18

4.2 Diaspora ......................................................................................................................... 20

4.3 Identity ........................................................................................................................... 21

4.3.1 Identity formation .................................................................................................... 21

4.3.2 Hybridisation ........................................................................................................... 23

4.4 Coping strategies and place making ............................................................................... 24

4.4.1 The collective as ‘home’ ......................................................................................... 25

4.4.3 Religion as places of familiarity and comfort ......................................................... 26



4.4.2 Sports as space of control ........................................................................................ 27

5.0 Analysis .............................................................................................................................. 28

5.1 Problems and challenges ................................................................................................ 28

5.1.1 Living with limited economic resources ................................................................. 29

5.1.2 Language – ideals and challenges ........................................................................... 33

5.2 Coping with everyday life .............................................................................................. 37

5.2.1 The Social club – being amongst friends ................................................................ 37

5.2.2 Religion – comfort and safety ................................................................................. 41

5.2.3 Football – in control on the pitch ............................................................................ 47

6.0 Conclusion .......................................................................................................................... 54

List of reference ....................................................................................................................... 58



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1.0 Introduction

According to the Swedish national statistical bureau Statistiska Central Byrån (SCB) there were

57 906 Somali born people residing in Sweden in December 2014 (SCB 2015), making up 0,

6% of the total population and the fourth biggest group of Muslims in Sweden. The group is

not only interesting because it makes up a major diaspora in Swedish society but also because

Somalis as a collective is frequently described and depicted in negative terms in the public

space. Public figures, such as politicians and journalists, as well as authority personal, such as

social workers, has painted a picture of the Somali community as a problematic group of people

that is particularly hard to integrate in Swedish society. The negative public image, which in

later years has been fuelled by the islamophobic and xenophobic political party the Swedish

Democrats rhetoric’s about ‘waves of illiterate Somalis’ and the creation of ‘ethnic enclaves’,

has created a situation were negative stereotypes about Somali- Swedes is widespread and to a

large degree accepted in the wider community (Carlsson, 2014:15-17).

The group has indeed a hard time settling in Sweden. According to the report Somalis on the

labour market- does Sweden has anything to learn?1 only 23, 1% of all Somali born individuals

in Sweden held some form of wage employment in 2010 in contrast to the general population

of working age of which 75,9% held some kind of wage employment (Carlsson et alt, 2012:26).

The low rates of wage employment in 2010 is a rule rather than an exception as unemployment

figures in the Somali- Swedish community has hovered around 70% for the last decade

(Carlsson 2014:16). Moreover, Somalis in Sweden are also lagging behind the general

population in terms of education, around 60- 70% of Somali born persons in Sweden only have

primary or an unknown status of education to lean back on. The general low educational status

does not only make it difficult for a majority of Somalis in Sweden to assert themselves on the

labour market and learn the language, it also makes it difficult to fully understand how Swedish

society, such as the welfare system, works and how to use the services provided by the state to

its citizens (Carlsson, 2014:16, 17). The high unemployment in the community, the low

educational levels and the negative discourse surrounding Somalis all affect Somali- Swedes

everyday life, how they negotiate their surroundings and the choices that are made to get ahead

or to cope with life in Sweden.

1 Original title Somalier på arbetsmarknaden- har Sverige något att lära?



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1.1 Previous research

A literature review of the research conducted with and on the Somali- Swedish community

shows that the scope of enquires is quiet limited with focus on a few predominant areas. The

two biggest areas of research focus is Somalis health status in Sweden and the Somali

communities labour market participation and unemployment.

In relation to healthcare, young women’s sexual health, especially attitudes and practises of

female genital mutilation (FGM), is frequently discussed as well as Somali women’s

relationship with the public healthcare system. In the area of sexual health and FGM Sara

Johnsdotter at Mamö University is the most prominent scholar and has produced several articles

and books on the issue. Through a series of qualitative studies on attitudes towards FGM in the

Somali- Swedish community and the Swedish legislation banning FGM, Johnsdotter argues

that the practise of FGM in the Somali- Swedish community is virtually non-existing contrary

to the popular belief that FGM is a widespread practise (Johnsdotter & Essén 2005, Johnsdotter

2003a, 2002, 2008). Furthermore, Johnsdotter, argues that the separate Swedish legislation

banning FGM contributes to stigmatisation and undermining of the Swedish- African

community, by contributing to stereotypes of Africans as a collective being stuck in a static,

unchangeable primitive culture and being portrayed as potential ‘mutilators’ in the public

debate (Johnsdotter & Essén 2004, Johnsdotter 2003b). On the subject of the Somali

community’s relationship with the Swedish public healthcare system there are several studies

addressing different areas of the issue. In the qualitative study Ambiguous Expectations and

Reduced Confidence: Experience of Somali refugees encountering Swedish Health Care,

Svenberg et al (2011) explores Somalis perception of encountering the healthcare system. The

authors argue that there is a lack of trust amongst Somali migrants in Sweden towards the

healthcare system. The study reports the informants feeling dismissed and disrespected by

healthcare personnel, the problematic relationship with the healthcare system has contributed

to a feeling of alienation in Swedish society and several Somalis residing in Sweden is going

abroad to get medical care. The same theme can be found in a study on the experience of giving

birth in Sweden authored by Wiklund et al. The study reveals that Somali couples often find

the process of giving birth in Sweden problematic. The authors argue that the Swedish

healthcare system’s view on gender roles in parenthood and childbirth often contradicts

traditional Somali gender roles leading to feelings of discomfort and confusion. The study

points out that Somali couples often feels uncomfortable with mixed gender personnel involved

in child delivery and the fact that the father is encourage to participate at birth.



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In regards to integration the bulk of research conducted in Sweden relates to Somalis position

or lack of position on the labour market. The most prominent scholar on the area is Benny

Carlsson, who has produced and published a number of studies on the issue. In a series of

studies addressing the issue of unemployment in the Somali- Swedish community Carlsson

concludes that the low figures can be explained by weak educational backgrounds, short period

of time spent in Sweden and difficulties learning the language. The studies also reports that a

large body of entrepreneur oriented individuals leave Sweden to resettle in countries which has

a perceived more business friendly climate and were it is easier to set up a self- supporting

business (Carlsson et al 2012, 2013, Carlsson 2014).

There have been a few studies published on issues surrounding identity, identity formation and

belonging in the African diaspora. However, the research is not solely focused on the Somali-

Swedish community but rather draws on data from different groups of the Swedish African

diaspora or Somali communities in other Scandinavian countries. In the qualitative study Being

here and being there: migrant communities in Sweden and the conflict in the Horn of Africa

Kubai explores transnational ties and involvement in political conflicts in the home land

amongst diverse migrant groups from the Horn of Africa. Kubai argues that a nostalgic narrative

of ‘home’ is constantly produced and reproduced through the rhetoric and actions of different

diaspora organisation. The narratives work to produce a double sense of home, one that is

‘here’, that is to say the country of residence, and one more abstract and psychological ‘there’,

which would be the country of origin. The romantic images of what should be in the home land,

rather than what is, in combination with close contact with friends and relatives in the land of

origin simultaneously produce a sense of obligation to help and provides the moral capital to

play an active part in the conflict on different levels (Kubai 2013). In Denmark Nauja Kleist

has done extensive research on everyday life and identity formation in the Somali- Danish

community. In a series of articles Kleist explores how life in Denmark affects identity

formation, self- perception and place making amongst Somali men. Kliest argues that loss of

social position, changing gender roles, unemployment and dependency on the welfare system

creates feelings of inadequacy, anxiety and alienation as they no longer are able to live up to

the ideal of a strong, supportive, influential and articulated man. According to Kleist, political,

social and religious diaspora organisations becomes a space where Somali men can negotiate

and reassert their position within in the community and to some extent live up to the male ideal

(Kleist 2008a, 2008b, 2010). As such the diaspora organisations work as an oasis where Somali

men can shut out the strife and problems that comes with being a refugee and, at least



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psychologically, recreate the social position they held in the homeland. Similar research has

been undertaken in Norway where Fangen has studied Somali refugee’s experiences of the

Norwegian majority society. Fangen mean that Somali refugee’s often perceives everyday

situations and encounters as humiliating and demining which leads to feelings of

marginalisation and alienation. She argues that the experienced humiliation steams from

cultural clashes, such as perceived discrimination over not being able to or being allowed to

pray in schools or at work, misunderstandings and a lack of knowledge of the Norwegian

system, such as a lack of knowledge of right and obligations and mismatch of what services

and treatment one can expect from the welfare system. According to Fangen, it is likely that all

refugee groups experience situations that is perceived humiliating in the host country, but

Somalis may be worst of due to the protracted war in Somalia, which has resulted in a situation

where Somali refugee’s has more experience of war and less experience of a functional state

and system than other refugees (Fangen 2006).

The literature review reveals that a large body of the research on and with the Somali- Swedish

community has a practical focus in regards to integration and health aspects or is concerned

with transnational networks and activities. As such, in difference from research undertaken in

Norway and Denmark, the social dimension of integration has to a large degree been unexplored

and by-passed by scholars. Therefore there is a gap in the research on how young Somali men

live their daily life and navigate their social surroundings in Sweden.

1.2 Aim & purpose

The aim of this study is to contribute to the knowledge of young Swedish Somali born men’s

social navigation. Here, social navigation refers to the social strategies and tactics individuals

pursue in order to better their position in society in relation to and within the constant movement

of the social environment in which they reside. In other words, social navigation in this context

is the way people perceive, manage, acts on and negotiate opportunities not only in relation to

their own social situation but also in relation to societal social pressure (Vigh, 2009: 420). It is

important to understand how and why socially and economically vulnerable and

disenfranchised groups, such as refugees and minority groups, navigate their surroundings in

order to strengthen their position in society. To establish a knowledge base on social movement

and perceptions becomes particularly important in the case of Somali refugees as, as Fink-

Nielsen et alt argues, feelings within the Somali community in Denmark and Sweden of not

belonging or not being allowed to take place in the host society leads to social immobility that

prevent refugees from taking part in the wider social life (Fink- Nilsen et al 2004:29- 31).



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Similarly, Fangen, argues that misconceptions and misunderstandings between Somali refugees

and Norwegian authorities had led to feelings of humiliation and discrimination in the Somali

community (2006: 69, 71). Thus, creating a hinder for Somali refugees to integrate not only

economically in the host society but also socially. With a deeper understanding and knowledge

of how Somali refugees perceive and navigate the social environment these kind of hinders and

misconceptions can be avoided and in a bigger perspective create space where Somali-Swedes

can participate and help shape Swedish society on equal terms as the majority population. The

aim of this study is to contribute to the knowledge base by analysing how and why young

Somali men in Enköping, Sweden use the social coping strategies they do in order to navigate

their surroundings.

1.3 Research question

How does young Somali men navigate their social surroundings in the town of Enköping,

Sweden?

1.3.1 Sub-questions

What social coping strategies do they use?

Why do they use these strategies?

1.4 Delimitations

It is important to recognise that qualitative research is a subjective activity. As such, the data,

analysis and results is affected by the researcher point of view. This means that qualitative

research is hard to replicate, someone else might do the exact same research and end up with a

different result depending on that person’s point of view and pre- knowledge going into the

research project. Moreover, it is hard to draw general conclusions that reflects a larger group or

collective based on qualitative data as the data produced through qualitative enquiries consists

off subjective experiences.

1.5 Thesis outline

This thesis is structured in the following way. In Chapter Two, a contextual background is

presented in order to situate the research. In Chapter Three the methodology of the thesis in

presented and elaborated on. The theoretical framework applied in the data analysis is presented

and explained in Chapter Four. In Chapter Five the thematic analysis and the theoretical



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framework is applied on the dataset. The thesis is then ended in Chapter Six with a presentation

and discussion on the analytical results.

In order to structure the information presented and make it more comprehensible to the reader

the main parts of the thesis has been divided by chapters, the chapters are then divided into

sections and sub- sections respectively.

2.0 Contextual background

In the following chapter a contextual background is presented in order to situate the research

and provide the reader with information on the Somali diaspora in Sweden and the social

environment in which they move.

2.1 The Somali diaspora in Sweden

Any substantial Somali migration to Sweden began in the 1980’s in connection to the armed

rebellion against Said Barre. The migration continued throughout the 1990’s as the civil war

forced millions of Somalis to flee their homes for safety. The numbers of Somali seeking

asylum in Sweden increased dramatically around the turn of the century, 70 % of the Somali

refugees in Sweden have been granted asylum after the year 2000, as the country sank deeper

into chaos and despair.

2.1.1 Living in uncertainty - low education and unemployment

According to scholars who have studied the life and experiences of Somali refugees in Sweden,

the community as a collective has, like many other refugee groups, struggled with adapting to

life in Sweden. Considering the collective memories of war, draught and famine, after several

years of civil war and armed conflict in Somalia, it might not be that surprising that many

Somalis find life in Sweden hard. Moreover, Somali society is, undoubtedly, different, both

culturally and practically, compared to Sweden.

Whilst formal education has been central in Swedish society for decades, Somalia has not had

a functioning formal education system to speak of since independence (Fox 2000: 143, 144).

Hence, it is not uncommon that Somali refugees residing in Sweden have received low or

unrecognised levels of formal education before arriving to Sweden. According to Carlsson et

al (2014: 16) up to 70 % of all Somali born persons in Sweden have an unconfirmed or low

level of formal education. Not being able to read or write fluidly may not be a problem in

Somalia due to a strong oral tradition of passing on information (Mansur 1998:91, 92).



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However, it is a problem in Sweden where virtually all information, from schools, authorities,

sports clubs, employers, etcetera, is communicated in written form. Going from an oral to a

written culture of passing down information is as such a bewildering and difficult experience

that many Somalis struggle with. Low educational levels is not only problematic in relation to

not being able or have difficulties to fully take part of written information, it is also a source of

concern when participating in the different educational programs in language and social

orientation all refugees are enrolled in when granted asylum or residency in Sweden. The lack

of experience of formal education make it difficult for many to keep up in class. Hence making

it harder to learn Swedish and understanding the concepts of Swedish society (Carlsson et al

2014: 16, 17). The educational factor has an impact on everyday life since navigating a society

without being able to communicate properly or fully understanding how the society and its

different institutions work is a challenge. It should also be kept in mind that many Somali

refugees have none or little experience of living in and dealing with a functioning government

system due to the state collapse in 1991. As such, it can be hard for individuals to relate to and

handle different authorities and welfare systems, especially when it comes to paperwork and

formalities (Carlsson 2014: 87, 90- 91). According to Carlsson (2014: 16) the low or unknown

levels of education partly explains the widespread unemployment in the Somali- Swedish

community.

It is widely recognised that unemployment in modern society carries a number of individual

psychological implications with it. According to Bjanarsson et al (2003: 973, 974)

unemployment often generates economic stress that creates uncertainty and anxiety amongst

youth receding in consumer driven capitalist societies. There is no reason to believe that young

unemployed Somali men in Sweden would react any differently to the realities and economic

hardship of unemployment. Moreover, a person’s economic status influences ones living

conditions. The fact that up to 90 % of all Somali born person’s lives in, by Swedish standards

often overcrowded, rental apartments located in areas characterised by low socioeconomic

status can be viewed as a reflection of the community’s collective economic status. Moreover,

the preferred areas of living is often populated by a majority of other immigrant groups making

it harder for Somali individuals to master the Swedish language and establish the networks

needed to establish oneself on the labour market (Carlsson 2014: 90- 94). As such, the living

conditions for many Somalis work as a form of social exclusion from the wider society making

it difficult for many to establish a social capital and moving up the socioeconomic ladder.



