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Manufacturing unison:Muslims, Hindus and Indiansduring the India‐PakistanmatchJishnu Dasgupta aa M.Phil student at the Department of History ,University of CalcuttaPublished online: 01 Jul 2009.

To cite this article: Jishnu Dasgupta (2004) Manufacturing unison: Muslims,Hindus and Indians during the India‐Pakistan match, The International Journal ofthe History of Sport, 21:3-4, 573-584, DOI: 10.1080/09523360409510556

To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09523360409510556

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Cementing Ties:Sport in South Asian Diplomacy

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Manufacturing Unison:Muslims, Hindus and Indians during the

India-Pakistan Match

JISHNU DASGUPTA

In 2003, as the World Cup unfolded, passions in India ran higher thanever before. The motorbike processions, streets and parks decoratedwith festoons and banners, gates adorned with posters bearingphotographs of cricketers, homes draped in the tricolor - all thesewere signs of an unprecedented interest in the Indian team's fortunes.Amidst all this, the media and the sponsors were not the only onesdelighted. The nationalist, too, had great cause for joy. Cricket hadfinally achieved, for the nation, that level of unity that (s)he had dreamtfor so long. Even more so since the Indian version of the 'Tebbit test'1

had finally been cracked. There were no reports of displays of supportfor Pakistan during the tension-prone India-Pakistan match. This greatbarrier to 'national integration' had finally been overcome. But, I wouldargue in the following pages, this hope is more illusory than real. Ratherthan a genuine increase in nationalist fervour that has been apparentlywitnessed, it represents other more tangible and pressing concerns forthe social scientist.

The ICC World Cup 2003 was the most controversial chapter in thehistory of the tournament. Never before had the staging of thetournament itself been thrown into doubt. The influence of conditionsprevailing in Zimbabwe and Kenya, organizers of the tournamentalongside South Africa, on the cup was unprecedented. All this mayhave seemed a touch ironical to the organizers of the event. After all,they had made the game more responsive to nationalism. This was thefirst World Cup where national anthems were played before matches.Even the tournament itself was built up to showcase the new compositenation that South Africa is supposed to be. That, of course, was flooredonce the South Africans made their early exit from the championship.In Zimbabwe, it served to throw up the internal dissension against theThe International Journal of the History of Sport, Vol.21, Nos.3/4, June-Sept. 2004, pp.575-584ISSN 0952-3367 print/1743-9035 onlineDOI: 10.1080/0952336042000223171 © 2004 Taylor & Francis Ltd.

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576 Sport in South Asian Society

Mugabe regime, not to speak of the 'international' effect of England'srefusal to play in that country. What made this refusal morecontroversial was the lack of unanimity among the cricket playingnations, as had been the case in the apartheid years.

India seems to be the bright spot for sports nationalists. Here crickethas played the unifier's role to perfection. The nation seemed to cometogether to cheer Ganguly and his boys during the amazing turnaroundthat started after the first loss to Australia in the pool stages. Thepoliticians have long lost the status of heroes and the no-longer-whispered allegations of underworld links have put paid to at least someof the status that Bollywood used to enjoy. In a national life increasinglybereft of heroes, cricketers remain as the only surviving idols for thenation to worship.

This time around, even the lone roadblock on this path seems to havebeen removed. Leaders of the Hindu Right have long called Muslimsanti-national on the grounds that they support Pakistan in cricketmatches.2 But this time around, the opposite was noticeable. Forinstance, students of Madrase-e-Fazeelath-e-Quran, a coeducationalmadrasa of Bangalore's Hidayath Nagar, took leave on the day of thematch. On the eve of the game, Muhammad Tufail, a student of themadrasa, declared: 'If India wins, I will distribute sweets to all myfriends'.3 In Kolkata, as Kashshaf Ghani, a resident of Park Circus, aMuslim-dominated locality of the city, pointed out, processions of bikesand other vehicles were organized by local clubs before the match andeven during the lunch break. 'Some of these clubs', he said, 'had earliersupported Pakistan. But now all of them support India'.4 In Mumbaiitself, the heart of Shiv Sena power, on the eve of the Indo-Pakistanmatch, the Muslim Council of India had special prayers for India inAzad Maidan. In what is sometimes referred to as mini-Pakistan, thesouth Mumbai area around Mohammad AH Road, Muslim kids saw thematch on giant screens (specifically set up for the derby) with tricolourspainted on their faces. Many houses also sported the Indian flag. Arestaurant in Bhendi Bazaar even served zfirni embossed in the coloursof the flag.5

