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MAN IN HINDU THOUGHT —A Broad Outline —Author(s): R. N. DandekarSource: Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Vol. 43, No. 1/4 (1962), pp. 1-57Published by: Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute

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Annals

of

the

Bhandarkar

Oriental

Research Institute

VOL.

XLIII

].

1962

[

Pabts I-IV

MAN

IN HINDU

THOUGHT

-

A Broad

Outline

-

By

R. N. Dandekaii

It

has

been

observed

that

the

basic

dogma

of

the

Sophists,

whose role as the

actual

founders

of

Western

thought

must

not

be

underestimated,

is best

represented

in

the

momentous

words

of

Protagoras

(

500

B.

C.

),

namely,

'

Man

is

the

measure

of

all

things

It has been further

observed that

this

dogma

of

theirs

has held

good

in

the

West

ever

since.

If Indian

philoso-

phical

thought

anywhere

differs

ronouncedly

fromWestern

phi-

losophical thought, t is indeed in thisvery respect.For, themost

distinctive

feature

f

the

speculative

wisdom

of

the

Indians

is

its

eissentially

cosmic

character.

According

to

Indian

thinkers,

from the

ultimate

philosophical

point

of

view,

man

cannot

be

regarded

as,

in

any way,

standing

apart

from the

universe,

much

less

as

enjoying

any preponderance

in

it.

Their

specu-

lations

have, therefore,

never

tended to

become

anthropocentric.

They

look

upon

man

just

as

part

and

parcel

of

the

universe

just

as one

of

the

many

forms

n which the

Supreme

Being

is

manifestedn this universe. As the seer of the Brhadãranyaka -

Upanisad

(

I. 3.

22

)

has

put

in

a

very

telling

manner,

(

The

essential

self

or

the

vital essence

in

man,

ãtman

,

)

is

the

same







2

Annals

of

the

Bhandarhar

Oriental

Research

Institute

as

that

in

ant,

same as

that

in

gnat,

the same

as

that

in

elephant,

the same

as

that

in

these three

worlds,

ndeed

the

same

as

that in

the

whole

universe It

will

be

accordingly

seen

that

the

dualism between

man

and

other

'

things

in

the

universe,

which

is

implied

in

the

words

of

Protagoras,

does

not

find

countenance

n

the

early

Indian

thought.

A

proper

understand-

ing

of

this ancient

cosmic

outlook

would serve

as

an

adequate

background

for

correct

estimate

of

the

role

of

man

in

Hinduism.

For, that outlook has deeply influenced the Hindu concepts

regarding

man's

relations

with

himself,

with

god,

and with

the

world.

The

constant

admonition

of

the

Upanisadic

teachers

is:

"

Know

thyself

. The

philosophical implication

of

this

admoni-

tion is

that

the

'

real

man is

something

different

rom he

man

who

moves

about,

acts,

has

various

experiences,

n

short,

'

lives

'

in this

phenomenal

world. In

other

words,

the essential

or

real

self ( ãtman ) is different rom he empirical self ( jïva ). It

further

mplies

that

the true

philosophical knowledge

consists

in

not

confusing

he

one with

the

other.

This is

exactly

the

moral

of

a

very

famous

parable

in

the

Chãndogya-Upanisad

(VIII.

7-12

).

Once

upon

a

time,

the

Upanisad

tells

us,

the

gods

and

the demons

became

anxious

to

learn

the nature

of

the

essential

self

for,

t was

made known

that

whosoever

knew that

self

which

is

freefrom

in,

free

from

ld

age,

freefrom

death

and

grief,

ree

from

hunger

and

thirst,

which

desires

nothing,

and

imagines

nothing would win all the worlds. So gods sent Indra and the

demons

Virocana

as

their

representatives

o

acquire

its

knowledge

from

Prajãpati.

They

both

lived with

Prajãpati

as his

pupils

for

a

period

of

thirty-two

years

this

long

apprenticeship

being

a

necessary precondition

for

the

great spiritual

truth

being

impart-

ed

to them.

But

even

after his

apprenticeship

was

over,

Prajã-

pati

would

not

immediately

ommunicate

to

them

the

final

ruth.

He

wanted

to

test

their

capacity

to understand as also

their

cri-

tical

acumen.

He,

therefore,

irst

old

them that the

essential

self

was nothingdifferent rom the mage that we saw in our eye -

which

means,

n

simpler

anguage,

that

the

essential self

was the

same

as the

embodied self

n

the

condition

of

wakefulness

jãgrat)}







Man in

Hindu

Thought

3

when it was conscious of

external

objects

and

enjoyed

the

gross

things.

Thereupon

Indra and Virocana

became

complacent

in

the

beliefthat

they

had

understood

the

true

nature

of

the

essen-

tial

self.

Virocana

hurried

back

to the

demons

and

proclaimed

that

he had

acquired

the

ultimate

knowledge

which he

had

sought

from

Prajãpati.

At

this

stage,

the

Upanisad

slyly

adds

that

those

who

believe

in

the

identity

of

the

essential

self

with the

bodily

consciousness

have learnt

only

the

gospel

of

the

demons

Indra was, however, too clever and critical to be satisfiedwith

this

gospel.

He

thought

to

himself If

this

body

were

actually

identical

with

the

essential

self,

the characteristics

of

the

self,

which

were

made known

to

him,

namely,

that

it

was free

from

fear,

in,

old

age,

death,

etc.,

would

prove

to be false.

For,

was the

body

not

subjected

to

fear,

old

age,

death,

etc.

?

Indra,

therefore,

concluded

that

there was

no

glory

in

possessing

that

knowledge.

His

thirst for

true

knowledge

was, however,

not

quenched.

So

he

again

went

back

to

Prajãpati.

Prajãpati

asked

him to serve

anotherterm ofapprenticeship for a period ofthirty-twoyears.

At

the end of

that

period,

Prajãpati

told

Indra

that

the essential

self

was

identical

with

the

self

in

the

condition

of

dream

( 8vapna ),

when

the self

was

not affected

by

the limitations

and

characteristicsof

the

body,

and

when,

because

only

the

mind

was

active,

the self

was

conscious

only

of

nternal

objects

and

enjoyed

the subtle

things.

This

teaching

certainlyrepresented

n advance

over

the

earlier

one.

But even so it could not

satisfy

ndra. He

bethought

himself In

the

state

of

dreaming,

he self

might

not

be affected y the limitations and characteristicsofthe body,but

it

was still

influenced

y

the limitations

and characteristics

of

the mind.

For,

did

we

not

feel

as

if

we were

struck

or

chased

in

our

dream

? Did

we

not

experience

pain

and shed tears

?

How

could this

be

reconciled

with the fearless

and

painless

nature

of

the

self

?