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2.1.2 Points of stability – family and religion in the diaspora

Socioeconomic status is not the only factor affecting refugee populations, such as the Somali,

to cluster together in certain living areas. Transnational networks also play an important role

when settling in a new country (Williams 2006: 869). As Williams notes (2006: 869, 870) it is

common for refugee groups to look for support amongst people originating from the same place

as themselves during the often hard and trying resettling process in the host country. This is

indeed the case of Somali refugees and migrants in Sweden. According to Carlsson (2014: 90-

94) newly arrived Somalis often choose to settle in areas where there is a high concentration of

other Somalis in order to look for moral and emotional support as well as guidance when

learning to navigate their new surroundings. The settlement pattern could be seen as a reflection

of the central role family, kin and clan networks hold in Somali culture and society. In the

absence of a functioning welfare system Somalis traditionally turn to family and clan for

support and help (Fangen 2006: 76). According to Svenberg et al (2009: 284) the family, kin

and ethnic networks becomes a safety- net in times of displacement and uncertainty were the

member can look for and gain social, emotional and at times economic support. It also offers a

stable and familiar point of departure in everyday life to its members. As such, the networks

serve as a way to create a feeling of home and security for many (Carlsson 2014: 95). However,

the close family and kin ties are not exclusively positive, they can also be a source of conflict

and grief, especially if family members are unable to live up to the often high expectations of

educational and economical success (Svenberg 2009: 284).

The importance of family and kin networks can, furthermore, be traced to Islam were family is

seen as the basic unit of society (Roudi- Fahimi 2004: 2). Several scholars point out that Islam

holds a central role in the life of Somalis living in exile. A great deal of members of the diaspora

communities state that they have become more oriented towards Islam after exile than they

were in Somalia, in this sense the religion becomes an important point of identification a

connection to the past (Carlsson 2014: 54- 55; Johnsdotter 2002:35; Svenberg et al 2009: 284-

285). Religion also provides migrants with a stable pattern of life that is not affected by the

social disruption of migration. By reproducing a set of practises, behaviour and religious values

resembling those in Somalia it offers the diasporic community a direct link to the past and the

familiar, it thus becomes a link to ‘home’ (McMichael 2002: 172). Moreover, Islam, becomes

a source of comfort and safety as it provides its followers an emotional and spiritual support

(Carlsson 2014: 54- 55; Johnsdotter 2002:35; Svenberg et al 2009: 284- 285; McMichael 2002:

172). The central role of religion in life in the diaspora has been observed in countries such as



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Denmark, Norway and the US (Fangen 2006; Kleist 2008a, 2008b, 2010; Langellier 2010). In

exile the religious identity as a Muslim becomes a way to strengthen the ethnic identity as

Somali, in the sense that it offers a stable point to produce and reproduce Somali tradition,

ideals and way of life in the Western world (Langellier 2010: 79- 88).

2.1.3 A real man – masculinity ideals

In the literature on Somali society a picture of a patriarchal and patrilineal society often

emerges. Somalia is described as a community built up around a strict division clearly dividing

societal roles along gender and age lines (Kleist 2010: 189; Fangen 2006: 76). Whilst women

should assume the role of the caretaker, looking after the home, children and her husband, men

should assume an outspoken, strong, public role. The ideal man is supposed to be the head of

the house hold, taking the important decisions and be in control. He should also be tough, brave,

hardworking and provide for his family economically and at the same time loving and caring.

In his public role, the ideal Somali man is to be responsible for the family’s public and political

decisions and activities; this requires him to be out spoken, well-articulated and loud. The idea

of the ideal man as a provider and protector is constructed in close connection to the ideas of

an archetypical man found in Islam. Namely a strong and reliable man that cares and provides

for his family and that respects God and follow the prophet’s teachings, that dictates that a man

should educate himself and work hard for the good of the family (Kleist 2010: 189, 192; Dirie

2013: 127). In the Somali context, being a ‘real man’ does not only entail to live up to the

Somali ideals and expectations, but also to be a ‘good Muslim’ (Kleist 2010: 189, 192, 203-

204).

In countries like Sweden, Denmark and Norway, the gender roles are not as clear as in Somali

society. Women are often encouraged to hold wage jobs outside the home and families are, to

some extent, expected to share the burden of labour with taking care of children and tending for

the home. The changing gender roles in combination with unemployment, low language skills

and a lack of understanding the host society has in many cases led to feelings of inadequacy

and a loss of masculinity amongst Somali men in exile, as they struggle to maintain the male

ideals (Kleist 2010: 203, 204; Johnsdotter 2002: 36). To counter the societal pressure of equality

between the sexes, in terms of labour market participation and shared work at home, the male

Somali ideals is often motivated and legitimised through references to tradition and religion

(Kleist 2010: 190). Maintaining these ‘traditional’ gender roles in the host society becomes a

way of, to some extent, regaining a lost social position and preserving a certain level of control

over one’s life and situation in exile.



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2.2 The Swedish integration discourse

2.2.1 Work and language – integration policy in Sweden

In the 1990’s the Swedish policy of ‘immigration’ switched towards a policy focusing more on

‘integration’. The policy solution to integration is resting on a neo-liberal discourse that aims

to create more self- sufficiency amongst refugees and immigrants. The tools to achieve this is

through entrepreneurship, deregulation, diversity management, life- long learning and viewing

immigrants as a flexible resource for regional economic growth (Jørgensen 2011: 101, 102).

The integration policy has been built up around the idea that the key to integration is to increase

refugees and immigrant’s human capital (Valenta et al 2010: 479). With the idea of building

human capital as a mean of integration Sweden moved towards a more individual rather than

collective understanding of integration, with the core idea that integration is expected to take

place through labour- market participation (Jørgensen 2011: 104). To achieve an increase in

labour- market participation amongst refugees and immigrants residing in Sweden, the Swedish

government has relied on introducing more and more extensive training and educational

programmes for newly arrived individuals (Valenta et al 2010: 471, 472).

The turn towards an individual and labour- market oriented view on integration is clear in the

integration policy. The policy is built around a burden- sharing principle were the central

government finance and give recommendations to the municipalities that carry out the different

programmes that are offered. To receive full funding the local authorities, in cooperation with

central government institutions such as the social security office, are required to draw up an

individual integration plan for each person arriving to the municipality. The bulk of the

individual plans often consist of taking part in trainings and educations with a heavy focus on

learning the language, short- term internship and short information courses on Swedish society

(Valenta et al 2010: 473). The language training takes place through participation in Swedish

For Immigrants (SFI), an educational programme aimed at providing basic knowledge in

Swedish as well as preparing the students for further education. In addition to the introduction

of individual integration plans, a law was passed in 2010 that aimed to increase the labour-

market focus in the integration process by placing parts of the responsibility for different

activates under the Public Unemployment Office (PUE) (OECD 2014: 4). With the introduction

of the new law PUE became responsible for coordinating different educational programmes

whilst the municipality is responsible to carry them out (OECD 2014: 7). The aim of redirecting

the coordination to PUE was that the agency would more easily be able to direct SFI participants



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to further vocational education and training programmes, such as short- term internships, upon

completing the SFI courses and as such shorten the way to labour- market participation.

As such, Swedish integration policy since the 1990’s and onwards has heavily emphasised the

importance of learning the language and participating in the labour- market as key factors to

successful integration.

2.2.2 Swedish public immigrant debate

There is a lively public debate on immigration and refugees in Sweden. With rising numbers of

asylum seekers from countries like Somalia, Afghanistan and Syria and the entrance of the

xenophobic radical right- wing party the Swedish Democrats (SD) in 2010 the debate has turned

increasingly negative.

SD’s entry to the Swedish parliament is important in this context as their presence has

considerably affected the debate climate. The party champion’s various xenophobic ideas such

as assimilation, that immigration should be kept to a minimum and that Islam and ‘mass-

immigration’ is a threat to Western society and way of life. The party has made a habit of

targeting immigrants and refugees of Muslim faith, including Somalis, in their harsh rhetoric’s.

According to SD Islam is to be considered a static and barbaric religious culture incompatible

with Western values and society (Carlsson 2014: 36). Even if the party does not single out

Somalis officially several high ranking politicians in SD have on different occasions targeted

Somalis as a particularly problematic group in blog posts and in op-eds in Swedish media. For

example the party leader Jimmie Åkesson has described Somali immigration as a “wave of

illiterates” and talked about ethnic enclaves like “Little Mogadishu” as he warned about the

“mass- immigration policy” in an op-ed published in a major newspaper [quote marks in

Carlsson 2014]. Other party officials have linked Somalis with terrorism and made claims that

all Somalis send money to and support Al- Shabaab’s activities in Somalia and import and

abuse the proscribed substance khat (Carlsson 2014: 36- 38). SD’s hard rhetoric’s targeting

Muslims, including Somalis, has contributed to a growing islamophobia and suspicion against

Muslims in general as well as to prejudice ideas against Somalis, such as the group being hard

to integrate and is unwilling to participate in the wider community.

However, it is not only xenophobic right- wing politicians who have contributed to spread the

idea of Somalis as a problematic group. Local politicians of different parties and journalist has

also contributed to the spread of stereotypical images of the Somali- Swedish community. For



12

example, in an editorial in one of Sweden’s major newspaper, Dagens Nyheter2 (DN 2014-07-

09), Hanne Kjöller sweepingly described the Somali- Swedish collective as a group that is hard

to integrate. In 2011 the journalist Hanna Sistek similarly described the Somali collective as a

group that stands outside Swedish society in a piece in the news magazine Fokus (Fokus 2011-

03). Similar ideas have been expressed by politicians from both the left and right wings of

politics. In an op-ed in Göteborgs Posten3 the Left party politicians Gun Holmertz warned about

growing extremist Islamism amongst Somalis in a residential area of Gothenburg, in the article

Holmertz claims that a Somali organisation in the area is promoting and recruiting men to join

an unnamed extreme Islamist movement and at the same time sweepingly connects the

organisations activities to how Somalis in the area dresses and act. In her eagerness to warn the

public for this unnamed movement Holmertz is seemingly labelling the Somali community in

the area as extremist and dangerous (GP 2012-06-18). Other politicians, such as Bo Frank from

the Moderate party and Göran Dhalström from the Social democrats have described Somalis as

illiterate persons living on welfare (SVT 2012-06-15; SR 2012-06-15). These public depictions

of Somalis as a problematic group that is hard or even unwilling to integrate have led to

prejudice against the Somali- Swedish community and individuals.

The consequences of the public picture of Somalis as a group outside society or hard to integrate

or at times even unwilling to integrate can also be seen in a report on hate crimes against people

of African descent in Sweden published by Mångkullturelt Centrum in 2014. According to the

authors Somalis is subjected to hate crimes related to religion and race to a higher degree than

any other group in Sweden. As many as 52 % of the Somali participants in the study claimed

to have been discriminate against or been subjected to one or more hate crimes in Sweden. The

crimes varies from discrimination on the labour and housing market to harassments and

physical attacks on individuals (MC 2014: 39, 43). Several participants in the study Somalis in

Malmö (Carlsson 2014: 60, 61) also mentioned that they have experiences of being

discriminated against, especially in relation to housing and labour market. Similarly, the

problem of structural discrimination on the labour market is pointed out by Dirie (2013: 144)

in the study Somalis in Sweden.4

2 In English the Daily News 3 In English the Gothenburg Post 4 Translated from the original Swedish title Somalier i Sverige



13

3.0 Methodology

The following chapter is concerned with the methodology of this thesis. The different

methodological considerations and choices will be dealt with as follows. The chapter starts with

an account of the epistemological assumption in section 3.1, this is followed by an elaboration

on data collection in section 3.2. Section 3.3 is concerned with the process of field work

conducted in connection to the data collection. Whilst the case study is outlined in section 3.4.

In the final section 3.5, the analytical method applied in the analysis is elaborated on.

3.1 Social constructivism

This study is underpinned by a social constructivism understanding of knowledge and the social

environments people move in. Meaning that it is based on the assumption that people do not

come to understand and perceive their social environment, i.e their reality, through passive

interaction with it. Rather, people construct their knowledge and understanding of their reality

through active interaction with their social environment. As such, one’s understanding of reality

is constructed through interpreting and explaining events and surroundings based on one’s

existing knowledge. Therefore, there is no objective reality, reality is rather a matter of

subjective interpretations of one’s social environment (Lee et al 1999: 21, 22).

3.2 Data collection

This research build on data collected through a series of qualitative interviews. The study draws

on qualitative primary data collected through semi- structured interviews, which will be

elaborated on in paragraph 3.2.1. Methods of sampling will be further explained in paragraph

3.2.2, whilst ethical consideration in relation to using qualitative data will be found in paragraph

3.2.3.

3.2.1 Semi- structured interview

In order to collect detailed and in-depth information on individual’s thought and experiences

on strategies and tactics to navigate social surroundings seven semi-structured interviews with

open-end questions has been carried out with the participants in the study. The interview

method was chosen as it is a flexible and adaptable form of interviewing that leaves space for

alternation and adjustment during the interview. The open format allows the researcher to go

outside the frame of the pre-produced interview questions and pose additional question on

issues that arise during the interview, thus enabling the researcher to probe issues of interest

further (DiCicco- Bloom & Crabtree 2006). The open nature of semi-structured interviews also

allows the informants to elaborate and discuss their own thoughts and issues arising during the



14

course of the interview. Furthermore, it allows the interviewer to engage in a discussion on the

researched topic with the informant. To structure the interview as a conversation rather than

just posing a series of questions can be particularly fruitful when researching complex and

highly subjective topics such as identity, as it allows the interviewer to form a relationship with

the informant characterised by sharing experiences and thoughts (Bailey 2007:100). Thus,

enabling the researcher to collect a rich data material.

3.2.2 Sampling

To identify and approach participants a snowballing sampling technique was applied. Snowball

sampling builds on informants and respondents active participation in the data collection

process. The technique is suitable when researching hard to reach or hidden groups in society,

such as refugees or ethnic minorities (Biernacki & Waldorf 1981:142). Potential informants are

identified and contacted through a referral chain started by existing participants (Biernacki &

Waldorf 1981). For this study the referral chain was started by a key informant, active in the

Somali Association in Enköping, who, after been briefed about the research project, located and

approached other possible informants.

Participants in the study were identified on the following criteria. They are Somali born men

between 18 and 29 years old and have been residing in Sweden for at least one year. The criteria

for a minimum of residence in Sweden for a least one year is selected on the premise that the

respondent has established some degree of knowledge and understanding for Swedish society

and how it works during this time period and has participated in the education programme

Swedish For Immigrants (SFI). Furthermore, all respondents are unemployed or work low-

skilled jobs. The criteria was also selected to find respondents with similar socio-economic

backgrounds as that of the Swedish- Somali community as a whole.

3.2.3 Ethical considerations

When carrying out qualitative research with members of disenfranchised or minority groups in

society there is ethical issues that needs to be observed and taken into considerations (Bulmer

2001:54 ). In cases where the research is carried out with vulnerable groups, such as refugees,

issues of anonymity becomes central, as participants may disclose sensitive information during

the interviews which may affect their status or in other ways place them in a difficult situation

if it becomes known to others (Baily 2007:24,25). Therefore, all participants in this study will

be anonymous. Meaning that that information that can disclose the participants identity has



15

been filtered out and each participant has been given an alias in order to be able to separate and

distinct the interviews from one another.

In order to make clear that the participant’s has understood the implications of participating in

the study oral consent has been obtained from each informant. All participants has been

informed about the purpose and aims of the study through an initial group presentation where

they have had an opportunity to voice questions and concerns of participation. In addition the

participants have also been given an individual walkthrough of the study before given their

consent to participate.