It seems commonsensical that all these would be examples of agrowing feeling of national identity among the minority community.This takes place at a time when they are increasingly threatened withthe growing communal polarization of the country. The match, after all,took place a year, almost to the day, since the Godhra incident, which

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sparked off some of the worst riots in the history of independent India.It is perhaps only to be expected that such nationalist sentiment wouldbe articulated in the arena of cricket, often referred to as the country'ssecular religion. It is no wonder that politicians of all hue scramble forcontrol of the sport in various parts of the country. And during theWorld Cup attempts were made to showcase the team's achievements asexamples of national valour. On 2 March, a day after the match, theFinance Minister, Jaswant Singh, announced: 'I congratulate the Indianteam for exemplary performance against Pakistan yesterday. The prizemoney given to the players, individually or as a team, will be exemptfrom income tax'.6 Contrast this with the financial treatment meted outby the Pakistani board to their cricketers (they were docked 50 per centof their earnings in the World Cup7), and it would be easy to gauge theimportance of this match. A Gujarati daily, with computer-generatedpictures of the 22 players in military uniforms, holding guns, reflectedthe dominant mood about the contest.8

In the sitzkrieg that the Indo-Pakistan conflict has become, there canbe no quick victories. The Kashmir problem remains as impossible tosolve as ever. As such one-day cricket provides a quick, albeittemporary, resolution to this face-off where there are no victors in reallife. And while at war, no nation-state can brook rivals within. Thistrend, I would argue has been on the rise. During the Bangladesh War(1971), the Indian and Pakistani cricketers could even organize mockfights while touring Australia for the Rest of the World side.9 SanjayManjrekar, who played for India at a much later date (1987-96), andhad an excellent record against Pakistan, found that the cricketers didnot quite share the fan's perception of extra pressure during an India-Pakistan conflict. ° This is in sharp contrast to the view that SachinTendulkar, the star of the current Indian side, has expressed about thismatch. After accepting the Man of the Match award, Tendulkar said:'This has always been a special game for us and nothing means more tous than this'.11 Even the younger cricketers and the reserves wereexcited enough to get involved in obscenities, which even became a partof the celebrations.12

The identification of Pakistan as the archenemy is obvious. And thisgoes with another commonly shared identification, that of the IndianMuslims with Pakistanis. These identifications are etched even morestrongly during periods of confrontation, be it on the cricket field oractual battlefields. During the Kargil conflict, the Sangh sought to

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equate Indian Muslims with Pakistanis.13 It is, in any case, very difficultto understand how the same family can mourn the loss of a relativewhen the Indian navy sunk the Pakistani submarine Ghazi during theBangladesh War and yet have their 'hearts burst with pride and joy overthe Indian victory'.14

Cricket is no different. Here also the loyalties have to be asunequivocally articulated. And these proclamations, as has already beennoted, have been forthcoming. But there remains a note of discordanceto be dealt with. Not all this can, in my view, be attributed to aspontaneous outburst of nationalism. Rather, it comes from a deep senseof insecurity that plagues the community. This is perhaps responsiblefor the appearance of a change of attitude. Immediately after 9/11,Muslims felt unable to openly express the admiration that some of themfelt for Bin Laden or the Taliban.15 Except for a stray comment by theImam of Delhi's Jama Masjid ('Taliban, Taliban, teri jurrat ko hamarasalaam' {Taliban, we salute your courage)16 and a few stray prayermeetings, there were no large-scale protests among the Muslims ofIndia, as there were in other countries with large Muslim populations.This can be attributed to a fear of being dubbed anti-national if theyvoiced their criticism. As Irfan Habib puts it, 'A Hindu can criticize theUS but if a Muslim does so, he is vulnerable to attack'.17 One can hardlycall that unreasonable. At about the same time Praveen Togadia put itquite plainly: 'All Muslims are with the Jehadis'.