So,

undaunted

in

his

spiritual

quest,

Indra went to

Prajãpati

for

the third

time.

Prajãpati

must

have, indeed,

been

satisfied hat

Indra was

a

worthy pupil.

After the

usual

term

of

studentship

of

thirty-two

years,

therefore,

ie led

Indra a

step

furthern the knowledgeofthe self. He told himthat the essen-

tial self

was

identical with the self

n the

condition

of

deep-sleep

(

sufupti

),

when neither

the

body

nor

the

mind

affected

he

self.







4

Annals

of

the

Bhandarkar

Oriental

Research

Institute

and

when it

'

desired

no

desire

and

dreamt

no

dream'.1

This

deep-

sleep

consciousness

is, indeed,

free from

fear and

pain, thought

Indra. But it could

not be

identified

with

the essential

self,

for,

in

deep-sleep,

we

are

actually

conscious of

nothing,

neither

of

ourselves

nor of

external

objects.

There

might

be,

in

that

state,

perfect epose

and

rest,

but this

repose

and

rest

was

just

like the

repose

and rest

of

ogs

of

wood.

Finding

this

great

deficiency

n

the

teaching imparted

by

Prajäpati,

Indra

went

back to him

and

again questioned him about the true nature of the essential self.

Indra

had

thus

proved

himself

worthy

of

receiving

the

highest

wisdom.

So

Prajäpati

asked

him

to

live

a

student's ife

with

him

for a

further

period

this

time

only

of five

years.

On the com-

pletion

of

that

period,

Prajäpati imparted

to

Indra

the

highest

knowledge

about

the self. The essential self must

not be mistaken

for

bodily

consciousness

nor

must it be

confused

with

the

dream-

consciousness.

It

transcends even the

deep-sleep

condition,

though

some

intimations

of

ts nature are available

in that

condi-

tion. The essential self s, indeed,ofthe nature ofpure self-con-

sciousness,

which

is

beyond

all

bodily

and

mental conditions.

Through

this

very

suggestive

analysis

of

human

consciousness,

some

characteristicfeatures

of

the

nature

of

the essential self

are

clearly brought

out. The essential self s

identical neither with

the

body

nor with

the

mind,

and

is,

therefore,

free

from

ll

the

limitations,mutations,

nd

experiences

o

which

the

body

and

the

mind

are

subjected.

It

is eternal

and

immutable

(

sat

).

As a

matteroffact,the distinction between the self on the one hand

and

the

body

and

senses,

mind, ntellect,

and

ego

on

the

other s

quite

fundamental

in

Hindu

thought.

The essential self

must

not

also be

identified

with the

sum-total

of

perceptions

of

the

senses

and

conceptions

of

the

mind,

though

both

perceptions

nd

conceptions

necessarily presuppose

the existence

and

the

direct

awareness

(

sãJcsitva of

the

essential

self.

Similarly

the

essen-

tial

self

never becomes

the

object

of

perception

and

conception.

In

other

words,

therefore,

n

the

ordinary

sense,

the

self

is neither the subject nor the object nor the act - neither the

knower

nor

the

known nor

the

knowing.

In

the

expression

M%ndukya-Up.

.







Man

in Hindu

Thought

5

c

I

know

for

nstance,

the

essential

self s

not

represented y

the

word

ř

I

nor

is it

represented by

the

act

of

knowing.

But,

at

the same

time,

he

T

and the

knowing'

become

mpossible

without

the

essential

self.

It

must

be

further

ointed

out

that

the

essen-

tial

self does not

imply

the

absence

of

consciousness as

in

the

condition

of

deep-sleep.

It is

certainly

conscious,

but

of

nothing

else

but itself

it is

purely

and

exclusively

self-conscious cit

).

Thus

the

essential

self does

exist

it is saí

-

but

not as

any

particular

individual conditioned

by

the imitationsof

body,

mind,

intellect,

nd

ego,

and

is,

therefore,

ot

subject

to

any

mutations.

It

is also

conscious-

cit-

but

not

of

any

particular

object,

exter-

nal

or

internal

nor

is it to

be

identified

with

the

consciousness

in

any particular

state. One

cannot,

therefore,

ealise

the

true

nature

of

the

essential

self

n

any

of

the

three

states

of

conscious-

ness,

namely,

wakefulness

jãgrat

),

dream

(

svapna

),

and

deep-

sleep (

susupti

).

It

is

in

a

state which

transcends

these

three,

that

is

to

say,

in

the fourth

state

( turíyãvasthã ), when body

and

senses,

mind, ntellect,

nd

ego

cease to

function,

when

there

is no

knowledge

of

nternal

objects

nor of

external

ones,

nor

of

the

two

together,

when

the self

s

not a

mass

of

ntelligence

or

knowledge,

transcending

as

it

does

both

consciousness

and

un-

consciousness,

when

it is

invisible,

uncommunicable,

incompre-

hensible,

indefinable

that

the

nature

of

the essential

self as

pure

self-consciousness

becomes

realisable

through

self-

intuition.

Besides being ofthe nature ofpure sat ( existence as such )

and

pure

cit

(

consciousness

as

such

),

the

essential

self

s

describ-

ed

as

being something

more.

There

is

another

nteresting ttempt

in

the

Upanisads

to

analyse

the

human

personality

and

thereby

attain

to the

very

core

or

essence of

ts

nature.

In

this

attempt,

the

seer

of

the

Taittirïya-Upanimd

(

II. 2-5

)

proceeds

from

the

grosser

forms

f the

human

personality

to

its

subbler

forms

it

being

clearly

implied

that the

subtler

the

form

the

more real

it

is.

First

of

all there s

the

physical

body,

which is

said

to

be

made offoodor matter (

annamaya

). But this cannot be the

I

M&Kiükym'

f,

7.







6

Annals

of

the

Bhandarìcar

Oriental

Research

Institute

ultimate

or

real essence

of

the

human

personality.

For,

as

the

Upanisadic

teacher tells

us,

there

is,

within

this

physical

body,

'

another

body

which

is

made

up

of

vital air

(

prãnamaya

)

;

the

former

s

filled

with

the

latter,

which

is also

like unto

the

shape

of

man

More internal

and,

therefore,

ubtler and

more

real

than

the

body

made of

vital

air

is

another

body

made

up

of

mind

( manomaya

).

The

former

s

filled

with

the latter

which is

again

like

unto

the

shape

of

man.

More

internal

still than

the

mental body is another body whichis made of intelligence or

consciousness

(

vijhãnamaya

).

Within

this

body

of

ntelligence

or

consciousness is

the

most

internal

and

central

of

all

bodies,

namely,

the

body

of

bliss

(

ãnandamaya

).

This

last is the

subtlest

and,

therefore,

more

real

than

the

bodies mentioned

earlier. It

is

needless

to add

that

this

description

s not to be

understood

n

the

literal

sense.