3.3 Field work

The data was collected over a period of six weeks of field work in the town of Enköping. At

the beginning of the field work an open information meeting was held at the local Somali

organisation to do an initial assessment of the sample base and to identify possible key-

informants as well as, as mentioned above, give potential participants a chance to voice

concerns and questions regarding the study. During the meeting one key- informant was

identified. This key- informant was later approached and asked to assist with locating and

identifying additional participants. Through the open information meeting and with assistance

of the key- informant six additional participants was identified and interviewed for the study.

The interviews were held in various locations ranging from coffee shops to the Somali

organisations facilities as the participants was free to choose a location they felt comfortable in.

All seven interviews were held in with Swedish as the working language. In six of the cases

Swedish was used throughout the interview and in the remaining case the key- informant acted

as an interpreter, translating from Somali to Swedish and vice versa. As Swedish was the

working language during the data collection process, all interview transcripts, found in

Appendix A, is in Swedish. The quotes used in the study were translated from Swedish to

English by me.

During the six weeks field work the local Somali organisation, the mosque and a Somali based

football club was visited on several occasions to form a comprehensive understanding of how

the different entities worked and their membership base. Visits to the local unemployment

office and integration authorities were also conducted in order to gain information about

language training programmes, vocational training programmes and local initiatives to promote

integration.



16

3.4 Case study

The field study was carried out in the town of Enköping, situated in Uppland, Sweden. The

location was chosen based on the geographical location, population size and urban setting. The

town is located in one of the densest populated regions in Sweden, Mälardalen, and situated

between three major commercial urban areas, Uppsala, Västerås and Stockholm. The semi-

urban setting with a town situated within a larger, mostly, rural municipality mirrors the

Swedish landscape, which is dominated by rural areas with, pre-dominantly, medium size urban

centres scattered throughout the country. Enköping municipality measures a population of

41163 (SCB 2015), with 21163 people residing in the town of Enköping (SCB 2010), as such

the population size can be seen as representative for the country as the total Swedish population

divided over the 290 municipalities measures, approximately, 33600 inhabitants per

municipality. Of Enköping municipality’s total population 330 people were born in Somalia

(SCB 2015) constituting 0,8% of the population, a rating slightly higher than the average rates

of Somali born persons in Swedish municipalities which measures 0,45% of the population.

The town is also representative in terms of unemployment rates and opportunities. It’s an old

industrial town that was mostly centred around a few larger production industries that provided

local employment opportunities, as the de-industrialisation of the Swedish labour market

commenced during the 1990’s and forward local job opportunities became fewer, which is

mirrored in the fact the largest employer is the municipality itself which is bolstering

approximately 3000 employees whilst the largest private company has around 170 employees.

According to official statistics from January 2015 the unemployment rate in the municipality

measures 5,5%, figures that are slightly lower than the national rate at 8% (ekonomifakta.se

2015). The difference between Enköping municipality and the national average can partly be

explained by the geographical closeness to three major commercial urban centres which allows

people to commute to other municipalities to find employment, rather than the town having

more employment opportunities than other similar towns in Sweden.

3.5 Analytical Method

In order to sort, organise and analyse the data set a thematic analysis is used. Originally

developed in the field of psychology, and increasingly used in social studies. Thematic analysis

is a flexible method which enables the researcher to organise and search for patterns in a larger

body of data by dividing the data into smaller workable themes. One of the advantages of using

thematic analysis the inherent flexibility which allows the research to actively adapt, track and

identify themes generated from the data. Moreover, as thematic analysis is not a theory bound



17

method of analysis it is not guided by a pre-set understanding of the world (Braun & Clarke

2006 77- 80). As such, it can be used as both a passive and an active method of analysis. Whilst

the former of the two approaches to analysis mean that the themes emerge from the data while

the latter emphasises that the themes is actively generated by the researcher. In the context of

this study thematic analysis will be used as an active approach, in line with the underlying

epistemological assumption of social constructivism. As I as the researcher subscribe to social

constructivism, e.g. the perception that reality is a social construction, the themes generated and

used in the analysis will be influenced by my own perception and pre- knowledge, as such it is

I that construct the themes and patterns identified rather than the themes and patters emerging

from the data. Furthermore, there is also a question of which level the themes generated should

address that need to be clarified. Drawing on Braun & Clarke’s (2006:84) account for thematic

analysis, there is two different approaches to the material, a semantic and an interpretive.

Themes generated with a semantic approach are focused on what is said and/or written in the

interviews, as such the approaches is more concerned with the explicit level of analysis. Whilst

the interpretive approach, that is applied in this thesis, is more concerned with underlying

meanings, ideas and assumptions of the explicit.

According to Braun & Clarke (2006: 79) thematic analysis can roughly be describe in 6 phases,

which has been followed in this study. Below is a brief account of the six phases proposed by

Braun & Clarke and how I have applied them on the collected dataset is given. The first phase

of analysis started with the dataset itself. Through transcription and active repeated in-depth

reading of the material an initial understanding of the data was formed and a preliminary idea

and perception of possible analytical themes was formed (Braun & Clarke 2006: 87). The

second phase consisted of initial coding of the data, identifying features of interest and dividing

the larger dataset into smaller workable meaningful blocks of data (Braun & Clarke 2006: 88).

In the third phase the coded material was organised into broader analytical working themes.

The codes were then sorted in overarching themes and sub themes to get an overview of the

data. The initial overarching working themes in this thesis has been; culture, socialisation and

expectations, whilst the working sub- themes has been; language, religion, football, friends,

family, education, responsibility and employment/unemployment. The choice of themes was

based on the initial coding of the material and to get a working overview of the data set which

clarified possible theoretical and analytical approaches in relation to the dataset. Through the

process of thematising the coded data, relationships between codes and themes started to

emerge (Braun & Clarke 2006: 89, 90). The broad thematisation of coded data was followed



18

by a more detailed re- defining of the themes in phase four. The initial themes were revised and

worked over in order to form coherent and valid pattern that contains enough data to draw valid

analytical conclusions from. Three analytical themes was identified through the process;

problems and challenges, coping strategies and spaces of control. In the fifth phase the data was

subjected to a final refinement of the themes, thus determining the essence of the data body and

what aspect it catches. During this process the final set of data was produced and theories for

the analytical framework was identified and selected. In the sixth and final phase the analytical

method was applied in the first section of the analysis in order to track similarities in problem

descriptions and identify coherent patterns. In the second section of the data analysis the

thematic analysis was applied in order to identify coherent patterns of coping and place- making

strategies. The coherent patterns identified were then analysed by applying the theoretical

framework on the dataset.

4.0 Theoretical concepts

4.1 Social navigation

According to Henrik Vigh (2009: 419) social navigation is the social practises one applies in

order to navigate through the social landscape in unstable situations, contexts of insecurity and

rapid social change. In the case of this study the context of insecurity is manifested through the

uncertainty and plight of living as a refugee and being a member of a minority community in a

new country. Using social navigation as an analytical concept grants the researcher the

possibility to explore the interaction between an agent’s movement and the constantly changing

social landscape in which the agent operate. Or in Vighs words:

“As an analytical concept social navigation is, thus, interesting as it grants us an

alternative perspective on practise and the intersection between agency, social forces

and change. By highlighting the interactivity of practise and the intermorphology of

motion, it grants us an analytical optic which allows us to focus on how move and

manage with in situations of social flux and change” (Vigh 2009: 420).

According to Vigh (2009: 420) people organise themselves and act in close interplay with social

forces and the social pressure that surrounds them, as such social navigation is the practise of

moving within a moving landscape. Thus, social navigation requires that the agent is adjusting

and adapting to the constant unfolding of the social landscape itself. One must consider the

relationship between the social landscape that people move in and how that social landscape



19

itself moves people before, after and during an act. Meaning that people does not only move

within in a social landscape but that the social landscape also affects the people that move within

it. In the context of this study the most apparent social landscape that affects the participants

constitutes the societal pressure surrounding immigrants and integration, but factors like

societal discourses on educational achievements and employment must also be taken into

account. In this perspective social navigation includes both the identified possibilities and

dangers in one’s current social position and environment as well as the process of planning and

attempts that are made to actualise plans to reach one’s social and material goals in an uncertain

future (Vigh 2009: 420). Therefore, social navigation can not only encompass actions that are

aimed at the immediate but also needs to include the future or the imagined future. Or in Vighs

words “[i]t designates the complex of actions and interpretations that enables one to act in the

here and now, gain an idea of the possible routes and courses that emerge from the present and

direct one’s movement expediently towards possible futures” (2009: 424, 425).

Vigh (2009: 430) points out that though all social landscapes or environments are constantly

moving, the pace in which social change occurs may vary. One may have stability and security

in one social aspect and at the same time experience a rapid change leading to uncertainty in

another simultaneously. Just as the pace of social change may vary between different social

aspects or fields of one’s life it also varies between different societies. However, following

Vighs argument, social navigation is not only related to the speed of which social change occur

but also to one’s social position and experienced control over the social forces at work in the

society one resides. This means that all people navigate not only in relation to social change but

also in relation to our social position and the advantages or disadvantages granted to us through

that social position. Vigh (2009: 430) goes on arguing that “the intensity and visibility of our

navigational efforts depend on the speed and/or opacity of social change, and our ability to

control oncoming movement”. One is always engaged in efforts to find spaces of control that

will allow one to change ones social position in order to gain a better position to affect ones

surrounding in a positive direction (Vigh 2009: 431). In regards to the participants in this study

they are all young, immigrants and unemployed or working low skilled jobs as well as living in

socially marginalised areas, factors that all indicate a low social position, thus enabling them a

limited capacity to control the social forces in society. Meaning that their social navigation

skills, that is the ability to adjust and attune to the movement of the social environment, not

only becomes more visible but also more vital in order to find spaces of control that allows

them to advance to better positions to achieve their goals. The societal pressure or social forces



20

affecting the participants in combination with their social position in Sweden and their local

society indicates that they are indeed living in an uncertain present and future even if they reside

in a society with a social climate that is perceived as relatively stable for a majority of the

population.

4.2 Diaspora

Diaspora concepts and theory is useful in this study as all participants in the study falls under

the criteria for being members of a diaspora. They are all forcefully displaced (to various

degrees) due to the civil war in Somalia, they all maintain a distinct Somali identity and they

are all affiliated with either an ethnic or a faith based organisation (in many cases both) that is

oriented towards Somalia, i.e. the ‘homeland’, and work to maintain and cultivate a distinct

Somali identity.

As the term diaspora has been stretched over various academic disciplines and come to include

practically every larger group of people residing outside the land of origin from refugees to

guest workers over recent years the concept has become blurry and ambiguous. Therefore a

clear criteria of who constitutes as a member of a diaspora and how it is interpreted is necessary

to regain its analytical value (Brubaker 2005: 2- 3). The criteria used in this thesis are borrowed

from Rogers Brubaker (2005). The first criterion is dispersion. I have chosen to use a more

strict interpretation of dispersion relating to a forced or traumatic exile from the land of origin,

rather than the wider understanding which covers all dispersion in space, crossing state borders.

The second criterion is homeland orientation (Brubaker 2005: 5). According to Brubaker (2005:

5) a shift from a strong emphasise on a doctrine of return towards a more identity based

perception of ‘homeland’ orientation has occurred in recent discussions on the subject. In this

thesis the criteria is interpreted along the lines of Clifford (1994: 3) who means that ‘homeland’

orientation rather consists of an ability and desire to recreate and maintain a cultural and group

identity resembling or representing that of the land of origin rather than a desire of an actually

physical return to that place. By establishing such a culture in the host country the diasporic

group is maintaining what Brubaker describes a collective memory and myth of the ‘homeland’

as well as creating the conditions for a continuous relation, both as a group and personal, to that

‘homeland’ that distinctively shapes individuals identity (Brubaker 2005: 5- 6). The third and

final criterion outlined by Brubaker is boundary- maintenance and concerns the preservation of

a distinct identity. That is an identity that clearly sets the members of a diaspora group apart

from the members of the host society in which they reside. As such boundary- maintenance is

often seen as vital criteria in order to be able to talk about a group as a diaspora. According to



21

Brubaker (2005: 6) it is this that “enables one to speak of a diaspora as a distinct ‘community’

held together by a distinctive, active solidarity, as well as by relatively dense social relationships

[…]”. In order words it is the preservation of a distinctive identity that binds the group together

and sets them apart from mainstream society.

The above criteria do not only classify the participants in this study as members of a diaspora

or an emerging diaspora community. It can also be applied on a more general level, i.e. to all

or a majority of Somalis residing outside their land of origin. According to Pérouse de Montclos

research on Somali communities in the UK, USA and Germany (2003: 38) Somalis are spread

across the world, often living in concentrated communities, they are often poorly integrated in

the host country, leading to an uneasy relationship with mainstream society and they are often

clearly oriented towards a homeland and maintain a Somali identity. As seen in the contextual

background this description of the Somali community resonates with the situation for Somalis

residing in Sweden. Thus, drawing on Brubaker’s criteria the Somali- Swedish community

clearly qualifies as a diaspora group.

4.3 Identity

Identity is a useful theoretical concept in this thesis as how one identifies oneself will influence

the definition of one’s interests and similarly how others identify oneself will influence their

definition of one’s interest. This interplay between identification and interest works the other

way around simultaneously, i.e. how one defines one’s interests will influence how one

identifies oneself and how others defines one’s interest will influence how others identify

oneself (Jenkins 2010: 7). As such identity will not determine one’s actions per se, but it will

influence the actions one take to pursue one’s interests. Before I go on discussing the process

of identity it is important to point out that I, following Jenkins (2010: 37, 38) will not make a

distinction between individual and group identity as the process of individual and group identity

formation is closely related to one another. It is also important to point out that even though it

is the individual that is the focus of this study the collective identity formation is relevant as the

collective identity of the group they are affiliated to will influence the individual’s identity.

4.3.1 Identity formation

At the very basic identity can be seen as the understanding of who we are and who others are

or in other words the distinction between ourselves and others. The distinction between us and

the other is important for us in order to find out who is who and what other’s intentions and

interests may be, in short it helps us to make sense of our social world through the classification



22

of others (Jenkins 2010: 18, 26). Identity is a process of positioning oneself in one’s social

surroundings in relation to other people and groups in that social space. I call it a process of

positioning as, following Jenkins (2010: 17) argument, one’s identities are never a fixed entity

but rather a constant fluid process of identifying, assessing and re-assessing the significance of

similarities and differences of others in relation to oneself. It is important to recognise that the

classification of similarities and differences in relation to others work in inter-play with one

another, as one could not exist without the other. As such identity is not only a matter of what

you are or what you are not, but rather a matter of what you are or what you are not in interplay

with each other (Jenkins 2010: 23). Similarly identity is not only a question of how you see

yourself but also a question of how others see you and how you see others (2013; 40- 43). As

such, the processes of individual identity, mostly concerned with selfhood, and collective

identity, mostly concerned with relationships to others, becomes interlinked and dependant on

each other.

The process of identity occurs in what Jenkins describes as the internal- external dialect or in

interplay between the self- image and the public- image (Jenkins 2013: 42). The formation of

self- image or individual identity is often a matter of distinguishing oneself from others.