The situation worsened after the Gujarat genocide. Even from withinthe Muslim community, it was said that there was a need to reformtheir tendency of showing an affinity for terrorism. They have foundthis to be in sharp contrast with the tradition and tenets of Islam.19 Thecommunity has articulated the need to present itself as true nationalists,to 'give up their separatist attitude and become an integral part of themainstream' and through 'their wholehearted collaboration with theHindus enrich composite nationalism'. °

The arena of cricket has not been any different. Here too, much thesame trends have been on show - a desire to articulate sentiments thatare acceptable. Thus Iqbal Hussain, the owner of a video store inBangalore, says: 'There are some foolish people who might burstcrackers or hoist a flag. But I assure you that nothing would make mostof India's Muslims happier than a convincing win against Pakistan.'21

And in a madrasa, not the one already mentioned but the Shah ValleUllah Madrasa, a refuge to poor Muslim children from Karnataka and

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beyond, there are whispers of a different sentiment. A 13-year-oldstudent of the seminary says, but only in a whisper: 'Inshallah, Pakistanhi jeetega is baar' ('God willing, Pakistan will win this time').22 InKolkata, Kasshaf Ghani debunks suggestions of the show of support tobe indicative of a growing feeling of nationalism as a dikharva (a show orpretence). He mentions a suggestion mooted by the local police stationbut ultimately rejected, of clamping down on those who supportPakistan. That such a suggestion was made shows two things: a veryreal possibility of people supporting Pakistan and the attitude of theauthorities towards such an event. Ghani firmly asserts that thisexpression of support for the Indian cricket team basically springs froma feeling of insecurity among the Muslims. They, he argues, no longerfeel safe articulating views that are at variance with those 'expected' ofthem.23

The above is well in line with what has already been mentioned aboutthe felt inability to give vent to their feelings on issues like thoseconcerning US aggression. This is expressed poignantly in thequestions the Muslims ask about the aspersions cast on theirnationalism. For instance, Ibrahim Tai, the president of the MuslimCouncil of India, asserts: 'We want to tell those who call us gaddars(traitors) that we're not Pakistan supporters'.24 Iqbal Hussain, thevideo-store owner asks: 'We chose to stay in India after Partition. Isn'tthat proof enough of our patriotism? Why do we need to be questionedagain and again?'25 Similarly, Ali Hasnain, a young lawyer from Delhiasks: 'Why do we have to prove our nationalism again and again whenso many Muslims have done so much for India?'26 This insecurity isseen even more clearly in the clinging to Zaheer Khan and MohammadKaif as examples of the community's nationalist credentials. Hasnainsays: 'They keep saying Muslims are Pakistanis. When Zaheer and Kaifdo well and win a match for India, they reaffirm our place in thecountry. Especially after Gujarat, the rise of these two is the only goodnews for the community'.27 The significance of the fact that in thenational championship Zaheer plays for Vadodara, one of the worstaffected areas in the post-Godhra riots, is, according to Saba NaqviBhaumik and Priyanka Kakodkar, not lost on the community, and infact enhances the importance of the fast bowler in their minds. ThusNaved Khan, a graphic artist, says: 'No one sees anything wrong inBengalis cheering Saurav. So what's wrong if Gujarat Muslims wantZaheer to win a match for India?'28

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This is not too old a phenomenon. Cricketers of old such as SalimDurrani, Abid Ali, Mansur Ali Khan or S.M.H. Kirmani did not haveto carry this double burden of country and community. As Bhaumikand Kakodkar argue, Mohammad Azharuddin was the first to face thechanged situation. His exploits often silenced those who saw Muslimsas traitors. Thus even a Bal Thackeray had to declare that his Shiv Senawas 'not against patriotic Muslims like Azharuddin'.29 Azhar wascaptain through much of the perennially troubled decade of the 1990s.As such, he faced many peculiar problems and also symbolized one forthe Hindu Right - the good Muslim/bad Muslim paradox.30 But hisindictment and ban for being involved in corrupt cricketing practiceshas been a boost for those very forces. Indeed, his 'fall' came as ajustification for their calling Muslims traitors.31