It is

not

intended

to

suggest

that

an

individual

actually

possesses

five

bodies,

one

within the

other,

each

being

'

like

unto

the

shape

of

man

( purusavidha

).'

This doctrine,which is known as the doctrine of five sheaths

(

kosas

),

represents

sort

of

symbolic

attempt

to

analyse

the

human

personality

nto its

fivebasic

elements,

namely, physical

body,

vital

breath,mind,

ntellect

or

consciousness,

and

pure

bliss.

It

is

pointed

out

here

that

each

succeeding

element n

the

above

list

is

more

internal

and

subtler,

and,

therefore,

more

real and

essential

than

the

preceding

one.

As

the

result

of

this

analysis,

therefore,

we

arrive

at

the

conclusion

that the

essential

self n

man

transcends

the

physical, vital, mental,

and

intellectual

' forms of the human

personality,

nd must be

identified

with

ts

innermost

nd

subtlest

form,

amely,

the

beatific

form. In

other

words,

man realises

his

essential

self

n

an

ecstatic,

mystic

state,

where the

only

experience

s

that

of

pure

bliss.

The

ultimate

nature

of

the

real or

essential

self

s,

therefore,

pure

existence

(

sat

),

pure

self-consciousness cit

),

and

pure

bliss

(

ãnanda

).

A

reference

may

be

made,

at

this

stage,

to

another

current

of

thought,

through

which

the

nature of

the

essential

self

came to

be further efined. Just as, in his philosophical quest, the Upa-

nisadic

thinker

ooked

'

inward

and

thus

analysed

the

human

personality

with

a

view

to

attaining

the

knowledge

of







Man

in

Hindu

Thought

7

the

ultimate

reality,

he

also looked

'

outward' and

tried

to

analyse

the external

universe with

a

similar

purpose

in

view.

As the

result

of

this latter

analysis

he came

to

the

conclusion

that,

at the

basis

of

this

manifold

nd

gross

phenomenal

world,

which

was

changing

and

fleeting

by

nature,

and

which

was,

in

the

ultimate

analysis,

a

mere bundle

of

names

and

forms nãma

,

rñpa

),

there

lay

but

one

eternal,

immutable,

sentient

reality.1

Thus this

ultimate

cosmic

reality,

or

the

cosmic

self,

which,

t

was frequently mphasised,was one without a second, was also

8at and

cit.

It,

therefore,

naturally

followed

that

the

essential

self

n man

(

ätman

)

and

the

ultimate

cosmic

reality

(

brahman

)

were

one

and the

same.

This

grand

philosophical

doctrine

empha-

sises

the

fact that

neither

the

empirical

self

nor

the

tangible phe-

nomenal

world,

with

which

the

empirical

self

seems to

come

into

contact,

possesses

any

reality

from he

ultimate

point

of

view.

To

recapitulate

The true

philosophical

knowledge

consists

in clearly realising the distinction between the essential self

and the

empirical

self.

This

should

not,

however,

be

misunder-

stood

to

mean

that

an

individual

possesses

two

selves.

The

real

self

s

actually

one,

but,

under

certain

conditions,

it

assumes

an

individuality

characterised

by

a

body-mind-intellect-complex.

The

self

with

an

individuality

is then

mistaken

for

the

real

self.

The

real

self

is

indeed

distinct from

body

and

senses,

mind,

intellect,

etc.

It is

neither

the doer

(

kartã

)

nor

the

experiencer

(

bholctã

,

and

is,

as

a

matter

of

fact,

n no

way

involved

in

the

doings ofthe phenomenal world. It is essentially immutable

and

eternal

not

being governed

by

the

laws

of

time,

space,

and

causality.

It

is

of

the nature

of

sat,

cit

and

ãnanda

,

and

is,

on

that

account,

to be

identified with

the

ultimate

cosmic

reality.

It

is

finally pointed

out that

the

true

nature of

the

essential

self

and

its

identity

with

the

cosmic self can

be

realised

only

in

an

ecstatic,

mystic

state

(

turïyâvasthâ ),

which

transcends

the three

normal

states

of

consciousness.

This

is

the

most

representative

view

in

Hinduism

about

the

nature

of the essential self n man. But

it

is

by

no

means the

1

Ghändogya-Üp.

I.

1-3.







8

Annals

of

the

Bhandarkar

Oriental

Research

Institute

only

view.

There

are,

for

nstance,

some

thinkers,

who

regard

the

self

as,

in a

sense,

finite

nd

atomic.

There

are others

who

believe

that

the

essential

self

n

man

is

identical

with the

cosmic

self

or

the

Supreme

Being only

in

essence

but

not

in form.

There

are

still

others,

who

assert

that

the

essential self

is

distinct

from the

Supreme

Being

both in

form

and

essence.

It

is not

necessary

to

examine

all

these

different

views at

any

length.

It

may,

however,

be

pointed

out

that,

in

spite

of

fundamental differences,most of them

agree

in one

respect,

namely,

n the

assumption

that the real

self s

distinct

from the

body-mind-complex.

According

to the Hindu

view,

as

the

result of

the

operation

of

original

ignorance

or

nescience

avidyã ),

the

essential

self

falls

off from

its

pedestal

of

serene

aloofness and

self-lumini-

scence.

thereby

forgetting,

so to

say,

its

identity

with

the

Supreme

Being

or

the

ultimate

rçality,

and

thus

becomes

involved

in

the

phenomenalworld,

which

also

is,

in a

sense,

a

fictitious

reation

of

avidyã

.

It

may

be

added,

in

this

connection,

that

the

question

as

to

how

and

why

the

original

ignorance

(

avidyã

)

becomes

operative

is,

by

its

very

nature,

philosophical-

ly

inadmissible.

For,

philosophical

thinking

-

or,

for

the

matter

of

that,

any

thinking

can,

strictly

speaking,

relate

only

to

the

conditions

consequent upon

the

operation

of

avidyã

.

When,

before

the

operation

of

avidyã

,

there

existed

only

one

ultimate

reality,

who

could

have

been

the

thinker and

what

could

have been thought?

1

Startingon the basis ofthe philosophically

necessary

assumption

of

the

operation

of

avidyã

,

we

can

say

that,

under

the

influence

f

avidyã,

the

essentia]

self

(

ãtman

)

becomes

conditioned

by

the

limitations of

individuality.

Some

aspects

of

the nature

of

the

individual

or

the

empirical

self

(

jïva

)

will have

already

become

evident

in

the

discussion

regarding

the nature

of

the

essential

self.

The

most

distinctive

characteristic

of

an

individual

is

his

assumption

of

the

body.