Meaning that the individual is asserting what he or she is not, based on one’s own self- image

rather than what he or she is in relation to others (Jenkins 2013: 42). Whilst the collective

identity process often becomes a question of similarities with others, as such it is a matter of

how others see and perceive the person, i.e. the public image (2013: 43). Meaning that collective

identity is formatted within a group that has identified similarities and common features

amongst each other. It is these similarities and common features that makes up the basis for the

group or collective identity, hence defining who is a member of that group and who is not

(Jenkins 2013: 102, 103). In order to reinforce the members common features the group as a

collective creates and maintains a common myth or idea, often through the use of symbols,

stories and ideas representing the collective, of who they are and where they stand in relation

to other individuals and groups in society (Jenkins 2013: 103- 106). It is important to point out

that even if features like difference and similarity is predominant in individual respectively

collective identity processes one does not exclude the other, as, as mentioned above, one cannot

exist without the other. It is equally important to recognise that people have several identities

simultaneously, of which some may at a first appearance seem to contradict each other, which

brings us to the question of hybridisation.



23

4.3.2 Hybridisation

The theoretical concept of hybridisation aims at explaining the mixture of culture and identity

that is produced when immigrants adapt to certain aspects of the culture in the host country

while simultaneously maintaining distinct cultural features and ideas of the country of origin.

As such it is useful concept when one wants to explore how diaspora members negotiates their

identity and loyalties towards a host society while maintaining a distinct identity and culture

aimed at the land of origin (Hutnyk 2010: 59, 60). I choose to use the term hybridisation rather

than hybridity because I view it as a process of identity that is constantly in the making rather

than a fixed entity or something one are. It is also important to point out that I recognise that

hybridisation or hybridity are, as Kalra et al (2005: 74) and others point out, problematic terms

as they invoke thoughts that a pure culture would exist and that when it becomes mixed with

other cultures it becomes a new tainted version of that original pure culture. On the contrary I

subscribe to the idea that all cultures are in some sense products of hybridisation and mixture

(Kalra et al 2005: 89). The term, and indeed the concept, is, however, useful when discussing

diaspora and other minority groups because it has the potential to capture a concept of culture

characterised by the combination of distinctly different cultural norms and values that are

shared only by a small minority in a larger society. In this thesis the concept will be used in

order to highlight how hybridised identities are used to negotiate social positions between life

in Sweden and Somalia.

As many immigrants struggle to adjust to life in the new country, they often look to customs,

values and ideas from the country of origin to find a stable footing while learning to navigate

the new social landscape around them. The familiar ideas and social norms grants people

comfort and stability in times of uncertainty and change (Sheffer 2003: 129, 130). As people

gradually adapt to the new settings around them they tend to absorb chosen parts of the host

country’s culture. It is in this space between retaining familiar culture values and ideas and

absorbing new ones the hybridisation of identity takes place (Bhabha 1996: 53- 58). The

mixture of ‘new’ and ‘traditional’ values should not be seen as a static stage or phase but rather

as a fluid process allowing the person to be selective in which values and ideas should apply in

a certain situation. As such it allows a person, in this case a young Somali man in Sweden, to

utilise norms and values familiar to mainstream society in public spaces, allowing them to

adjust, relate and deal with persons and situations in their surroundings more easily. While at

the same time allowing them to stay closely connected and maintain a distinctive Somali

identity by utilising ‘traditional’ values and ideas in more private settings, like a home



24

environment, a diaspora organisation, a religious setting or with other Somalis residing in

Sweden

4.4 Coping strategies and place making

The following paragraph will deal with social coping strategies and place- making that work to

handle and negotiate their social position in times of social flux and uncertainty. Social coping

strategies are used by everyone, everywhere in order to make sense of the social environment

around us and to handle and at times alter situations causing psychological stress (Nigar et al

2008: 498- 500). To refugees, who often finds themselves at the bottom of the social hierarchy

in the new country and experience feelings of not being recognised, meaninglessness and a loss

of control of their life, strategies of coping does not only concern dealing with and handling

everyday stress. The coping strategies used by this group is often aimed at creating spaces of

control and place making in the host society in which they reside (Fangen 2006: 70; Schwetzer

et al 2007: 285). Thus, coping strategies often fills another purpose to diaspora groups and

minorities than people belonging to a majority group as the coping strategies has a potential to

enable them to situate themselves in the wider community and creating spaces of acceptance or

‘home’ in a place that may very well be very far and very different from the place that once was

home.

Constructing spaces or places were one feels at home becomes a central way for diaspora

groups, and other types of immigrant groups for that matter, to cope with the ordeals of

adjusting to a new social setting and society in exile. According to Mazumdar et al (2009a: 309)

places are vital in people’s social life as they are closely connected to individual and collective

identities, thus contributing to a sense of who we are as well as the bigger collective we belong

to. The connection between identity and place is a powerful one as groups tend to build a

collective myth or narrative space (Mazumdar 2009a: 309; Trudeau 2006: 423). Through an

ongoing re- creation and reinforcement of the collective myth, or narrative, the place becomes

an integral part of the collective identity, a maker of who the community are and of who they

are not. This strong connection between space and identity means that members of a group will

associate that place to feelings of belonging and security (Mazumdar 2009a: 310). It is

important to note that it is not necessarily physical spaces that is discussed in this context, but

also constructed social spaces. Meaning that the space can constitute everything form a physical

to a mythological or imagined space as well as a space within a space. Diaspora groups, and

indeed other groups of various immigrant backgrounds, often seek to recreate or reconstruct

spaces central to their collective identity in order to, at least temporarily, create familiar and



25

secure spaces in an otherwise unfamiliar social environment. These socially constructed spatial

spaces of security grant people an arena to reconstruct themselves and asses and reassess the

social landscape in which they act from a relatively stable position (Mazumdar 2009a: 309-

311; Spannij 2011: 2015; 2015: 303). The re- creation or re- construction of a familiar social

space can be achieved in different ways, whilst some choose to start organisations and groups

based on a common identity point; others opt to join existing groups such as ethnic

organisations, religious congregations, sports teams or other groups with which they share

common identity points, behaviour and values.

4.4.1 The collective as ‘home’

The strategies which diaspora groups and organisations apply to cope with the ordeals and

challenges of life in exile as a collective or what Sheffer (2003: 23) terms survivalist strategies

– and what I will from here on terms of communal coping strategies - is relevant in this thesis

as the strategies the group use will affect the social coping strategies the individual members of

that group applies in their daily life.

There is a wide variety of communal coping strategies employed by diaspora groups ranging

from full assimilation to complete exclusion or isolation from the host society. However,

following Sheffer (2003: 160- 162), there are two forms of communal strategies that is most

commonly used today, namely the communalist and corporatist strategy. The two strategies are

similar in that both are looking to promote, nurture and maintain the distinct identity that sets

the group apart from the host society, often through communal organisations. According to

Sheffer, the primary difference between the strategies is that the corporatist strategy is “based

on formal status for communal organisations vis-à-vis the host country’s legal and political

system” (Sheffer 2003: 164). In the cases were the corporatist strategy is applied it is the official

members of these organisations that deal with the authorities in the host country. The choice of

which communal coping strategy is applied is often influenced by the political climate in the

host country. In more liberal countries, such as Sweden, were ethnic, religious and other

communal organisations does not require formal status the communal strategy is more often

applied. As the case study in this thesis is set in Sweden I will from here on focus on the

communalist strategy.

The communalist strategy aims to achieve a certain level or degree of integration, or in Sheffers

(2003: 164) terms “absorption”, into the host society. However, this does not mean that the aim

is full integration as it risks leading to assimilation, thus making the group or individual

members to give up their distinct diasporic identity. The aim of semi integrating the members,



26

making them a part of the host society while maintaining their diasporic identity, is achieved

through voluntary participation in different organisations that is part of a wider diasporic

network. These organisations and networks work to preserve and foster the ethno- national

identity of the particular diaspora, growing the collective myth or memory of the ‘home land’,

maintaining ties to other diaspora organisations and communities and organise activities to

promote the interest of the group towards the host country and the ‘home land’ (Sheffer 2003:

164). Formal and informal community leaders, such as heads of ethnic organisations, religious

leaders or youth and sports organisation leaders, plays a crucial role in not only maintaining

ties between the different entities in the network and reproducing myths of the ‘home land’ but

also to foster solidarity between the members, thus tying the network closer together and

strengthening the ethnic and cultural diasporic identity. Moreover, these organisations and

networks frequently provide different forms of support for their members, often in the form of

advice and guidance when dealing with authorities in the host country and psycho-social

support when dealing with problems of adjustment to the new milieu (Sheffer 2003: 167).

4.4.3 Religion as places of familiarity and comfort

That diaspora groups use religion as a way to cope and find stability in the social turmoil

deriving from forced or involuntary migration has been widely documented (Mazumdar et al

2009a; 2009b; Fangen 2006; Langellier 2010; Sheffer 2003). In McMichael’s (2002: 172)

research on Somali women in Melbourne, Australia, she describes how Somali women found a

meaning in life in exile through practising Islam. Through recreating and reproducing Somali

customs, values and behaviour by drawing on the teaching of Islam the women constructed a

familiar and safe social setting in which they could find comfort and stability in their otherwise

uncertain lives. By turning to Islam to find guidance the women upheld a continuity in life

despite the social disruption of migration, both in the sense that they maintained the customs

from the ‘homeland’ and by their belief that whatever came their way in life it was God’s wish.

According to Sheffer (2003: 133) it is common amongst diasporic groups to use religion as a

way to maintain the ‘homeland’ culture. Through the reproduction of religious values, customs

and behaviour the diasporic groups constructs a link to the past, to who they were and how they

behaved in the land of origin. This link to the past constructs feeling of stability and safety, by

reconstructing a familiar place. To maintain these links to the ‘homeland’ religious leaders and

institutions often take on a role of cultural leaders as well as a spiritual in the sense that they

work to instil, promote, reproduce and reinforce ‘traditional’ and religious cultural values and

ideas. Through reproducing, maintaining and reinforcing traditional values and behaviour from



27

the ‘homeland’ in connection to religious values and customs, the religious identity is

constructed in connection to the group’s ethnic identity, linking them together (Sheffer 2003:

133, 134). Moreover, the religious affiliations, leaders and institutions often becomes a focal

point in the community as they work to foster in- group socialisation and solidarity, thus

protecting the group boundaries and keeping it together through providing a common point of

identity (Mazumdar et al 2009b: 256; Sheffer 2003: 134).

Religious institutions and affiliations also work to reinforce and maintain the collective identity,

both spiritual and cultural, by providing a physical space that represents the group within the

space of the ‘other’ as well as serving as a connection to the past (Mazumdar et al 2009a: 312).

As discussed above, people tend to get emotionally attached to physical spaces, and material

objects, by associating them with feelings of belonging and security. As people migrate,

especially in the case of forced on involuntary migration, the abrupt break with familiar places

and objects often generate feelings of placelessness, disorientation and detachment from the

past (Mazumdar et al 2009b: 257). In order to maintain a physical connection to their past many

immigrants fill their homes with objects and interior that reminds them of the ‘homeland’, thus,

constructing a similar social and cultural continuity as the women in McMichael’s study. On a

communal level religious institutions in the form of mosques, churches temples and sanctuaries

often serve as the physical link to the ‘homeland’ and the past (Mazumdar et al 2009b: 256,

257). This physical connection to the past and the ‘homeland’ is manifested partly by the

iconographic and symbolism that a religious space entails and partly, as mentioned above, by

providing the community members with an actual physical space where they can go to re-enact

and recreate social patterns of behaviour and codes of conduct from the ‘homeland’ without

being scrutinised by the majority community. In this sense the religious institutions becomes a

spatial space of control and stability where members of the community can escape the societal

pressure.

4.4.2 Sports as space of control

Studies on sports in relation to integration, belonging and stress shows that recreational sports

is commonly used as a way to cope with everyday stress (Frydenberg et alt 1993; Krovwel et

al 2006; Spaaij 2015). According to Krovwel et al (2006: 169) sports has the potential to relive

individual stress through building self- esteem and discipline as well as offering a space where

it is possible to compete on terms not related to socioeconomic status. In a study on minority

integration in Holland Krovwel et al (2006: 169) argues that minorities often use recreational

sports as both a mean to meet and integrate with other groups in society as well as engaging in



28

mono- ethnic clubs or sporting events as a way to escape social tension and pressure in other

social spheres. Similarly, Spaanij has conducted research on how young Somali refugees in

Australia uses football as an arena for negotiating belonging in their new social environment.

Spaanij (2011: 1526; 2015: 303) argue that sport is central in the young refugee’s life as it

provides a space in which they are able to express themselves and construct a social identity.

Moreover, Spaanij continues, being good at sports and asserting oneself on the football pitch is

perceived as a ‘way to make’ it in the new country. Thus, sports becomes an arena for young

refugee men to position themselves in society. Similar to the findings in the Dutch study

mentioned above, Spaanij (2015: 312, 313) reports findings that many engage in multi- ethnic

teams as a way to connect to other groups in society through embracing a collective club

identity. Moreover the clubs work as a contact space between groups that seldom associate with

one another, through the shared interest in football (Spaaij 2011: 1520). However, there are also

cases where people rather prefer to engage in mono- ethnic teams in order to feel more at ‘home’

and create a sense of belonging based on ethnicity, thus getting away from the social pressure

of being different based on ethnicity or religious affiliation. Thus, playing sports in both mono-

ethnical and multi- ethnical teams and events can work to relive stress deriving from social

pressure of being distinctively different from mainstream society, even if it is only temporary

and situation bound. In the case of the latter it is a question of moving conflicts line of ‘them’

and ‘us’ from societal dimensions of apparent differences such as ethnicity and religion, to a

sport dimension where the team become the ‘us’ and the opponents on the pitch become ‘the

other’. In the case of mono- ethnic sporting teams and events it becomes a matter of escaping

the conflict lines of difference by surrounding oneself with people who looks and acts like

oneself, establishing a feeling of home and belonging, thus creating a temporary space of

security and familiarity by avoiding being singled out and questioned due to appearance and

beliefs.

5.0 Analysis

5.1 Problems and challenges

This chapter will primarily deal with the two main concern expressed by the participants,

namely work and unemployment and language skills or lack of language skills. The two

problems is singled out as they in many cases lies at the core of other experienced problems.

Thus, making them so prominent that they have a direct impact on decision making and plans



29

for the future. It is important here to note that even if these two main problems is the most

prominent, they are not per se more important than other concerns raised by the participants.

However, they are more interesting as they are in line with the official rhetoric’s and policy

relating to integration, which in the extension feeds in to and shapes the public discourse of

Somalis as a group that is ‘hard to integrate’ (Carlsson, 2014:15-17). Following Vigh (2009:

420), the integration discourse, and indeed the public misconceptions and stereotypes regarding

the Somali population, is likely to affect the participant’s decisions and perceptions as people

does not only move within the social landscape, but the social landscape itself also moves the

people within it.

5.1.1 Living with limited economic resources

In many respects the participants in this study faces the same situation as their countrymen

living in bigger urban areas in Sweden. As elaborated on above a great deal of the Somali-

Swedish population, up to 70%, struggles with unemployment. The situation in Enköping seems

to be similar to that of other parts of the country. Five of the seven participants in this study

was unemployed whilst two worked low skilled jobs. The lack of a stable income and economic

vulnerability was considered a source of stress and uncertainty for many of the participants.