In this context, the rise of the two young cricketers has come as a boostfor the community's image as 'nationalists'.32 But it also represents awindow of opportunity and possible achievement for the Muslims. TheMuslim sense of insecurity springs from a perceived backwardness, ineducation and employment, for the community.33 Here too, the Kaifsand Zaheers come as succour. As Nandy puts it, 'For Muslim youth, thepresence of Zaheer and Kaif represents an area that's open to them. Ifthese two can make it, so can they'.34 Not only does the 'making it' hereimply a career, but also making it to conventional notions of beingcitizens - citizens with a full share of the nation.

But it is not only the minority community that is going through suchtravails. Sections of what is called the majority community are, I wouldargue, going through a similar process. Dhananjai Joshi, a student ofhistory at the Delhi University, notes the fear he felt when faced by ahysterical mob of Hindus shouting a mixture of aggressive nationalistand communal slogans. There, lBharat mata kijai' ('Victory to motherIndia') went perfectly with 'Million ko maar do' ('Death to theMuslims').35 In this atmosphere, which he characterizes as 'claustro-phobic', the liberal Joshi felt threatened. Joshi writes that he felt scaredto confront his landlord when the latter asserted that Muslims made ashow of happiness at India's victory. As the mood of the 'mob' moved upthe anger ladder, his threat perception increased. He felt 'ashamed' ofthe 'sense of security' he had, but soon, even that feeling disappeared.He writes: 'My "Brahman" surname was no more a social security'.

A second account comes from Ravi Rajan.36 He writes of thereactions of his 'progressive' friends. One of them, 'whose intellect and

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judgment I have long admired', stated that she would root for Pakistan.This view, he says, 'grew out of a deep felt angst... about a particularlyugly manifestation of Indian nationalism'. But this sort of a reaction, hefeels, will only serve to 'marginalize the liberal voice further'. To Rajan,it is bad strategy 'for the few with the ability to be vocal and heard, toput forth a message so out of tune with the raw and naked emotions onthe ground'. Another trend Rajan found even more disturbing. Thiswas the sarcasm attached to anyone 'failing to toe the party line'. Thishe characterized as 'a palpable anti-intellectualism, juxtaposed with . . .self-righteousness'.

This is the crisis that the self proclaimed 'liberal' or 'progressive' hasto face. He fears 'marginalization' and the failure to reach what he seesas his historic role. 7 But the fear is also acutely physical, as Joshidemonstrates. The force Rajan talks of, then, can be more than simplythat of numbers in a democracy. The 'raw and naked' emotions,running amok, cannot be fathomed by these intellectuals. And theirvision is coloured by this image of popular violence. There, the fear ofthe 'Muslim' merges with the fear of the 'liberal Hindu'. Thus a boy ofsix or seven shouting lOye, Katue haar gayeV ('Oye, the circumcised[used as a derogatory term for the Muslims] have lost'] reminds Joshi ofwhat he 'had seen one year ago in Gujarat'. It is no wonder that hisfriend Ditee, who was with him at the time, felt 'as if the mob wasphysically attacking us'. The close proximity to the anniversary ofGujarat perhaps only served to heighten that feeling of insecurity.

This is the crisis of the 'minorities' nation state. It cannot tolerate anybreak with the dominant voice. Everyone must conform to a dominantidea. And the marginalized sections have to stake their claim to thenation in terms defined by that idea. Voices of dissent, from thereligious minority that the Muslims are, have to be silenced by thecommunity itself, out of what they see as concern for their safety.39 Orat least the voice has to be kept low enough to avoid being heard.40 Ifthe community is seen to be in unison, then it is not because othervoices are not there. Rather, it is due to a marginalization of thosevoices. Matters are further complicated by the failure of opportunitiesfor such articulation. During the celebrations following the India-Pakistan match, there were clashes between Hindus and Muslims in the'communally sensitive' Shahpur area of Ahmedabad, resulting in thedeath of an 18-year-old Muslim youth, Zuber Mohammad Ismail.The clashes occurred when the Hindus tried to stop the Muslims from

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celebrating. But this is not a new phenomenon. Such events occurredeven during the 1996 World Cup when the Hindus also stopped theMuslims from celebrating the Indian victory.