In Hindu

thought,

the

term

body

(

deha

or

sarïra

)

is

under-

stood in a very comprehensive sense and is made to denoteall

kinds

of

imitations

that are

produced

by

avidyã.

The

empirical

1

Brhadãranyaka-Up.~

V. 5. 15.







Man

in Hindu

Thought

9

self

or

the

individual

is,

therefore also

called

embodied

self

(

éarïra

ãtmã

).

The

body

to

which the

essential self

is

supposed

to

be

attached,

as

the result

of

the

operation

of

avidyã,

is,

according

to

the most

representative

Hindu

view,

of

three

kinds.

There

is

first

of all

the

gross

physical

body

(

sthüla

éarïra

),

which,

in

view

of

the fact that it is

nourished

by

food,

is

described

as the

annamaya

kosa

referred to

above.

It is

regarded as having been produced out of the five elements

( p

anca bhütas

,

namely,

earth

(

prtlivï

),

water

( ãp ),

light

( tejas

),

wind

( vãyu

),

and

ether

ãkãsa

),

and

serves

as

the

abode

of

all

the

experiences relating

to

the

external

world

(

bhogãyatana

).

It

also

serves

as

the

basis of

the

consciousness

in the state

of

wakefulness.

At the death

of

an

individual

only

the

physical

body perishes,

that

is

to

say,

it

dissolves

into

the

five

elements

out

of which it is

produced.

It

is,

indeed,

necessary

to

emphasise

this

point, namely, that, according

to

the

Hindu

view,

death

can affect

nly

the

physical

body

and

nothing

else.

There

is then

the second

body,

which

is

known

as

the

subtle

body (

süksma

sarïra

),

because

it

is

constituted

of

elements far

subtler

than the

five

elements

panca

bhütas

which

produce

the

sthûla

sarïra

.

These

subtle constituents

of

the

süksma

éarïra

are seventeen

in

number

five

prãnas

or

vital

breaths

[

prãna

(

in

the

heart

,

apäna (

in

the

anus

),

samãna

(

in

the

navel

),

udãna

(

in

the

throat

),

and

vyãna

(diffused

n

the

whole

body)

]

;

five karmendriyas or organs of action [ speech ( vãk ), hand

(

hasta

).

feet

(

pãda

),

anus

(

pãyn

),

and

organ

of

generation

(

upastha

)

]

;

five

jfiãnendriyas

or

organs

of

knowledge

[

ear

(

érotra

,

skin

(

tvak

),

eye

(

caksu

),

tongue

(

jihvã

),

and

nose

(

ghrãna

)

]

;

mind

(

manas or

antahkarana

)

;

and

intellect

(

buddhi

). Consequently

the sîiksma

éarïra

becomes

equivalent

to

the

prãnamaya

(

vital

),

manomaya

(

mental

,

and

vijftãna-

maya

(

intellectual

)

kosas

together.

It

serves

as

the

basis of

the

dream-consciousness.

As

mentioned

bove,

the

vital,

mental,

and intellectual functions implied by the süksma sarïra become

possible

only

on

account

of the

presence

and

the

direct

awareness

of

the

essential

self.

The süksma

éarïra

thus

serves,

n

a

sense,

2

[

Annals,

.

0.

R. I.

]







lO

Annals

of

the Bhandarkar

Oriental

Research

Institute

as the

indicatory

mark

(

linga )

of

the

presence

of

the

self,

and,

is,

therefore,

lso

called

the

liñga-iarlra.

But

the

most

important

role

of

the

süksma

sarira

is

the

one

played

by

it

in connection with

the

transmigration

of

the self

from

ne

body

to another.

It

has

already

been

pointed

out

that,

at

the

death

of

an

individual,

only

his

physical

body

(

sthula

sarira

)

perishes.

That

does

not,

however,

mean

that

death

marks

the

end

of

individuality.

This

latter,

as we shall

see

presently, comes with the spiritual realisation by the selfof ts

identity

with the

ultimate

reality,

in

other

words,

with

moksa

Till

then

the

ourney

of

the self

continues

through

one

body

or

another.

What

we

call death

is not

the

terminus,

but

only

a

junction

where the

self

changes

the

body

and

also

perhaps

the

route

of

the

ourney.

This

goes

on

until

the

final

destination

s

reached.

It is

believed

that

the medium

by

means

of which

the

self

changes

from

ne

physical

body

into

another is the

suksma

sarira

.

Such

an

assumption

is,

indeed,

philosophically

nece-

ssary.

For, firstly,the selfcannot be assumed to leave both the

sthula

and

the

sülcsma

bodies

simultaneously

that

would

amount

to

the

termination

of

individuality,

in

other

words,

to

moksa

Secondly,

it

is

the

suksma

sarira

, which,

in a

sense,

determines

the

type

of

the

physical

body

to be taken

by

the

self

for

the

next

lap

of

ts

journey

towards

moksa

As

we

shall see

later,

the

body

to

be

assumed

by

the

individual

in

his each

rebirth

s

conditioned

by

the

moral

consequences

of

the

deeds

done

by

him in the

prece-

ding

life.

It

is believed

that

the suksma

sarira

serves

as a

repository

ofthesemoral

consequences-direct

phala

)

as well

as

indirect

samskãras

)

-

until

they

have

their effect

n

respect

of

the

individual's

rebirth.

The direct

moral

consequences

of

the

past

deeds

determine

he actual

kind of

the

physical

body

to

be

taken

at rebirth

and other environments

elating

to

the

rebirth,

while

the

indirect

moral

consequences

produce

in

the

individual

certain

innate tendencies

which

prompt

him to act in

one

way

or

another.

In other

words,

therefore,

the

suksma

sarira

serves as the

medium

through

which the eternal

and

inexorable

law of karma

operates.

The

third

body,

which the

empirical

self

s

believed to

assume,

is

known

as

the kãrana

(

causal

)

éctrlra*

The

kãrana

iar^a







Atan

in Hindu

Thought

11

becomes

evident

n

that

state

of

the

existence

of

the

individual in

which

both

the

physical

and

the subtle

bodies

cease to

function

temporarily,

as,

for

nstance,

in

the

state

of

deep-sleep.

It

is in

this

body

that

the individual

can

get

some

intimations

of

the

perfect

spiritual

beatitude.

Further,

the

gross

and

the

subtle

bodies

seem

to

arise

from this

body.

That

is

why

it

is

called

kãrana

iarira

.

They

also seem to

dissolve

into

it,

wherefore t

is

called

the

laya-sthãna.

It

will

be

thus

seen

that it is the

empirical

self

or

the

indivi-

dual,

who,

with

his three

bodies,

becomes

nvolved in

this

pheno-

menal

world.

He is the

doer

and

the

experiencer,

nd

is

liable

to

mutations.

Various other

details

are

mentioned

in

connection

with

the

empirical

self.