One of the participants, Hadad, living in a family of 7 with only one employed adult in the

household, his own economic contribution to the family consists of lower level student benefits,

amounting to around 1000 Skr5 a month. When asked how the family’s economic situation

affects him personally he answered; “It’s hard not to be able to do things, it’s really hard […]

you know, you want things but you can’t have it” (Appendix A: 61). The quote indicates that

the young man is experiencing stress or unease from not being able to keep up with his peers,

affecting his self- perception negatively. Similar feelings was expressed by other participants

in the same situation. Another young man, Ali, living on unemployment benefits explained how

it affected his view of himself and his life situation. “[…] [Y]ou apply for unemployment

benefits, but it’s not much. It’s very little. […] sometimes you don’t have enough. After paying

for food, rent and phone, you don’t have much left. You know, you can’t go out with friends or

buy new clothes. It affects you” (Appendix A: 44, 45). Similar to Hadad quoted above this

young man’s self- perception is affected in a negative manner, due to not being able to keep up

with changing fashion trends and other material things. Moreover, he also expresses feelings of

inadequacy of not being able to socialise on the same terms as his friends. Both men expressed

that they were experiencing stress over their economic situation, deriving from not being able

5 Skr is an abbreviation for the Swedish national currency, Swedish krona.



30

to keep up with others in their environment. As touched upon in the background, this is not

uncommon for youth living without a stable income (Bjanarsson et al 2003:973, 974).

The stress experienced by the participants over their situation on the labour market is not only

deriving from not being able to keep up with others in a material sense. But also from the central

position that the discourse on work and employment holds in both the Somali community and

Swedish society. In regards to the Somali community, and identity in many senses, work holds

a central position in connection to the image of what a ‘real’ man should be. According to Kleist

(2010: 189), one of the cornerstones of the archetypical Somali man is a man that is a

breadwinner, a man that is independent and can provide for his family and kin. This

independence and ability to provide originates from work and therefore work holds a central

position. The archetypical ideal of a ‘real man’ was reflected throughout the data as all

participants regardless of age and social status expressed feelings of responsibility and

obligations towards the family. In the Swedish context work holds a central position on

somewhat, but by no means completely, different grounds. As in the Somali context work is

seen as a way to gain independence, however independence in the Swedish context is more

related to one’s ability to care of oneself rather than to provide for a family. As such holding a

job is, in some senses, regarded as a receipt or proof that one is able to take care of oneself, and

that person is thereby an independent adult. It also holds a central position in society in the

sense that people are often defined by their occupation. This societal perception of work is

mirrored in the Swedish integration debate and policy. Work, along with language skills which

we will see later, is the main pillars of the Swedish integration policy and rhetoric’s (Jørgensen

2011: 101, 102). Work generally and employment specifically is heavily emphasised

throughout the policy documents, lifting participation on the labour market as an almost

universal tool for integration. The centrality of the labour market is manifested by the fact that

the public unemployment office is responsible for administering, planning and implementing

trainee programs and internships as a mean of integration (OECD 2014: 7). The two different,

but yet similar, collective understandings of the position and importance of participation on the

labour market forms a powerful social narrative that influence the participants view of work, it

constructs one of the main objectives in life as quickly gaining employment or other means of

a stable income in order to become independent. That the societal discourse on work and

employment’s has an effect on the participants becomes clear in the data as many lifts

employment as one of the main concerns. Amed, who was still living with his family and had



31

just finished complementing his primary school grades and was about to start high school6

explains his view of work while he studies; “[…] I don’t want to be without work or

unemployed. I want to work during the summers, not just sit at home and sun bade all day long.

I don’t just want a summer job, I want a real job as well. Like an extra job” (Appendix A: 13).

When asked why the young man answered; “You want to be able to make it in life, you don’t

make it otherwise”. The two quotes demonstrates how important employment is in the young

man’s life as well as for his self- perception. By emphasising that he wants a ‘real job’ not just

a summer job he connects willingness and ability to contribute to the idea of what a ‘real’ man

is. According to Kleist (2010: 189), the Somali male ideal dictates that a ‘real’ man is

characterised by his willingness to work hard and his ability to provide economically for his

family and kin. As such, a ‘real’ man does not sit at home in the sun, a real man contributes.

Furthermore, by connecting success or the ability to make it in life with employment the young

man is constructing a view of work in line with the Swedish integration policy, in order to be

able to integrate and function in Sweden you need a job, without it you cannot integrate fully

and be a part of society. The connection between employment and one’s ability to make it in

life also indicates that finding employment is a major issue for this young man, as he perceive

to be crucial for his future prospects. The eagerness to find employment and becoming

independent, thus fulfilling the ideal of a ‘real man’, as fast as possible was shared by Ali. The

young man explained that he, as many others in the same situation (Carlsson et al 2014:16, 17),

had struggled in school and was unable to finish his degree. Instead of enrolling in extra classes

at Komvux7 to complete his education he opted to enrol in a vocational training program at the

local unemployment office. He continued to explain that the plan was to work for a while and

then pick up his education again. In his own words; “I wasn’t tiered of school. I like to study

and it is really important for the future. So this was nothing final […]. The plan was to work on

weekends and, what’s it called, when I was free from school. […] That’s still the plan, to keep

working while I get my education” (Appendix A: 31). The move to enrol in vocational training

was a way to be able to gain employment quickly, allowing him to contribute to the household

in which he lived and too his parents household as well as keeping up with his friends lifestyle,

thus enabling him to assume the role as a provider and becoming ‘real’ man despite his

unfinished degree. However, during the time of the interview Ali was still unemployed,

something that bothered him and made him feel unease as seen above.

6 The Swedish school system is organised differently from say the English or US educational system. Therefor

high school in this context is equivalent to what in Swedish is called ’gymnasium’ school. 7 Komvux is the Swedish public adult education institution.



32

Both men that did hold an employment at the time of the interviews held a low skilled job.

Holding a university degree Taahir was clearly too qualified for his current line of work, a fact

that initially was causing him problem. When asked how he saw his situation now compared to

that in Somalia Taahir explained that it was hard in the beginning, as he struggled with a loss

of social position and getting back to the school bench to participate in vocational training for

a low skilled occupation. He also explained how he had plans to expand his degree when he

arrived in Sweden and how he had contacted different universities in Europe to investigate his

possibilities. In his own words; “[…] [s]o I wanted to study there, but when you are here in

Sweden, as I have mentioned before, it’s hard. You have to pay the bills, you have to pay for

life, you know food, rent and all of that. I have four children, a big family […]” (Appendix A:

79). As Taahir elaborates on his experience it becomes clear that it was not an easy decision to

give up the prospects of further studies, “[…] [i]t was difficult in the beginning, but now it feels

better. Because here in Sweden it doesn’t matter what you do […] it’s all the same, work is

work, and you still have to pay the rent” (Appendix A: 80). The quote illustrates how the man’s

economic situation was guiding his decision to participate in the vocational training

programme. The prospect of getting employment and being able to provide for his family

trumped the dream of pursuing a higher degree within his academic discipline. Thaair was not

alone in prioritising work a head of other activities or dreams. The other participant, Bilal, that

was holding an employment during the time of the study also explained how he prioritise work

ahead of other things. Being in a similar situation as Taahir, he also held a low skilled job he

was not satisfied with. He explained how he was bored at work, as he was not being challenged

enough to be able to grow and that he planned to apply for college when he was ready and

dreamed of starting a life on his own. To this young man who did not have a family of his own,

the driving force to stay at an unsatisfying job was rather a desire to help his mother

economically and to start a life of his own, who can take care of himself.

To sum up, unemployment and economic insecurity is indeed a source of stress for a great deal

of the participants in this study. Whilst some experience anxiety and stress due to not being able

to keep up with contemporary life styles, in terms of material things, fashion and socialisation.

Others are worried for not being able to live up to the male ideals and be a ‘real’ man, or not

being able to pay the bills and support their families. Although these problems manifest

themselves differently they all derive from the same source, namely economic instability.



33

5.1.2 Language – ideals and challenges

Alongside with employment and unemployment, language skills or lack of language skills was

the main concern raised by the participants in the study. Several of the young men expressed

feelings of anxiety and insecurity in relation to lacking language skills. What is interesting here

is that, besides employment, the Swedish integration policy is heavily focused on language

training through a series of different programmes aiming at language studies (Valenta et al

2010: 473). Which means that the two major challenges with life in Sweden raised by the

participants, are in line with the official integration discourse and practise, which aims at

building human capital through continues educational programmes and employment training

(Jørgensen 2011: 104; Valenta et al 2010: 471, 472). This suggests that the participants are not

only influenced by the integration discourse when assessing their situation in Sweden, they are

also affected by the social pressure surrounding refugees and integration in Sweden. That some

of the participants has been heavily influenced by the integration discourse is clear in the data;

“Actually, I am scared about the future. Because I don’t know Swedish that well and I have

tried to read Swedish a lot. But it’s not going that well, I don’t know how it will end up.

Maybe in two years I can read Swedish well, but right now I don’t understand that much.

So first I need to learn Swedish, it’s my keys. You can’t open doors without keys, so the

keys are Swedish. And that I understand Sweden. […] I had a summer job, but it is hard

when you don’t know the language that well. I need to learn fast, that’s what’s scares me.

That I don’t know it well enough” (Appendix A: 75)

The phrasing “you need keys to open doors, so Swedish is my keys” indicates that Osman are

indeed influenced by the integration discourse on learning the language, as he perceives it to be

the ‘key’ to Swedish society. It can be argued that it is positive that the young man has taken

the message of the importance of learning Swedish to heart. However, the quote also

demonstrates that there is negative connotations imbedded in the discourse. As Osman, a young

man in his early teens, had to assume the role as head of the family they now looked to him to

attend to family affairs, such as banking, requiring official documents and contact with

authorities. The role as family guardian was time consuming and stressing, as a result he

struggled in school and had a hard time keeping up with his language studies. The families

expectations on him in combination with his view of language as a crucial tool was building up

pressure to learn faster, to do better in school in order to graduate and find a job so he could

fulfil his duties as a provider. The pressure to learn was not only generating anxiety and

insecurity in relation to school results, it also transformed to feelings of fears and worries for



34

the future as Osman was uncertain of his ability to be able to complete the vocational training

he was supposed to start the following year or hold a job due to his lacking language skills. It

seems as if the integration discourse, emphasising language skills, has affected Osman

negatively in the sense that he is doubting his ability to establish himself and creating a good

life in Sweden based on his lacking language skills. This view of language skills as crucial to

integration and being able to establish oneself in Sweden was shared by other participants. One

of the participants, Amir, who had lived in Sweden for three years and had a very limited set of

language skills, explained that he was well- educated had held a respected prominent writing

occupation in Somalia and that his main priority was finding a way to pick up his career. When

asked how he planned to do so, his answer was very much in line with the integration discourse;

“[f]irst I need to learn the Swedish language, then everything will become open. If I know the

language, I can get in and work as a […]. So I need to learn Swedish and learn it well. Then I

can get in and find out which path to take” (Appendix A: 20). Similar to Osman, Amir

emphasises the importance of language skills. They share the view that it is the language that

will allow them to take part of Swedish society with other participants as well. All but one of

the participants stated that they had found the educational programmes difficult and that they

had to struggle to keep up, especially when studying Swedish. However, only one interview,

Amir’s, was conducted with an interpreter whilst the remaining was held in Swedish. This

suggests that many of the young men did not have a realistic picture of their own language

skills. As touched upon above, the idea that Swedish is crucial for integration is not necessarily

negative However, if it generates a pressure to learn Swedish and to learn it fast and perfect,

because it is perceived as crucial to be able to be a part of and to be accepted in society, it risks

becoming a source of anxiety and worry, as in Osman’s case. Which can have a negative affect

both on studies and personal life, effectively creating hinders to integrate and deter people from

making attempts to approach and take part of Swedish society due to insecurity over lacking

language skills

There is no denying that not being able to communicate and express oneself does possess a real

challenges in everyday life. Amir, who, as mentioned, had a very limited knowledge of

Swedish, explained how he found it difficult to be dependent on interpreters when he was in

contact with authorities and officials. “Firstly, you are never satisfied, you don’t know if the

person is saying exactly what you told him. I’m speaking Somali to you and then you are

supposed to translate to Swedish. So I don’t know that you interpreted exactly what I said. So

I don’t get satisfied, but even if I can’t I have to trust [the interpreter]. So I’m worried, I want



35

to be able to take care of myself and learn Swedish. So it is hard” (Appendix A: 21). Not being

able to speak for himself was problematic as he became completely dependent on the

interpreter. Given that it is the authorities that book and supply the interpreter there were no

guarantee that he would get an interpreter he already has a relationship with or had even met

before. Amir’s limited language skills put him in an awkward position as he had no choice but

to trust the interpreter no matter who it was, thus giving up control over the situation and

becoming completely dependent on a person he may not have trusted. This was clearly a

concern for Amir as he expressed feelings of being reduced to a person that is incapable of

taking care of himself, a feeling that is likely reinforced by his weak education results in

Swedish. Thus, the experience had a negative effect on his self- perception, generating feelings

of inadequacy. Not being able to communicate himself also had a profound effect on his social

life. He explained that he only had few friends in Sweden but that he would like to get to know

more people, especially Swedish people, but that his inability to speak Swedish made it

impossible for him to meet people. Amir was not alone in feeling insecure and limited due to

lacking, or perceived lacking, language skills. Other shared his experiences of a limited social

life due to language barriers. Hadad, whose interview was held in Swedish, had similar

experiences of finding it hard to meet new people. In a conversation about friends and social

life Hadad said he mainly spends time with other Somalis and added; “I like to have friends that

are Swedish, because you learn Swedish fast. But you can’t find them, they are hard to find”.

When asked why, he explained that it is; “[…] because I think it’s hard to understand sometimes

and you don’t sometimes, so it is hard to get other friends” (Appendix A: 58). Even if he

expressed a wish to establish new relationships, in particular with Swedes, the possibility of not

understanding everything or not being able to make yourself understood was perceived as a

hinder to making new contacts. Hadad also explained how he found it hard because he had

struggled in school and that he thought it was hard to learn and remember all the new words. It

is likely that the bad experience from school in combination with experiences of being

misunderstood or not understanding has negatively affected the young man’s self- image,

constructing a perception of his language skills as poor or inadequate. Osman shared the same

experience of finding it hard to befriend people outside the Somali community, he just as Hadad

quoted above, held the whole interview in Swedish and had a more than adequate knowledge

of the language. He explained that is was hard to get to know Swedish people due to the

perceived language barrier and added that it was easier with Somalis not only because they

spoke the same language but also because they had more in common, thus understanding each

other making it easier to find common ground. The fact that all the participants, but one who



36

lived outside the town, lived in a neighbourhood mostly populated by Somalis and other

immigrant groups further reduced their chances to establish contacts and relationships with

‘native’ Swedes. A problem that has been documented elsewhere as well (Carlsson et al

2014:16, 17). Amed explained why his friends was mostly Somali; “Yes, because in our area

it’s only like Somalis and Arabs. It’s so small that you don’t meet any Swedish people”. It is

likely that the demographic spread in the area of resident is contributing to the perception of

inadequate language skills as the young men is seldom in contact with so called ‘native’

Swedes, thus having no clear reference point to how the majority group in society is using the

language and what levels of knowledge of working Swedish actually is necessary to get by in

Sweden.

As we have seen, not being able to or not having the confidence to communicate in Swedish

was causing the participants a row of different problems. Only one of the participants had such

a lacking knowledge in Swedish that an interpreter was needed to conduct the interview, the

other six had more than enough knowledge to sit down and have an intellectual conversation

ranging between 45 minutes to one and a half hours’ time. This suggests that a majority of the

participants did indeed have adequate language skills to take part of everyday life in Swedish

society. Yet, four of the six participants interviewed in Swedish perceived their language skills

as so poor or inadequate that it became a hinder when trying to socialise with Swedes. Some of

the participants also expressed feelings of anxiety and worry for their future due to perceived

poor language skills. Whilst other saw language as a barrier to establishing relationships with

people outside the Somali community. This suggests that the integration discourse that is

emphasising language as one of the most important tools for integration may in fact contribute

to an unrealistic ideal on the level of knowledge of Swedish necessary to be able to function in

Swedish society. The unrealistic ideal in combination with a pressure to learn fast and archive

good grades seems to be obscuring the participants own perception of their language skills in a

negative manner. Thus, becoming a source of anxiety and worry in regards to both the present

and the future.