The predicament of the liberal is also similar, though there is, as yet,a huge difference of magnitude in the physical threat. He too, feels that'to stay with them I'd have to become someone else'.42 But 'stay withthem' he has to. For he, like the Muslim, feels the pressure of themajoritarianism of democracy. And with that is combined therealization, disturbing for a group that sees itself as the natural leadersof a democratic polity, of being in a minority.

What we have then is a picture that is, in the words of ZainuddinSardar and Merryl Wynch Davies, of 'the world of the marginalized . . .an invaded, fragmented, destabilized, recreated and modified terri-tory'.43 Their silence and their hushed tones are a measure of theirbeleaguredness and alienation. But this is a necessary creation of nationsand nationalisms. The process of identity formation involves cruciallythis sub-process of alienation and otherization. In its quest forhegemony, the dominant voice can brook no disharmonious note inthe symphony. In the arena of its national religion (as in other arenas ofconflict) perfect unison has to be achieved. And if it is not there, then ithas to be manufactured.

NOTES

1. Tebbit Test derives its name from Lord Tebbit, who had argued that Asians could only beclassed as British if they cheered England during a cricket match and, extending his theory,Britain in every other sport.

2. The reader may refer to any number of speeches made by Bal Thackeray, the Shiv Senasupremo, or other leaders of the Right. Thus Asghar Ali Engineer observes, 'Whenever there'sa match with Pakistan, the city [Mumbai] is on the edge. The blame lies with the Sanghparivar which insists that Muslims here support Pakistan.' For details see Saba NaqviBhaumik and Priyanka Kakodkar, 'Keeping The Faith', Outlook, 31 March 2003, 32-3.

3. Debarshi Dasgupta and Nadeshda Zareen, 'The View from Within', rediff.com news report,28 Feb. 2003.

4. Interview with the author, 11 May 2003.5. Bhaumik and Kakodkar, 'Keeping The Faith'.6. Press Trust of India press release, New Delhi, 2 March 2003.7. Reuters press release, 27 March 2003.8. Cited in Lalita Ramdas, 'The Politics of Cricket: Some Reflections', posted on the South Asian

Citizens Web, 27-8 Feb. 2003.9. Sunil M. Gavaskar, 'Sunny Days', in Sunil Gavaskar Omnibus (Delhi: Rupa and Co., 1999).

10. Sanjay V. Manjrekar, 'Old Enemy', Wisden Asia Cricket, March 2003. In this article Manjrekarstresses the greater difficulty of playing Australia or South Africa while the Pakistan players'temperamentality made them easier opposition.

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11. 'Tendulkar Battles Through Pain', BBC Sport, www.bbc.co.uk, 1 March 2003.1 am grateful toProf. Subhash Chakraborty for drawing my attention to this.

12. See the reports on the match and the celebrations thereafter in Anandabazar Patrika, 2 March2003.

13. Seema Mustafa, 'The Communalisation of Kargil', The Asian Age, 24 July 1999.14. Ibid. The family in question is Mustafa's own.15. For a detailed discussion of this reaction, see Saba Naqvi Bhaumik, 'Pent-up and Silent',

Outlook, 5 Nov. 2001, 40-50.16. Ibid.17. Ibid.18. Ibid.19. See, for instance, the speech made by former Union Cabinet Minister Rafiq Zakaria, 'Whither

Indian Muslims' (Third Hakeem Abdul Hamid Memorial Lecture delivered at JamiaHamdard, New Delhi, 14 Sept. 2002). What such efforts do by talking of a need to reform is,by definition, to acknowledge that such an affinity actually exists. It can be argued, as theprotagonists of such a theory undoubtedly would, that the problem has to be identified inorder for it to be removed. This can be related to what Ashish Nandy, Shikha Trivedy, ShailMayaram and Achyut Yagnik have to say about the propensity towards crime among theminority community. For details see 'Creating A Nationality, The RamjanmabhumiMovement and Fear of the Self, in Ashish Nandy, Exiled At Home (New Delhi: OxfordUniversity Press, 1998).