A

frequent

reference

s,

for

nstance,

made

to

the

three

aspects

of

his

psychical

activity,

namely,

cogni-

tive,

affective,

nd conative. We are

further

told

that,

in

the

three

states

of

consciousness,

namely,

those

of

wakefulness,

dream, and deep-sleep, the individual is respectively called

vaiévãnara,

taijasa

,

and

prajña.1

His

actions

are

said

to

be

mainly

of

three

kinds-bodily ( kãyika

),

vocal

(

vãcika

),

and

mental

(

mãnasa

)

-

and,

as

indicated

above,

they

are

assumed

to

produce

certain

inevitable

moral

consequences.

Then

there s

also

the

doctrine

of

the

gunas

,

according

to which

the

characters

of ndividuals

are the outcome

of

the

mixture,

n

varying propor-

tion,

of

the

three

principal

constituent-aspects gunas ),

namely,

sativa

(

knowledge

and

luminosity

,

rajas (

passion

and

mobi-

lity ), and tamas ( ignoranceand passivity ). It is needless to

say

that the essential

self

transcends

these

three

gunas

-

is

trigunâtïta.

An

individual,

in

whom sattva

predominates,

s

called

sãttvika and is

characterised

by

knowledge

(

jfíãna

),

passionless

detachment

vairãgya

),

and

glory (

aisvarya

).

An

individual,

in

whom

rajas predominates,

becomes

rãjasa

.

He

is

always

absorbed

in

actions

being impelled

to

them

by

desires,

passions,

and

impulses.

A

tãmasa

individual is

one,

in

whom

tamas

predominates,

nd

who

is,

therefore,

haracterised

by

igno-

rance,vice, infatuation,greed,etc.

1

Mãnduhya-Up

3-6.







12

Annals

of

the

Bhanďarhar

Oriental

Research

Institute

With

a

view to

clarifying

ur own

ideas

in

the

matter,

we

may

speak

of

certain

distinct

stages

in

connection

with

the

process

of

what

we

eall

the

worldly

life

of an

individual. First

of all

there

is

the

stage

in

which the

essential

self exists

in all

serenity

nd

aloofness

mystically

united

with

the

Supreme

Being.

As

the

result

of the

operation

of

the

original

ignorance,

avidyã

,

the

essential

self

seems

to

enter

nto

the second

stage,

the

stage

of

individuality.

It becomes conditioned

by

the

body-mind-com-

plex and is involved in the phenomenal world, which is, in a

sense,

ts

own creation.

This

stage

is

pregnant

with two

possi-

bilities.

Either,

on

account

of

true

knowledge,

the

individual

shakes

off he

limitations

of

his

individuality

and

thus

forthwith

attains

to

the

stage

of mohsa-*

stage

which,

in

its

nature,

is

identical

with

the

ipre-avidyã

stage.

Or the

individual

conti-

nues

his

pilgrimage

through

various rebirths

this is

the

stage

of

transmigration

r safnsãra

until

he

reaches

his destination

in the

form

f

mohsa.

The

idea

of

rebirth

s

common

to several

ancient

religions

of

the

world. But

the

distinctive

contribution

of Hinduism

is

that

it

has

attempted

to

present

a

metaphysical

and ethical rationali-

sation

of that

idea. Four

main

principles

may

be

said

to be

in-

volved

in the

Hindu

theory

of rebirths

or

transmigration

(

samsara

),

namely,

the

permanence

of

the

essential

self,

the

operation

of

avidyã

,

the

possibility

of

mohsa

and

the doctrine

of

harma.

The

most

fundamental

among

these

principles

is,

of

course,the Hindu conceptofthe permanence ( nityatva ) ofthe

essential

self.

It

is

quite

obvious

that,

without the

assumption

of a

permanent

entity, any

talk

of

rebirth

or

transmigration

would

become

meaningless.

That

is

why

the materialists

who

do

not

believe

in

a

permanent

entity,

ike

the

ãtman

,

do

not

accept

the

possibility

of

rebirth.

The

second

principle,

namely,

the

operation

of

avidyã

,

is also

quite

basic

and

essential.

For,

avidyä>

by

causing

the essential

self to

assume

an

individuality, may

be

said to

make

the

w;hole

process

of

transmigration

at all

possible.

It is interesting o note, n this connection, hat, accordingto the

Hindu

view,

the

original

cause

of birth s

not

any

moral

error

or

lapse.

For,

avidyã

is

essentially

a

metaphysical

concept

rather







Man in

Hindu

Thought

13

than

a

moral

or

an

epistemological

one.

Moral

or

epistemological

.concepts

have

relevance

only

afterthe

process

of

samsãra

is

once

started.

Attention

may

now

be

drawn

to

another

significant

Hindu

view

concerning

amsara

,

namely,

that

samsara

is neither

an

idle or

unmotivated

ourney

nor a

wild-goose-chase.

It

has

been

invested

with a

definite

meaning

and

purpose.

This is where

the

third

principle,

namely,

the

possibility

of

moksa

becomes

opera-

tive.

For,

moksa

represents

the

answer to the

eternal

question

:

whither mankind ?

Some

general

idea

about the Hindu

concept

of

moksa

will

have

been

already

derived

from

he

foregoing

discussion

about

the

essential

self

and

the

empirical

self.

It

would,

however,

be

desirable

to

emphasise

some

of

the distinctive

features

of

that

concept.

To

begin

with,

it

must be

made

clear

that,

though,

n

common

parlance,

we

speak

of

"

attaining

"

moksa the

state

of

moksa

is

not

something

essentially

different

rom

the

real

nature of

the

self.

It

is

only

for

the convenience ofspeech

that

we

speak

of"

attaining

"

moksa.

The

Hindu

thinkers

claim that

moksa

is

not

prãy

pa

(

to be

reached

,

nor

utpãdya (

to

be

crea-

ted

),

nor

vikãrya

(

to

be

got

as

the

result

of

some

modification

or

change

,

nor

samskãvyi

(

to

be

got

as the result

of

some

operation

for

refinement

r

perfection.

In

other

words,

in

the

Hindu

view,

moksa

is

native and not

derivative

so far

as

the

individual

is

concerned.

Moksa

does not

imply

that

the self

acquires

something

which

does

not

belong

to

it,

or,

to

be

more

precise,somethingwhichis not it. As a matter of fact,moksa

means

realising

one's

own

true self.

It

is

already

there

though

one

becomes

temporarily

blind

to it

under

the

influence

f

avidyã.

Paraphrased

in

popular

language,

man

is

really

god.

Godhead

is,

indeed,

his

real

nature. It is

onty through

the

accident of

ignorance

that

he

feels

divested

of

that

nature.

Such

a

view

is,

indeed,

morally

very

significant,

or,

t

elevates man

by

denying

all

ř

creatureliness

in

respect

of

him.