Taken together, the participants problems and challenges relating to economic insecurity and

perceived or actual lacking language skills is contributing to an unstable everyday life and in

the extension an uncertain future. This uncertainty is reinforced by the social pressure generated

by the Swedish integration discourse, dictating that in order to integrate fully and properly in

Swedish society you need to learn the language and hold an employment, to which all of the

participants has been subjected to, either through a current or past experience of participating



37

in different integration programmes. Furthermore, drawing on Jenkins (2013: 40- 43), the

uncertainty and instability in the participants everyday life is further reinforced by the public

debate and discourse constructing the Somali collective as a problematic group that is hard to

integrate. As, ones identity, and thus ones self- perception, is not only a matter of how one sees

oneself but also a matter of how others sees oneself. Even though none of the participants

explicitly touched upon the negative stereotypes of Somalis flourishing in Swedish public

debate it is likely that they have been subjected to it, and thus affected by it, as these stereotypes

has been championed and constructed in the public forum, through major national newspapers,

radio and TV- programs and high profile politicians (Carlsson 2014: 36- 38; SVT 2012-06-15;

SR 2012-06-15; GP 2012-06-18; Fokus 2011-03;. DN 2014-07-09).

5.2 Coping with everyday life

As we have seen above the participants in this study faces different challenges and problems in

their everyday life, relating to real or perceived lacking language skills as well as economic

insecurity. Despite the fact that all of the participants identified different problems and

challenges they all had a remarkable similar long- term strategy to solve their current situation,

namely education. Whilst some aspired to attend higher education, aiming for degrees in

engineering, teaching and law, others opted for various vocational training programmes in

school or through the local unemployment office. The strategy to educate oneself in order to

gain a better position in life is likely influenced of the societal discourse surrounding the

importance of education and employment. However interesting, the focus of this study is not

the long- term strategy per se, but rather the strategy used to set oneself up in order to be able

to utilise the long- term strategy. Therefore, the following paragraph will focus on how the

participants use ethnic organisations, religion and sports to gain a firm footing in their uncertain

everyday life from which they can negotiate and asses the field for their next move in pursue

of the bigger goal.

5.2.1 The Social club – being amongst friends

Drawing of Sheffer (2003: 164), diaspora groups residing in liberal countries with a high

political tolerance for informal and formal organisation often use a communal strategy to

establish and uphold close connected communities. The organisations can take on different

forms ranging from ethnic or religious based organisations to social and sports clubs. What

connects them is not the nature of the organisation per se, but rather that they are oriented

towards the ‘homeland’ and work to reproduce and reinforce a distinct identity differencing the

diaspora group form the mainstream society in the host country. The Somali- Swedish



38

community in Enköping is organised in a similar pattern as that described by Sheffer. During

the time of the field study there was two Somali organisations and at least one football team in

the town. One of the organisations was of a more leisure character and worked as a social club,

whilst the other was of a religious nature operating a mosque, arranging Quran studies and

lectures. Both the organisations was housed in the same building with only a staircase

separating them making them closely connected both geographically and in terms of an

interchanging membership and visitor base. The football team was, as we will see, also closely

connected to the two organisations through their membership base. For now we will put aside

the religious congregation and the sports club, to focus on the social club how it work to

construct and reinforce Somali identity. During my visits at the social club it was mostly

frequented by older male members of the community, but members of the younger generation

visited the club occasionally, often in connection to visiting the mosque.

Only two of the participants, Amir and Ali, frequented the social club on a regular basis. Both

of the men expressed that they were proud of their Somali heritage and that maintaining

traditional values was very important to them. When asked how he spends his time at the club

Amir, who as seen above had held a prominent communication based job in Somalia, explained;

“[h]ere is a small café and a mosque downstairs. So down there you pray and after prayers you

come here and discuss Somali politics, watch [Somali] TV, have some coffee and read the

Quran on Saturdays and Sundays” (Appendix A: 18). To Amir, who was struggling with

language barriers and the burden of having to communicate through an interpreter, the social

club was a breathing hole in everyday life. There he could meet other Somalis and express

himself freely without having to rely on someone else to make himself understood. Thus, letting

him escape the problems and pressure his lacking language skills generated, at least

temporarily. Being amongst his peers became a way for Amir to handle his situation and find a

stable familiar place in an otherwise unfamiliar world. The confined space of familiarity let him

re- enact his past in a sense, allowing him to once again become the man he used to be, a man

that could take care of himself, an independent and respected man. In a similar way of the

participants in Kleist (2010: 203) study situated in Denmark, where Somali men reconstructed

and re- enacted the past within the confinement of ethnic organisations to make up for loss of

social positon or lack of recognition in the host society. As such, the social club becomes an

important place to Amir as it enables him to reassert his social position within the Somali

community, allowing him to reconstruct himself as a well-educated and outspoken man and in

the extension to counter the social pressure generated by the integration discourse and negative



39

public stereotypes constructing him as inadequate due to his lacking Swedish skills. Ali, who

was unemployed at the time of the study, shared Amir’s view of the social club as an important

institution. Being one of the few of the younger generation that actively took part in the social

club with regular visits, Ali, who had a great interest in Somali culture and poetry, had a

nostalgic image of his life in Somalia which he viewed as, in his own words, “the happiest time

of my life”. When asked how he spent his time in the social club he explained that he met and

discussed with members of the older generation, who according to Ali, had a deeper knowledge

and more experience of Somali life and tradition. To Ali, spending time at the club became

more than just breaking the boredom of unemployment. It was also a way of actively taking

part of the collective narrative, forming a clear and firm Somali identity, through discussions

with the older generation who could teach him about life and customs in Somalia. Following

Sheffer (2003: 129, 130), this can be seen as a coping strategy commonly used by diaspora

groups and their individual members in liberal countries. By maintaining and reproducing

traditional cultural ideas and values from the land of origin the diaspora group constructs a

social space in which they feel familiar and comfortable. Thus, establishing a clear reference

point to who they are and who they are not, the collective is providing a stable platform to their

membership from which they can orientate and position themselves in times of change. As such

the club becomes a space were you are allowed to be Somali without sticking out and being

different, thus avoiding being the ‘other’ and the social pressure generated by it. When asked

why he thought it was important to maintain a district Somali identity Ali explained that; “[i]n

Sweden, in Sweden is where I live today. This is my home land. I live here today, but you know

the background, where I am from. I can’t hide that, I can’t forget that. […] Even if I don’t go

back, I am a Somali, I am born in Somalia, I grew up in Somalia. Yes, all my relatives live

there. Yes, and my friends” (Appendix A: 39). This suggest that to Ali, being Somali is a

fundamental part of his identity, it is a connection to his past, to, in his own words, “the happiest

time” of his life, as well to his family and friends and in the extension to the whole exiled

Somali community. This is the common point of identity which binds him to others in the same

situation. Living in Sweden did not change that, it rather seems to have reinforced it, in the

sense that he was actively seeking knowledge by engaging with the older community members

to learn more, to construct a clearer image of life in Somalia. When asked if he could elaborate

on why this was such an important part of his identity he tried to explain by referring to an

annual cultural day held in Enköping; “[I]t’s to show, to show. For example us, today we live

here in Enköping and it’s not just Swedes who live [here], it’s not just Somalis who lives [here],

it’s Arabs, Burundians, Ethiopians, Eritreans, a lot of other countries and there is a day called



40

the Day of Culture in Sweden. And for example then everybody should participate, then you

have to show your culture […] so they learn your culture and your Somali traditions. So it is

very important to me or for us Somalis to maintain, what is it called, our tradition” (Appendix

A: 40). By using the example of the cultural day Ali is pointing to something important. The

maintenance and visibility of traditional values is not just for the Somali community, it is also

a way of marking their identity. To show the rest of society that this is who we are, thus

distinctly differencing the Somali community from mainstream society. According to Brubaker

(2005: 5, 6) this is a common trait amongst diaspora groups as they engage in boundary-

maintenance to maintain a unity within the group. Following Jenkins (2013: 102, 103), the

distinction from mainstream society can be seen as an act to bind the members closer together.

By reinforcing and reproducing the collective ‘myth’ the similarities within the group and the

difference between the group and ‘the other’ is emphasised at the same time, thus constructing

a clear collective idea of who they are and of who they are not. It is important here to note that

just because the social club is encouraging its members and visitors to take part of the collective

‘myth’, thus reinforcing the Somali identity, it is not excluding other identities, such as a

Swedish identity. On the contrary both Ali and Amir expressed that they felt a kind of dual

national identity. Somalia was home because it is where both men grew up, it is their past, at

the same time Sweden was home as it is where they live their life today, it is their present. This

indicates that the organised Somali diaspora in Enköping is using a communal strategy to

organise their members. At the same time as they work to maintain and reproduce a strong

Somali identity, they are careful to not supress alternative identities that would help integrate

their members in the host society (Sheffer 2003: 164).

Although only two of the seven participants visited the social club on a regular basis it is

important to include in this thesis as it is an important community institution for the two

participants. For Amir the club is a space where he can escape the plight of having to rely

on others to communicate. In the club, amongst his peers, it did not matter that he did not

speak Swedish, there he could express himself freely and communicate on equal terms,

in his ‘own’ language, a language he masters. As such the club constitutes a breathing

hole in everyday life, allowing Amir to escape the social pressure to learn Swedish. To

Ali, the club fills another function, although equally important. It is not only a way for

him to break the boredom of unemployment, it also allows him to actively connect himself

to his past, thus reinforcing and constructing a clear image of his Somali identity,

clarifying who he is and strengthening his own self- perception. In the club, it did not



41

matter that he was unemployed and unable to keep up with his peers’ lifestyle, what

mattered was his interest in Somali culture and tradition. Thus, spending time there

allowed him to escape the social pressure of consuming in order to assert himself on an

equal level, in a material sense, as his peers. To both men the club constituted a confined

social space where they were able to regain control over their lives allowing them to

handle and counter the social pressure projected on them by mainstream Swedish society.

Following Vigh (2009: 430), this space of control, although temporary, allowed the men

to gain a better more stable position by minimising the interference and obstruction of

societal social pressure, in Amir’s case through his language skills and in Ali’s his interest

in Somali culture and life, from which they could situate themselves and asses their

situation in order to utilise their future plans.

5.2.2 Religion – comfort and safety

As noted earlier, it is common for diaspora groups and individuals to use religion as a way of

coping with life in exile. Turning to religion in order to find comfort and stability in times of

social turmoil is a common feature within diasporic Somali communities as well. Studies on

Somali communities in Denmark, Norway and US revealed that the members often turned to

Islam to find spiritual and moral guidance and comfort in everyday life (Fangen 2006; Kleist

2008a, 2008b, 2010; Langellier 2010). A similar behaviour has also been observed by scholars

carrying out extensive academic studies on the Somali diaspora in Sweden, the studies report

that religion is not only seen as a source of comfort but also an important identity marker

(Carlsson 2014: 54- 55; Johnsdotter 2002: 35; Svenberg et al 2009: 284- 285). Turning to

religion seems to be common amongst the members of the diaspora residing in Enköping as

well. Whilst five of the seven participants explicitly stated that religion played an important

role in their life and that they identified themselves as religious, one, Ali, did not but indicated

his religious identity by referring to religious expressions and practises throughout the

interview. All of these six participants visited the mosque on a regular basis and many as often

as they had the opportunity. This indicates that religion was not only a central feature in life to

a majority of the participants, but also that the mosque was seen as an important communal

institution.

During a conversation about identity and religion with Amed, who spent a lot of his free time

in the local mosque, it emerged that Islam held an important role in his life and that he identified

himself as a Muslim. When asked if he thought there was a connection between being Muslim

and being Somali Amed explained; “[y]es, if you are Somali you are, you should… you should



42

be Muslim. Because the whole country is Muslim” (Appendix A: 13). As the quote illustrates

Amed made an explicit connection between the two identities, being Somali means that you are

a Muslim. Drawing on Sheffer (2003: 133), this can be seen as an act of reconstructing ethnic

identity through religious values and customs. By making the connection between being Somali

and being Muslim, Amed is fusing the two identities together, constructing a narrative in which

his Somali identity is reinforced by his Muslim identity and vice versa. Following Sheffer

(2003: 133) this is a common trait amongst diaspora groups and their membership, as forging

the religious identity in connection to the ethnic identity constructs a link to the past or the

constructed past, thus feeding into the collective ‘myth’ or narrative of who they are and how

they act. As such, to Amed, Islam is not only a religion, it also represents Somalia and in the

extension Somalis. Connecting religion and ethnic identity allows him to reconstruct and

reassert himself within the Somali community, adding common points of similarities to which

they identify. Thus, strengthening the bond to the community and clarifying the boundaries for

who he is and who he is not, tying him closer together with members of the exile Somali

community (Jenkins 2013: 102, 103). When asked why it was important to Amed to pray and

visit the mosque, he explained that it was to show respect to God and acknowledge his

existence. This can be interpreted as an attempt to be a ‘good’ Muslim, which, according to

Kleist (2010: 189, 192, 203- 204), often corresponds with being a ‘real’ man in the Somali

context. Moreover, Amed also explained that his religious beliefs grants him a sense of calm

and safety in his everyday life; “[…] [i]t helps me to… to… yes really. There are days when I

feel anxious, I don’t know where it comes from, but if I read the Quran and pray it disappears”

(Appendix A: 7). That Amed’s anxiety disappears from praying and reading the Quran indicates

that to him, religion is a safe and comfortable space where he has control over his emotions and

surroundings. As such, Amed’s religious identity does not only grant him an opportunity to

reconstruct and reposition himself within the Somali community as a ‘good’ Muslim, it also

grants him a space of social control, enabling him to counter the social pressure he is subjected

to by the negative perception on Somalis in general, thus granting him a better position from

which he can reassess and position himself in the social landscape (Vigh 2009: 430). Similar to

Amed, Ali also connected Islam to Somalia. In a conversation about his childhood in Somalia,

which he referred to as “the happiest time of my life”, Ali repeatedly referred to the Quran and

religious practises such as visiting the Mosque and attending the Somali version of Quran

school. Being a religious man that prayed every day and visited the local mosque on a regular

basis, this indicates that Ali is connecting his religious identity to his past, to a time when he

was truly happy. This connection between Islam and the time in Somalia can be seen as an



43

attempt to establish a social continuity, bridging the social disruption of migration in a similar

manner as the women in McMillan’s study (2002: 172), who recreated familiar Somali customs

and behaviour to create a secure and safe social spaces where they were in control by drawing

on Islam. Like the women in Melbourne, it seems as if Ali is using religion to recreate the

familiar and safe setting of his childhood Somalia in Sweden by connecting Muslim values and

customs to the past, to Somali values, customs and behaviours. According to Sheffer (2003:

129, 130) recreating ones past through familiar customs and values grants people comfort and

stability in times of uncertainty and change. Drawing on Sheffers argument, Ali, like Amed, is

using religion to create a social space in which he feels safe and secure granting him control of

his surroundings, allowing him to temporarily avoid and escape the everyday uncertainty of

unemployment and the limitation of living on unemployment benefits.