20. Zakaria, 'Whither Indian Muslims'.21. Dasgupta and Zareen, 'The View from Within'.22. Ibid.23. Interview with author, 15 May 2003.24. Bhaumik and Kakodkar, 'Keeping The Faith'.25. Dasgupta and Zareen, 'The View from Within'.26. Bhaumik and Kakodkar, 'Keeping The Faith'.27. Ibid.28. Ibid.29. Quoted in Ambarish K. Diwanji, 'The Fallen Icon', rediff.com news, 17 Nov. 2000.30. Ramchandra Guha says: 'For the Hindu chauvinists, Azharuddin could be a good Muslim, as

when he scored a century or his team won, and at other times a bad Muslim, as when he failedwith the bat or his team lost, especially if they lost to Pakistan.' Quoted in Bhaumik &Kakodkar, 'Keeping The Faith'.

31. Diwanji, 'The Fallen Icon'.32. The phenomenal rise of Irfan Pathan since December 2003, a devout Muslim, has significantly

helped the cause of the Muslim community. Pathan, a middle class Muslim youth who residesinside the Jama Masjid with his parents, is the new hope for India's Muslim communityconfronted with right wing political bigotry.

33. Zakaria, 'Whither Indian Muslims'. The theme of Muslim backwardness, is, of course, a veryold one in Indian history. This has been discussed in any number of writings from variousstandpoints. The reader may take a look at Francis Robinson, Separatism Among IndianMuslims: The Politics of The United Provinces Muslims 1860-1923 (Oxford: Oxford UniversityPress, 1993) or Rafiuddin Ahmed, The Bengal Muslims 1871-1906: A Quest For Identity (Delhi:Oxford University Press, 1981). As to how the lack of opportunity leads to a greater propensitytowards crime, see Nandy, Exiled At Home.

34. Quoted in Bhaumik and Kakodkar, 'Keeping The Faith'.35. Dhananjai Joshi, 'Hooligans of The Hindu Right Fan The Flames of Hate around India-

Pakistan World Cup Match: An Account from Delhi', posted on the South Asian CitizensWeb, 1 March 2003. The subsequent account is taken from this posting.

36. Ravi Rajan, 'On War, Peace and Cricket: Reflections on the India-Pakistan World CupEncounter', posted on the South Asian Citizens Web, 3 March 2003. The following discussionis taken from his account.

37. Ibid. 'I can't help suspect that this is a future in which self-professed 'progressives' will havebut a side role. In this future, it won't be reason that will drive passion, but the other way

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round. In this future, emotions, raw and naked, and common, ordinary people, will rise inconcert. They will force the masters of reason and rhetoric — the politicians and the spindoctors, not to enslave the masses, but on the contrary, to be enslaved by the people and forthe people'.

38. Ibid.39. Thus, after riots around the match (see later), leaders of the Gujarati Muslim community

advised their co-religionists to keep a low profile. For details see Yahoo news service,www.yahoo.com, 2 March 2003.

40. This phenomenon is not unique to the Indian experience. Even in Dhaka, Hindus celebrateIndian victories over Pakistan in secrecy. Dr Rajat Kanta Ray told me that a Hindu studenthad told him from Dhaka of such celebrations held at the Jagannath Hall. This is kept secretfrom the majority community (Interview with the author, 18 April 2003). Whether thishappens in Pakistan too is a question that remains to be answered.

41. AFP release, Ahmedabad, 2 March 2003.42. Joshi, 'Hooligans of The Hindu Right Fan The Flames of Hate'.43. Quoted in Nandy, Exiled At Home, p.ix.

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