When

it

is

claimed that moksa

is native

to

man,

another

claim

made by the Hindus also follows it by way ofa corollary,

namely,

that moksa

is

the

birth-right

f

every

individual. This

view,

it

will be

seen,

s

the

very

antithesis

of

the

doctrine

of







14

Annals

of

the

Bhandarkar

Oriental

Research

Institute

god's

grace.

According

to

it,

man

himself,

nd

not

any

extra-

neous

power,

is

responsible

for

his

emancipation.

It

is,

indeed,

this

assurance

which

gives

a

meaning

and

a

purpose

to

one's

life. Man

learns

to look

upon

life

not

as a

journey

without

an

end

or

purpose

but

as

soul's

pilgrimage

to

be terminated

at

moksa

Even

if

moksa

is

not

realised

in

one

life,

man

is sustained

through

all

the

stages

of

transmigration

by

this

message

of

faith

and

hope

that

nobody

can

deprive

him

of

his

birth-right,

amely,

mohsa

About

what

may

be

called

the

content

of

moksa

the

only

thing

that

we

can

say

is

that,

from

he

individual's

point

of

view,

mohsa

consists

in

throwing

off

he

shackles

of

ndividuality

and

thereby

passing

into

the

mystic

state

of

spiritual

union

with

the

Supreme

Being.

There

is,

however,

another

view

of

mohsa

according

to

which

mohsa

represents

mainly

a

certain

attitude

of

mind

an

attitude

whereby

the individual

develops

a

universality

ofoutlook, so that, even afterthe discernment fthe truthwhich

comes

to

the

liberated

soul,

he

still retains

his

individuality

as

a

basis for

action

in

this

world.

This

is

the

condition

of

being

jîvanmuhta

(

emancipated

while

living

).

The

Hindu

thinkers,

indeed,

speak

of

three

kinds

of

liberation

liberation

attained

forthwith

t

death

sadyomuhti

or

videhamuhti

), whereby

death

really

renders

one

deathless

liberation

by

stages

(

hramamuhti

;

and

liberation

while

living (

jïvanmuhti ).

It is this

last,

which

the

Bhagavadgïtâ

glorifies

s

the

highest

ideal

of

man,

an ideal

which that philosophical poemhas emphasisedin its descriptions

of

sthitaprajfta,

the

yogi

and

the bhahta.1

To

revert to

the

theory

of

transmigration,

t

may

be

said

that

if

the

operation

of

avidyã

is

the

cause

of the

'

birth

of

an

individual,

the

operation

of

the

law

of

karma

which

is the

fourth

principle

involved

in

this

theory,

is the

cause

of his

'

rebirths It

may

be

further

ointed

out

that,

out

of the

four

principles

involved in

the

theory

of

transmigration,

the first

two

are

metaphysical,

the third

is

significant

both

from the

metaphysical

and ethical

points

of

view,

and the

last,

namely,

>

Bhagavadyïtâ

I.

55-59 VI.

1Q-23

XII,

13-19,







Man

in

Hindu

Thought

15

the

doctrine

of

karma

is

predominantly

ethical.

It

would,

however,

be

necessary

and

desirable

to examine

the

doctrine

of

karma

a

little

more

closely.

The

doctrine of

karma

is

one

of the most

distinctive

features

of

Hinduism.

It

will

be

seen

to have

influenced

most

of the

important

Hindu

teachings

and

practices.

It

is,

it

should

be

remembered,

he

essential

element

not

only

of

Hindu

ethics

but

of

the

entire

popular

belief

of

the

Hindus.

The

faiths

of

India

differ

widely,

at

some

points

being

the

very

poles

asunder. But all

of

them,

orthodox

as

well as

heterodox

(

with

the

exception

of

materialists

like

Cärväka

),

accept

this

doctrine

as

one

of their

cardinal

tenets.

The

doctrine

of

karma

represents

the

solution

offered

by

Hinduism

for

he

great

riddle

of

the

origin

of

suffering

nd

inequa-

lity

of

human

conditions

n

this world.

According

to

the

Hindus,

the law of

causation

operates

not

only

in

respect

of

the

physical

world, but it operates, in an equally invariable and inviolable

manner,

lso

in

respect

of

the moral

world.

All acts that

an

indivi-

dual

does

inevitably

ead

to

some

results,

good

or

bad,

and the life

of

the

individual,

who

does

those

acts,

becomes

conditioned

by

the

consequences

of

those

acts.

We cannot think

of

ny

acts

which fizzle

out

without

producing

results

(

krtapranãéa

)

nor of

any

results

which

have

no

antecedents

in

the form

f

some

acts

(

akrtãbhyu

pagania

).

This is

the

inexorable

law

of

karma the

law

of

actions

and

their

retribution.

It

must, however,

be

added

that the

doctrine of karma does not denote merely this more or less

mechanical

theory

of

retribution.

It also

implies

some

definite

moral

principles.

Morally

good

acts

necessarily produce good

results

and

morally

bad

acts

bad

results.

It

can

be

empirically

proved

that

there s

perfect ustice

in

the

functioning

f

this

law.

But

we often

see that all

acts

of an individual

do

not

fructify

within

the

brief

span

of

a

single

life.

What,

it

may

be

asked,

becomes

of

those

acts

?

According

to the

law

of

karma

,

no

actions are

barren.

It,

therefore,

ecomes

necessary

to

postulate

another ifeforthat

individual,

during

which he

may

reap

what

he

has sown in

the

preceding

ife. As

a

matter

of

fact,

we

have

to

assume,

by

a

logical

extension

of

this

postulation,

the

existence







16

Annals

of

the

Bhandarkar Oriental

Research

Institute

of

a

series of

ives

in

the case

of

an

individual.

This

is the

theory

of

samsara

,

which

thus

becomes

a

necessary

corollary

to

the

law

of

karma

The

present

ife

of

an

individual

is conditioned

by

such

of the

acts

done

by

him in

the

preceding

life

as

had not

attained

their

fructification

during

the

course

of

that

life.

The

moral

conse-

quences

of

his

past

conduct

and

behaviour

are,

so

to

say,

conserved

and

have

their

effect

n the

present

life.

His

past

acts,

for

instance, determine he kind of

body

whichhe

may

assume, the

family,

society,

and

position

in

which he

may

be

born,

and

the

acts

which

he

may

do

in

the

present

ife.

To

put

it

briefly,

very

creature

is

the

creation

of

ts

own

past

deeds.

The

otherwise

inexplicable

vicissitudes

of life

and

inequality

among

human

beings

are

thus

rationalized

by

the

doctrine

of karma.

Nothing

in

this

world,

physical

as

well

as

moral,

happens

as

the

result

of

mere

caprice

or

blind chance.