Others, who did not connect religion and the past in the same explicit way as Amed and Ali

also found comfort and safety through religion in their life in Sweden. Hadad, who was

struggling with feelings of inadequacy due to not being able to keep up economically with his

peers, explained that he spent most of his free time in the local mosque, visiting the facilities

up too three to four times a day. When asked why religion was important to him and why he

spent so much of his time in the mosque Hadad explained; “[…] I feel better and I feel happy.

It takes away all the hard stuff and I become calm and feel safe of just reading the Quran. Just

by being in the mosque for a short while” (Appendix A: 60). The quote suggest that Hadad was

not only finding comfort through his faith in God, but also that he connected feelings of safety

and relief to the religious objects themselves, i.e. the Quran and the mosque. According to

Mazumdar (2009a: 309) people develop an emotional connection to physical objects and places

by connecting them to collective and individual identities. Through the identification with a

material item, the object, or place, becomes a manifestation of who people are and where they

belong. As such, material objects and places becomes attached to feelings of belonging, which

in the extension fosters feelings of safety and security (Mazumdar 2009a: 309). This

relationship between objects and people tend to become problematic when people migrate, as

the abrupt break with familiar places often generate feelings of disorientation and placelessness

(Mazumdar 2009b: 257). It is common amongst migrant community and individuals to turn to

religious symbols and places in order to cope with the loss of stability, as they are familiar and

thus, becomes a link to the past (Mazumdar 2009b: 256, 257). That Hadad found comfort in

just reading the Quran or spending a short time in the mosque, indicates that he, following

Mazumdar’s argument, had reconstructed his religious identity in line with a time and or place



44

in the past where he felt safe and secure. As such the religious symbols served as a physical

link to this time and or place. Thus, to Hadad the religious symbols represented a familiar place,

a place that he knew, granting him a sense of security and comfort. Moreover, drawing on

Mazumdar, it also indicates that to Hadad the mosque was an actual physical place where he

could re- enact and recreate familiar social patterns and customs without being scrutinised by

the majority society, granting him an opportunity to temporarily escape the social pressure of

being different due to his beliefs, or the colour of his skin, his lacking skills in the Swedish

language and the limitation of living on a small budget. In the mosque he was in a familiar

setting where he belonged, amongst his own, there he is not judge on his ability to live up to

material standards or having access to the same material things as his peers. In the mosque it is

his faith and his ability and willingness to live in accordions with the teachings of Islam that

matters. As such the mosque becomes a place where he is in control over the social forces

around him, thus creating a social space where he could reconstruct and reposition himself in a

better position to counter the pressure of living up to material expectations from his

surroundings.

Bilal, the young man struggling in his unsatisfying job and dreaming about becoming an

independent man, described himself as a practising Muslim. Bilal explained that he was raised

in a religious home and that his faith was very important to him and that it helped him in life

and gave him a sense of security. Between his job, helping his mother due to family problems

and football practises Bilal found it hard to find time to go the mosque, in his own words; “[…]

I can’t make there some times in time for prayers. So usually I do it at home [pray]. So… but

on Fridays for example it’s the Friday prayers, then a lot of people come there. And if I’m

working then, eh, it’s around one a clock, so if I have a break then I have to go there [to the

mosque] and then I go back to work. You know, you have to be there” (Appendix A: 51). That

Bilal mentions that a lot of people gathers in the mosque on Fridays and that he has to be there

is not only interesting as it indicates that he indeed has a strong faith, it is also interesting as it

indicates that to Bilal it is not only the faith that grants him security it is also the Muslim

community. An indication that is strengthen by his answer to the question if the Quran granted

him a sense of safety and comfort;

“Yes, exactly. Sometimes there is, they call it a lecture […] It’s a sheikh8 that knows a lot,

he has a great knowledge of Islam. He lives here in Enköping as well. So he usually holds

lectures for youth and on the weekends. So when I’m not working I go there to listen. […]

8 A sheikh in this context is a religious scholar.



45

There are a lot of my friends that are Muslims. So they usually call me and be like, come

and listen. Then you meet there [at the mosque] and eat together and stuff, so it’s a nice

environment. And then you chill and talk” (Appendix A: 53).

Following Sheffer (2003: 134), the lectures can be seen as an attempt to foster solidarity and

in- group relations within the community. By hosting lecture and social gatherings for youth in

the town, the mosque, thus the religious institution, is providing them with a common identity

point. Binding the group of youth together, creating a sense of belonging through their common

interest and shared symbols, Islam (Jenkins 2013: 102- 106). The community becomes inter-

connected to the faith by reproducing it as a shared collective interest. It is likely that this unity

and sense of belonging that is fostered in the mosque is contributing to Bilal’s sense of safety

and comfort in his faith. His faith is not only who he is, it is who the community is. As such,

when turning to Islam for guidance and comfort, Bilal is in a sense turning to the collective.

The collective becomes a space where he belongs, a space of safety and comfort where he can

reconstruct and reassert himself, without interference of outside pressure such as lack of time,

family problems and the self- generated pressure of realising his dreams of becoming an

independent man.

As we have seen, religion and faith can indeed help these young men find better social position

from which they are able to renegotiate themselves and their surroundings. However,

maintaining a strong religious identity can sometimes be problematic and crash with

mainstream Swedish society’s customs and values. Both Amed and Hadad explained that they

had encountered problems due to their religious beliefs in school. Being conscious of following

the teachings of Islam, Amed always prayed five times a day at the set times. During

summertime this was not a problem as prayer times seldom conflicted with lessons or other

activities in school. However during wintertime, when the prayer times often occurred during

lessons, it became a source of conflict. Amed explained; “[t]hey say you have freedom of

religion but during time in class they say [you can’t pray now], when prayer times come, it

takes like four or five minutes to pray, but you’re never allowed! They say that school should

come first and they say that you have freedom of religion but I don’t understand how they

handle it. […] It’s problematic. You get pissed, if you can’t have freedom of religion”

(Appendix A: 10, 11). This suggests that there is a conflict over priorities between Amed and

the school authorities. Whilst the authorities view schools and education as the main priority,

Amed puts his faith and his religious identity first. To him it is more important. Not being able

to pray when he perceived it as necessary became a source of grief to Amed; “Eh, it’s



46

bothersome. It’s bothersome that you aren’t allowed to do what your religion demands of you.

The religion dictates that you should do things as a human being, but when you are not allowed

to do it in your everyday life, as in school. Then it’s bothering” (Appendix A: 11). Hadad, being

in the same situation as Amed also found it problematic that they weren’t allowed to pray during

class;

“I think it is… in Sweden it supposed to be freedom of religion, everyone should be allowed

to believe. No tricks about religion. But the teacher say that class comes first, then you have

to pray before or after class. But we just go and pray and then come back to class, but they

say that it doesn’t work. It only takes five minutes! But they say that the important thing is

that we learn in class. But I go and pray anyways. […]You have to follow your religion,

the religion is bigger than class” (Appendix A: 63).

Similar to Amed, Hadad’s strong religious identity set him on a conflicting line with school

authorities. To him paying his respects to God and following the teachings of Islam had a higher

purpose than the lessons in school, in the bigger picture it was more important. Both the young

men chose to handle the conflict with the school in a confrontational manner. Instead of

listening to the teachers and adjust their prayer times to before or after the class both the young

men went and prayed anyways. Thus, they chose to fight for what they perceived to be their

right, to exercise their freedom of religion and pay their respect to God. This act of defiance

towards the school authorities can be viewed as way for the young men to position and reassert

themselves as ‘good’ Muslims, following the teaching of Islam no matter what. This in turn,

drawing on Kleist (2010: 189, 192, 203- 204) research from Denmark, can be viewed as an

attempt by the young men to gain a better position within the Muslim and Somali community,

as being a ‘good’ Muslim is in line with being a ‘real man’ in the Somali context. Thus, being

a ‘good’ Muslim becomes an alternative route to becoming a ‘real man’ by bypassing the hinder

of not having sufficient economic assets, or the opportunity to get the assets, to be a provider

for family and kin. Actively resisting the school authorities and practising their religion as the

Quran dictates is not only a way for Amed and Hadad to pay their respects to God, it is also

becomes an alternative way to become ‘real men’ by bettering their social status and position

within the diaspora community by gaining the respect of their peers by being ‘good’ Muslims,

thus, in that respect, living up to the archetypical image of a strong Somali man.

As seen above, religion and faith played an important role for some of the participants in terms

of coping with challenges and problems in everyday life in Sweden. For Ali, his religious

identity served as a link to the past, to an easier time, a time when he was a happy and careless



47

child in Somalia. Reconstructing and reproducing his religious identity in connection with his

past allowed Ali to re- enact the same feelings of safety and security as he felt, or perceived to

have felt, in his past. Thus, constructing a social space in which he could find stability, granting

him control of his surroundings. This social space of security and safety becomes a way for Ali

to, at least temporarily, escape the burden and challenges of unemployment and living on a

limited set of economic resources. To Amed, who reconstructed his religious identity in close

connection to his Somali identity, fusing the two together, religion became an alternative way

of realising his dreams of becoming an independent man, living up to the Somali male ideals.

By inter- connecting the two identities, constructing them as one, Amed could make up for his

inability to be an economic provider, by being a ‘good’ Muslim, living in accordance with the

teaching of Islam and fighting for his right to exercise his religion in public spaces. Thus,

bettering his position within the Muslim community by showing that he was indeed a true and

good Muslim man and no one, not even the school authorities was going to change that. In

Hadad’s and Bilial’s case their faith was a way of finding comfort and temporarily stability in

the safety of a united and tight collective. Being in the mosque, listening to lectures and

socialising with other Muslims allowed Bilal a break from his busy life with family problems,

work and football practise, allowing him a space to disconnect the outside world and reconstruct

himself. To Hadad, spending time in the mosque meant feeling safe and secure. The confined

space of the mosque meant that Hadad could re- enact and reproduce familiar customs and

values in the safety of his ‘own’ group. Here he could be Somali, he could be himself without

sticking out due to his inability to keep up materially with his peers or his lacking language

skills. In the secure space of the mosque nobody cared if he did not speak Swedish or his

economic ability to measure himself against his friends and peers, what mattered there was that

he, Hadad, was connected to the collective through his faith and his devotion to being a ‘good’

Muslim. Although the participant used their faith and religious identities in different ways and

it meant different things for different individuals, they all used it to construct secure spatial

social spaces of stability in which they were in control of the social forces. Thus, helping them

to gain a better position, a position from which they could reconstruct and reproduce themselves

to face the social pressure of the outside world and find alternative routes to realise their plans.

5.2.3 Football – in control on the pitch

All of the participants in this study expressed a profound interest in football, as all seven was

playing, watching and debating the sport. When going through the data football emerge as the

number one social activity, it was played with friends, in amateur teams and in more



48

professionally organised teams and sports clubs. The common interest in football is not

particularly surprising as the sport is played all over the world and constitutes a multimillion

dollar industry with games from England, Spain, Italy and else were is aired in every corner of

the globe. However, interesting the game in itself and the industry built up around it is the focus

on football in this study is how it is used as a mean of creating spaces for renegotiating the

participants’ position in society. According to Korvwel et al (2006) and Frydenberg et al (1993)

recreational sports is used as a coping strategy by different groups as it has the potential to work

as a stress reliving activity. Moreover, Korvwel et al (2006: 169) continues, disenfranchised

groups and minorities often use sports as a way of coping as it offers an arena to compete along

other lines than socioeconomic status. Thus, enabling marginalised groups and individuals’

alternative ways to assert and establish themselves in society. Using sports, and particularly

football, as a mean to better ones position and countering the societal pressure, in this case to

learn the language and being more success full in the labour market, seems to be common

strategy amongst the participants in this study as well.

When talking to Taahir, the well- educated man holding a degree from a respected university

in east Africa, about his everyday life and activities the conversation shifted on to football.

Taahir turned out to be somewhat of a youth leader in the Somali community and one of the

people that was involved in founding the football club mentioned previously, Somaliska

Enköping. In his own words;

“[…] And then I go home and help my wife with the children and, ah, and sometimes I

work with youth, with football and some other stuff. I play football as well and help youth

age 7- 25. We host tournaments, here in Enköping, tournaments between Romberga against

Västerleden [two neighbourhoods with a dense Somali population in the town], and for

those who are 18- 25 we have tournaments outside Enköping, Eskilstuna, Västerås,

Uppsala, Köping. Twice a year. I work like that. We have an association called Somaliska

Enköping and meet other Somalis living in other places, we get together and hold

tournaments” (Appendix A: 82).

As Taahir continued to talk about his youth work it emerged that he had worked with similar

activities in Somalia where he was a leader for a football club as well. Following Sheffer’s

(2003: 133) argument on constructing religion as a link to the past, Taahir’s youth work in

Enköping can be seen as a similar construction. By continuing his work in Enköping he

maintained the same behaviour and reproduced the same values in exile, thus bridging the social

disruption of migration. As such he, in a sense, recreated his past by maintaining his interest



49

and continuing his practical work with youth in the football club. Furthermore, by doing so he

also, at least partly, recreated his lost social position within the Somali diaspora community.

By assuming the role as a youth leader in Enköping, and extending his work to other cities, it

seems as if Taahir has reconstructed his position in the community as a leader similar to that

described by Sheffer (2003: 133, 134). By being one of the founders of Somlaiska Enköping

Taahir has not only contributed to bolstering and fostering in- group socialisation in the

community in Enköping (Krovwel et al 2006: 169). He has also contributed to keeping the

bigger Swedish- Somali diaspora together by arranging tournaments and maintaining contact

with Somali football clubs in the rest of the country. As such, he has reconstructed himself as a

central person within in the diasporic community, becoming somewhat of a focal point (Sheffer

2003: 133, 134). Following Sheffer, Taahir’s work with Somali youth is not only a desire to

contribute to the community’s well- being, it can also be seen as an act to reconstruct and

renegotiate his identity as a community leader, allowing him to regain some of his lost social

status, thus granting him control over the social forces within the Somali community. Hence,

improving his status and gaining a better position from which he can negotiate his surroundings.

Following Vigh (2009: 420), the youth work becomes a way for Taahir to, in a sense, realise

his plans of becoming an important person within the community despite the fact that his current

social and economic situation does not allow him to pursue further studies or continue his

previous line of work.

Taahir was not alone in reconstructing himself through football. To Osman, who struggled in

school and was worried for his own and his family’s future, football was an important part of

life. During the time of the field worked he played in the club Enköpings Idrotts Sällskap (EIS)9

together with some of the other participants in the study. When asked if playing football had

helped him during his trying time in Sweden Osman explained; “[t]he football. Football yes,

I’m interested in football. Even if things are as they are I want to go there [to football practise],

I don’t want to miss it. If it is stamina [training] or playing, I never want to miss it”. That Osman

never wants to miss the practises indicates that football is indeed an important feature in his

life. When elaborating on his feelings towards and experiences of the sport he explained that

on the football pitch he could be himself and that he had changed position from being a striker

when he played in Somalia to being a full back in Sweden. That Osman felt that he could be

himself on the pitch and linking the discussion back to Somalia indicates that he, like Taahir,

constructed a link to his past through football. By linking his experience on the pitch back to

9 In english Enköpings Sports Association



50

the time in the past, Osman reconstructed a familiar space where he felt safe and secure enough

to be himself (Sheffer 2003: 133). That Osman felt secure in his role as a footballer is strengthen

by his answer to the question if he felt that he had control over his life; “[n]o, first I need to

understand everything in Swedish. But yes, when I play football and such. But it can be tuff in

school and such […]”(Appendix A: 72). The quote suggests that the football pitch is the only

place Osman feels secure enough to take control of his surroundings. Following Krovwel et al

(2006: 169), this can partly be explained by sports potential to build confidence and self- esteem

based on individual performance. By preforming on the pitch Osman becomes more confident

in his role, allowing himself to step forward and showing his skills, thus gaining a sense of

control over the situation. And partly by, drawing on Sheffer (2003: 133) and Mazumdar et al

(2009a: 310), the link between football and the past. The pitch is an environment that is familiar

to Osman, a place he identifies with. On the pitch he knows where he is, he knows what to do

and how to act. There is no big differences between football in Somalia and football in Sweden,

it is the same rules, the same numbers of players, the same positions, the same patterns of

behaviour. Everything is familiar, thus creating a sense of belonging and security. As such,

football becomes a way for Osman to reconstruct and reproduce himself in Swedish society,

here he will not be judge by his lacking language skills, nor on his ability to fulfil his duties and

responsibilities towards the family. On the pitch it is Osman’s footballing skills that is the first

priority, it is his physical performance that will determine his position in the hierarchy in the

club. By preforming he can reconstruct and renegotiate himself in relation to mainstream

society and gaining a better social position from where he can counter social pressure by

asserting himself as a good footballer. Thus, proving to his teammates that he is more than just

a Somali, more than the ‘other’, he is a capable skill full individual, equal to his teammates.