In

every

happening

we

have

to

see

the

operation

of

an

immutable

aw.

As

a

matter

of

fact,

uch

a law has been

postulated

at a

very

early

stage

in the evolution

of

Indian

thought.

In

the

Riveda,

for

nstance,

we

come

across

frequent

references

o

rta,

the

cosmic-magic

law

which

governs

every

happening

n

this world

from

he

mightiest

workings

of he

j)owers

of

nature

to

the tiniest

activity

like

the

winking

of the

eye.

The

Vedic rta

may,

therefore,

be

said,

in

a

sense,

to

be

the

Vedic

version of

the

Hindu doctrine

of

karma

If,

then,

according

to

the doctrine

of karma

whatever

we

are

and do is preordained, is karma not just anothername forfata-

lism

?

Is

man

hereby

not

denied his initiative

as

a free

gent

? Is

he

not

reduced

to

the

unenviable

position

of

a

helpless

victim

of a

mechanical

law ?

What

interest

can

he

have

in

a

life

which it

is

not

in

his

power

to

invest

with

a

purpose

and

a

meaning

?

Let

it be said

at

the

outset

that

these and similar

other

questions,

though

natural on

the

face

of

them,

betray

an

inadequate

under-

standing

of

some

of

the

essential features

of the doctrine

of

karma.

This

doctrine,

t should

be

clearly

understood,

does

not

implythe operationofany extraneous factors in man's life and

doings.

No

external

power,

such

as

fate

or

destiny,

is assumed

to

be

shaping

the

life

of

man.

Considered

critically,

the

doctrine







Man

in

Hindu

Thought

17

of karma will

be

found

to

be

teaching

that man

himself

s,

in a

sense,

the architect

of

his

life.

What he

did in

the

past

life

s

entirely

responsible

for

what he

is

in

the

present

life. So

viewed

this

doctrine

becomes the

very

opposite

of

fatalism.

It

deletes

caprice

or

chance

and

discountenances

the

working

of

an

over-

riding

providence.

The

causes

ofan

individual's

life

and

actions

are

to be

ultimately

traced back

to the individual

himself.

As

indicated

above,

the

'

life

of

an

individual

may

not

be limited

to one lifeonly.

Two

objections

are

likely

to

be raised

against

this

position.

Even

assuming

that,

in

this

samsara,

the

actions

of

an individual

in

the

preceding

life

condition

his

next

life,

it

may

be

asked

:

what

about

his

'

first

birth

in

the

series

of

rebirths

There

is

no

possibility

of

any

anterior

actions

and

their retribution

n

respect

of

that

birth.

Therefore,

o far

as

that birth

s

concerned,

the

law

of

karma

would

not

operate.

What

is

it

that

would

condition an individual's lifeand action at that uncture ? Such

a

question

is

philosophically

inadmissible.

According

to

the

Hindu

thought,

the

samsara

is

beginningless

(

anãdi

).

It

is

impossible

to

visualise

an

individual

without antecedents.

For,

strictly

speaking,

individuality

itself is

the

product

of antece-

dents.

If

the

essential

self

is

unaffected

by

any

antecedents,

it

does not

become

liable to

be born

at all and

so

to

assume

any

individuality.

The

other

objection

is

perhaps

more

pertinent.

We

may

accept

that,

in the

beginningless

eries

of

rebirths,

n individual's

past

actions

condition

his

present

ife.

We

may

also

accept

that

the ndividual

himself,

nd

not

any

extraneous

factors,

s

accounta-

ble for

what

he is in

the

present

ife.

But

do

the individual's

'

past

'

deeds not

become,

in

a

sense,

extraneous

forces

so

far

as his

'

present

life

is

concerned What control

does

he now

have

over

his

past

actions which

govern

his

present

ife ?

He

cannot

alter

their

course.

The

past,

although

it

is his

past,

is

already

a fait accompli, and it is this that determineshis present,there-

by

leaving

him no

freedom

o

shape

it

as

he

would

like.

He

can-

not,

for

nstance,

say

:

In

my

present

ife,

my

action shall be

only

3

[

Apnals,

.

O. E.

I.

]







18

Annals

of

the

Bhandarkar

Oriental Research

InstihUe

such as would

inevitably

ead

to

a

better

ife

next time.

He

can-not

say

this

for

the

simple

reason

that

his actions in

this

life

are

not

really

his.

They

are

predetermined.

Such

an

objection

is met

by

the Hindu

thinkers

by

postulating

a

twofold

fructification

of all

actions.

Firstly,

every

action

produces

its

direct

result

(

phala

).

The

phala

of

our

past

deeds

is

that

they

determine

the nature

of

our

present

body

and

the

conditions

directly

relating

to

and

consequent upon

our birth.

In

respect

of

these

we have no choice. We have to accept them as theyare ordained.

But oùr

past

deeds also

produce

what

may

be

called their

ndirect

result

in

the

form

f

our

innate

tendencies samskãras

).

It

is

these

samskãras

produced

n

us

by

our

past

deeds,

which

prompt

us

to

act one

way

or

another. It

is,

however,

necessary

to

emphasise

that

the

samskãras

only prompt

but

do

not

compel

us

to act

in

a

particular

manner. This fact affords

ample scope

for

initiative

and

self-determination

n

the

part

of an

individual.

He

can,

if

he

will,

control and

direct his

samskãras.

Though,

therefore, n individual's birth and initial environmentsare

predetermined,

e has

beforehim the

gratifying

prospect

of

being

able

to

master

his

samskãras

which

are,

ndeed,

the

main

springs

of all

his actions.

The doctrine

of

karma

thus

includes

within

itself

also the

possibility

of

moral

progress.

In

spite

of

the

initial

conditioning

of

our

present

ife,

we

can

employ every

moment

of

it

to

make

ourselves

as

we will.

And,

when

it is realised

that

the

present

ife

represents

not the

whole

term

allotted to

an

individual

but

only

a

stage

in

the soul's

progress

towards

its

goal, eventhat partial predeterminationhould not mattermuch.

It

will

be thus seen that

the

doctrine

of karma does

not

mply

fatalism

nor

does

it

preclude

the

operation

of

free

will,

which

is

the

very

basis

of

ethical

conduct.

Teaching

as

it

does

that,

in

the

ultimate

analysis,

an

individual

is

himself

he architect

of

his

own

life,

this doctrine countenances

no

such

thing

as cruel fate

or

unjust god.

It

produces

in

man

the

faith

th&t

t is

never too

late

to mend.

Though

apparently

a

blind

mechanical

force,

karma, it must be remembered, ssentially representsthe cosmic

power

of

righteousness

which

forever

encourages

man

on

his

onward

march

towards

a

higher

spiritual

goal.