Moreover, the fact that Osman is playing in a multi- ethnic team provides him with an

alternative arena to pursue his desire to better his Swedish language skills (Spaanij 2015: 312,

313; 2011: 1520). In Osman’s words; “[...] [b]ut when we play in the team we speak Swedish.

With our friends there” (Appendix A: 72). In order to make himself understood to his Swedish

teammates Osman has to speak Swedish, thus he has no choice but to use the language despite

his insecurity over his own capacity to do so. As such, to Osman football becomes an arena

where he can renegotiate and reassert himself in a better position for the future. By preforming

on the pitch and contributing to the team Osman reconstructs himself as a part of the club

collective, he is one of them. Here he knows what to do and when to do so, he knows his place.

This familiarity is granting him comfort and security, here, in the football club, he can be

himself in an otherwise strange and new social setting. As such, the football pitch constitutes a



51

space of stability in Osman’s life, a space in which he can reassess and reconstruct his position

to find alternative routes to realise his plans to master the Swedish language to a degree that is

satisfactory to him (Vigh 2009: 420).

Of the seven participants in this study Bilal was the one how took his football most serious,

playing at a semi- professional level in the club Enköpings Sport Klubb (ESK).10 Bilal

explained that football had been a part of his life ever since he was a child living in Kenya and

how he had picked it up almost straight away when he and his family arrived in Sweden; “[…]

[a]nd than I started playing football there [in fourth grade], yes, it was there. I used to play in

Kenya as well, and it went well […]”(Appendix A: 48). This indicates that to Bilal, similar to

other participants, football constituted a physical link to his past, to a familiar place with

familiar social code that he knew (Sheffer 2003: 133, 134) Thus, maintaining social continuity

between life in Kenya and life in Sweden, in the sense that the act of playing football is the

same in the two social settings of which he moved between. That football was indeed an

important part of Bilal’s life and a driving force became apparent when he talked about his time

in school in Enköping. He explained that in fifth grade he had enrolled in a so called football

class11 at his primary school and that he has stayed in the class until he graduated and started

high school. Through the football class he got in contact with the football club ESK and was

enrolled in their C- squad team. He had stayed in the club and advanced through the ranks and

was now playing with the A- squad with which he practised with four times a week. When

asked who, beside his Muslim friends as seen above, he spent time with Bilal explained; “Eh,

some in the team [ESK], we eat together sometimes and stuff. After practise sometimes, like

on Thursdays, that’s way it’s a long practise. We usually stay there and they come with food

and we eat together and stuff. And I spend time with others that are Muslims, well the Muslims

friends I have and they don’t play in the same team as me” (Appendix A: 53). That Bilal

separates the two groups of friends indicates that the multi- ethnic team work, as suggested by

Spaanij (2015: 312, 313; 2011: 1520), as a contact and meeting space for groups or individuals

that would otherwise have little or no contact with each other. That Bilal has stayed in the same

club for practically his whole life in Sweden indicates that he feels a connection to the team and

his teammates. Whilst connected with his Muslim friends on other grounds, the similarity and

10 Enköpings Sport Klubb (ESK) (in English Enköpings Sports Club), is a semi- professional club that play in the

fourth division of the Swedish national league system. They are the only football club in Enköping who has gained

any real success with a couple of year’s presence in the second and first division of the national football league. 11 What is meant by a football class here is that it is a regular school class with an official focus on football. The

regular curriculum is followed but several football practises and classes with a focus on football is incorporated in

the curriculum.



52

common interest point which he and his teammates unite around is the sport itself and club

identity. By facilitating opportunities for the players to spend time together outside or after

practise, like eating together, the club fosters and constructs a common identity which connects

the teammates. Thus, binding the group together in a similar way as that of a religious or

diaspora organisation (Sheffer 2013: 133; Spannij 2011; 1520). Through this common identity

and interest Bilal has constructed the team, or the club, as a secure and comfortable social space

where he can freely and comfortably interact with people sharing the same identity, regardless

of religious or ethnic affiliations. Moreover, Bilal’s interest in football and his long-term

engagement in organised sports could be seen as, following Spannij (2015: 312: 313), a way to

reconstruct and reposition himself in Swedish society by preforming on the pitch. Through his

advancement through the ranks from the C- squad to the A- squad, Bilal has asserted himself

as a good footballer. Creating a spatial social space where he is not only successful, but also

needed. On the pitch, with his teammates, Bilal is not the ‘other’, not the Muslim or the Somali,

he is a part of the collective, he belongs. Moreover, he do not only belong in the club, he is

important to the club, he is a member of the A- squad, making him not only important but also

successful in his trade. Thus, playing football provides Bilal a social space in which he can

reconstruct and assert himself as a winner, one of the best in the club, a man with control over

his situation and his surroundings. A such this spatial space of control grants Bilal an arena

where he can pursue his dream of becoming a ‘real’ man, a man that can handle himself and

has control, by performing as a footballer. Thus, enabling him a better positon from which he

can assess his situation and reposition himself in society.

As we have seen, football play an important part of everyday life for the participants in this

study. It becomes a space in which they are able to reconstruct and reassert themselves in order

to create spatial spaces of social control in which they can gain a better position to assess and

reassess their position and opportunities to handle problems and challenges in life. In Taahir’s

case, football has granted him an arena in which he can recreate, at least partly, the social

position he once held in Somali society. By actively working with local Somali youth and co-

founding the football club Somaliska Enköping, Taahir has reconstructed and repositioned

himself as a community leader, a position he also held in Somalia. In Taahir’s Swedish setting

being a youth leader was to be someone who is not only important for the youth but also for the

community as a whole since the football club also work on a national level to maintain and

foster contact with other Somali communities in Sweden. As such, asserting himself as a

community leader can be seen as an alternative route to realising the social position that would



53

have been granted to him if he was able to pursue his higher studies or continuing to practise

the profession he holds a university degree in. In Osman’s case football became an arena where

he is comfortable enough to be himself. By constructing a link to the past, to the familiar and

safe, Osman reconstructed the football pitch as a safe and stable spatial social space, enabling

him to take control over his life. To him the pitch is not only a space to reassert himself as

someone who is capable and important to the team, someone who belongs there and is a part of

the collective, thus countering the social pressure constructing him as the ‘other’. It is also an

alternative way of learning the language. To be able to communicate with his team mates he

has to speak Swedish, no matter how lacking it is or how insecure he is about it. As such,

playing football becomes a way of meeting and renegotiating his position in relation to the

integration discourse. He may struggle in school, but there on the pitch, he knows what to do,

when to do it, granting him the confidence and security to use his limited Swedish skills to

dictate the game and contribute to his team. Thus, showing to himself and his teammates, and

in the extension the whole society, that he is capable of not only learning the language but also

of using it. To Bilal, the young man dreaming of an independent life, the football pitch held

another meaning. As in the other two cases, football constituted a link to Bilal’s past as a Somali

refugee growing up in Kenya. Through this link to the past Bilal reconstructed the football pitch

as a familiar and safe space from the very start of his new life in Sweden. On the pitch he, just

as Osman, knew who he was and what he was doing. To Bilal football had become more than

just a game or a pastime, it was his driving force in life. His long- term engagement in the club

ESK had not only made him a part of the collective, sharing the same identity as the others in

the team, thus becoming one of the group, allowing him to counter the stereotypes constructing

and portraying him in a negative manner due to his ethnicity. It had also granted him an

opportunity to assert himself in society as a good footballer by climbing the ranks to reach the

A- squad, being one of the best, earning the respect from his teammates. Thus, proving to his

surroundings that he indeed has what it takes to be a ‘real’ man, an independent man, regardless

of socioeconomic status or ethnic and religious affiliations. As such, to Bilal football became

a way to, at least partly, realise his dreams of being independent, of being in control of his own

life and the social forces around him. There on the pitch, his unsatisfactory low paying job did

not matter, the demands and the pressure from society was irrelevant, there on the pitch he was

in charge. Thus, recreating the football pitch as a spatial space of control allowed Bilal to take

charge of his life, reasserting and reproducing himself as an independent man in control of his

situation.



54

6.0 Conclusion

The aim of this thesis has been to explore and analyse how young Somali men navigate their

social surroundings in the town of Enköping, Sweden. In order to answer the research question

the data analysis was structured around two operational sub- question; what social coping

strategies do they use and why do they use these strategies. The first of these two operational

sub- questions aims at understanding how the participants deal with and handle problems and

challenges in everyday life, whilst the second aims at exploring and explaining why they use

these strategies. Taken together these two questions have the potential to answer how the

participants in this study handle challenges and problems in their everyday life and why they

chose to do so, thus giving us an idea of how they navigate their social surroundings.

However, before we go on discussing the results of the thesis it is important to note that this

thesis is based on qualitative data. As such it is the participants’ subjective experiences of social

navigation that is accounted for here. Thus, these results cannot be seen to either reflect or

represent the larger Somali diaspora in Enköping or Sweden and cannot be used to draw general

conclusions regarding the Somali- Swedish community as a whole. However, they do give us

an indication of how young Somali men perceive, interpret and navigate the social environment

they move in. These findings should rather be seen as a contribution to a larger knowledgebase

on young Somali men’s social navigation in the town of Enköping and Sweden as a whole.

In order to gain an understanding of the social environment the participants in this study moved

in, the first part of the analysis was concerned with the challenges and problems they encounter

on a daily basis. All seven of the participants explained that they had problems related to their

economic situation or to language skills and in some cases many of their problems were related

to both. Based on this, language and work was identified as the two main concerns affecting

the participants on a daily basis. In regards to employment and work the participants raised a

wide range of concerns. Whilst some experienced stress and feelings of inadequacy due to not

being able to keeping up with their friends in terms of material thing and social happenings.

Others were concerned as being out of work prevented them from fulfilling the Somali male

ideal of being a provider, thus hindering them becoming ‘real men’ and ‘making it’ in life. Of

the two participants that did hold an employment at the time, it was a matter of economic

necessity, even if it did mean a loss of social position and being unsatisfied at work. To other

participants’ challenges related to lacking language skills, was more prominent than economic



55

problems, at least for the time being. Several of the participants explained that they struggled

with their language training and that they had a hard time keeping up in school. The most

remarkable finding in regard to language skills was that although six of the seven interviews

were held in Swedish, ranging between 40 minutes and an hour and a half, four of the

participants perceived their language skills to be so poor that they viewed it as a hinder to

establish themselves in Sweden. Lacking language skills, or perceived lacking language, caused

several of the participants a great deal of worries, ranging from worries over their future in

terms of gaining employment, feeling inadequate over not being able to express oneself to being

perceived as a hinder to socialise and establish relationships outside the Somali community.

What is interesting here is that the two areas the participants lifted as their main concerns,

namely work and language skills, corresponds with the official Swedish integration discourse.

This indicates, as Vigh suggests, that the participants’ interpretation and perception of their

position and possibilities within the social environments in which they move, is shaped by the

social pressure constituted by the integration discourse, which construct language skills and

labour market participation as the two most important tools for integrating in Swedish society.

Moreover, these findings also indicate that, drawing on Carlsson’s research on the Somali-

Swedish diaspora, the situation for Somalis living in Enköping is characterised by the same

uncertainty, deriving from high unemployment and low educational results, as that of Somalis

residing in other town and cities in Sweden. However, the fact that a majority of the participants

were unemployed during the time of the study can also be explained by their young age and

that several of them were still enrolled in different language training programmes.

Having gained an understanding of the social environment the participants move in, as well as

the problems and challenges they face we now move on to the how and why of coping. To

explore this, the second section of the data analysis has been concerned with social coping

strategies and place making in everyday life. Analysing the social strategies used by the

participants to cope with their current situation, has allowed me to gain an understanding of

how these young men assess and renegotiate their social position in order to affect their lives in

a positive direction. Three main strategies was identified in the dataset; participation in ethnic

diaspora associations, organised religion and football clubs. These findings suggests that to the

participants in this study, coping with social instability was, at least to some extent, a matter of

being a part of a collective which they identified with and felt connected to. Organising

themselves with others with whom they shared common points of interest and similarities

allowed the participants to construct social spaces in which they could reconstruct and



56

reproduce a common identity with others, thus constructing a sense belonging. These feelings

of belonging in turn granted the participants a sense of security and comfort within the own

group as the in- group boundaries and shared identity allowed them to construct and reproduce

a clear image of who they were and who they were not. Thus, allowing them to position and

reassert themselves in society in relation to both the own group and to others. Moreover, the

three forms of coping strategies also had in common that they constituted a social space which

allowed the participants to, in a sense, re-enact and recreate their past. Engaging in activities

and spaces that was familiar and known to the participants allowed them to recreate and

reproduce patterns of behaviour, customs and values from their past in their new setting.

Allowing them to construct a link to their past, to a place and time that was familiar and in

which they felt safe and secure. Thus, maintaining a sense of social continuity and as such

minimising the social disruption generated by migration. Engaging and participating in ethnic

organisations, organised religion and football clubs was important to the participants as it

granted them a spatial social space that was familiar to them, thus granting them feelings of

safety and security. Moreover, and more importantly, these pockets or spatial social spaces of

familiarity and security granted the participants a space of social stability in an otherwise

uncertain and insecure social environment. As such, knowing who they were, where they

belonged and how to act in these spatial social spaces granted the participants the social stability

needed to take control over their situation and their social environment. Furthermore, these

spatial social spaces of stability and control enabled the participants to reconstruct and reassert

themselves in their social environment in order to create a better social positon from which they

could not only reassess their opportunities and possible ways forward towards their future plans,

but also to find alternative routes to reach their social and material goals.

To conclude, these findings suggests that to refugees, and indeed other migrant groups, residing

within the system in a well- functioning welfare state like Sweden, social navigation is very

different from that of people residing in a war torn society or living outside the system, such as

so called illegal immigrants. Whilst social navigation becomes a matter of day-to-day survival

for people living in highly unstable situations with a rapidly changing social environment, to

the participants in this study, who live in a society with a relatively stable social environment,

it is a much less dramatic experience. To the participants in this study, social navigation seems

to be a matter of constructing spatial spaces of stability, rather than a question of survival. These

spatial spaces of stability grants the participants an arena in which they can take control over

their social environment and the social forces affecting them. Thus, granting them a better



57

position from which they are able to assess and reassess their position in society, allowing them

to counter and adjust to the social pressure as well as to plan, adjust existing plans and identify

alternative routes for future movement towards their social and material goals.



58

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