Man

in Hindu

Thought

19

Though,

in

the

Vedic

literature,

here

are

but few

indications

of

the

doctrine

of

karma}

in

the later

Hindu

thought,

it

held

a

very

commanding

position.

Indeed,

in

some

schools

of

thought,

like

the

Sãmkhya

and

the

Mimãfasã,

karma

came

to

be

regarded

as

such an

all-pervading power

as

to render

god

almost

saperfluous.

In

other

schools,

god

was

conceded

the

position

of

an

impartial

administrator

of

the

law

of karma.

But,

in

any

case,

the

idea

of

god's grace

was

considered

to

be

entirely

incompatiblewith this doctrine. The significance fthis doctrine

from

he

point

of

view

of

the

social

organisation

of the

Hindus

would

become clear

from

the

important

part

played

by

it

in

connectionwith

the

consolidation

of

the

caste

system.

With

all

that has

been

said

so

far,

there

would

still

ramain

one final

difficulty

bout

the

doctrine

of karma.

How

can

karma

be

reconciled

with

moksa which is

universally

recognised

by

the

Hindus

as

their

spiritual

goal

?

Is

the

law

of karma

in

a

sense,

not theveryantithesis ofmoksa ? Do evenmorally good actions

not

continue

to

keep

an

individual

involved

in

life

howsoever

ethically

high

it

might

be

?

The

Bhagavadgitã

has shown

a

satisfactory

way

out

of

this

difficulty.2

It teaches

that

mans

actions

attain

their

fructification

n

the

form

of

phala

or

saths-

kãras

affecting

hat man

only

if

he

performs

hose

actions

with

a

feeling

f

attachment

for

their results.

If,

however,

he

acts

as

required

by

the

law of

karma

,

but,

at

the

same

time,

properly

controlling

nd

directing

he

samskãras

-

in

a

spirit

of

passionless

detachment n respectofthe fruitsofhis actions,he would, while

doing

his svadharma

,

be

still

leaving

the

road

open

for

the

soul's

progress

towTards

moksa.

In

other

words,

the

anãsaktiyoga

of

the

Bhagavadgitã

,

as

it

were,

bridges

over the

gap

between

the

doctrine

of

karma and

the ideal

of moksa.

If

the

philosophical approach

to

the

problem

of

the

role

of

man

gives

rise

to

the

dualism between the essential self

and

the

empirical

self,

he

religious

or

theistic

approach presupposes

the

dualism

between

man

and

god.

Let

it be

said,

at the

very

outset,

1

.01

Brhádãranyalsa-Up.

V.

4.

5;

Chãndogya-Up.

.

10.7,

•

Bhagavadgïtâ

I.

39,







20 Annals

of

tlteBhandarkar Oriental

Research

Institute

that the

dualism between

mail

and

god

is

philosophically

inadmi-

ssible.

For,

as shown

above,

essentially

man

is

god.

As

a

matter

of

fact,

from he ultimate

philosophical

point

of

view,

the

very

concepts

of

man

and

god

cannot be

said to

possess

absolute

reality.

They

belong

to

the

realm

of the

phenomenal

world.

This

will

account

for

the

fact that

many

philosophical

systems

n

India

are

essentially

atheistic.

They

are

not

required

to

posit

the

exi-

stence

of

a

personal god

in order

to answer

the

various

cosmolo-

gical, psychological, metaphysical, and even ethical questions

which

they

have

mooted

in

the

course

of

their

spiritual quest.

This

does

not,

however,

mean

that

Hinduism

has

nothing

to

do

with

god.

On

the

contrary.

Hinduism

particularly

popular

Hinduism

is crowded

with

gods.

Hinduism

is

certainly

god-

conscious

perhaps

very

much

so

This need

not

surprise

us.

It

really

redounds

to

the

glory

of Hinduism

that,

in

it,

absolute

monistic

dealism

and

passionate

devotionalism

should

abide side

by

side and

without

any

conflict.

What

is

still

more

creditable

is that Hinduism has achieved this marvellous feat in a moreor

less

rational

manner,

namely, through

the

assumption

of

the

pos-

sibility

of

two

points

of

view

in

philosophical

matters

the abso-

lute

( pãramãrthika

) point

of

view

and the relative

(

vyãvahã

-

rika

)

point

of

viewr,

he

one

not

spurning

the

other,

each

posse-

ssing

reality

in

its

own

way,

and

each

independently

eading

to

the

final

goal.

The

proverbial

catholicity

of

the Hindu mind

is

also,

in

no

small

measure,

responsible

for

what

would

appear

to

a

casual

observer as the

paradoxes

of

Hinduism.

Indeed,

one of the

most

striking

of such

paradoxes

is to be seen in the fact that a

staunch

monistic

dealist like

áamkarãcãrya

has

composed

some

of

the

sweetest

and

most

stirring

hymns

in

praise

of

personal

divinities.

The

consideration

of

the

role

of

man

in

relation

to

god

is,

therefore,

ot

altogether

without relevance.

To

put

it

in

broad

but

philosophicallymot quite precise

terms,

god

stands

in

the

same relation

to

the

ultimate

reality

or

the

Supreme Being

as an

individual does to the essential self. So the relation betweengod

and

man is in

many

ways

influenced

y

the

relation between

the

Supreme

Being

and

the

essential

self.

Theistically.

the

goal







Man

in

Hindu

Thought

ŽÍ

sought

after

by

man is either to

live

in

the same

world

as

god

(

8alokatã

),

or

to be nearest

to

god

(

samïpatâ

),

or

to

assume

the same

form s

god

(

sarüpatä

),

or,

finally,

o achieve intimate

union

with

god

(

sãyujyatã

).

It will

be

easily

seen

that,

while

the

first hree

goals

more

or

less

represent

the

stages leading

to

the

last

goal,

the

last

goal

is

but

a

reflection

f

the

philosophical

goal

of

the

mystic

union

of

the

essential

self with the

Supreme

Being.

The

philosophically

accepted

identity

between he

Supreme

Being and the essential self is sometimes qualified in theism

by suggesting

that

god

and

man are

identical

in

essence

but diffe-

rent

n

form.

What

sparks

are

in

relation

to

fire,

man is

in

relation

to

god.

A

further

evelopment

of this

partial

separate-

ness

of

man

from

god

is that

god

is described

as

being

not

really

external

to

man,

but

as

being

the

antaryãmin

(

inner controller

of

man.

God

is

really

the

efficient irective cause

(

prayojaka

kartã

)

in

man's

life.

The philosophical doctrine of the perfect identity between

the

Supreme Being

and

the essential

self

is

thus

first modified

into

a

doctrine

of

qualified identity

or

partial

separateness

between

god

and

man.

This

latter

is

then carried still further

in

the direction

of

complete

dualism

between

god

and

man.

God

is

then

conceived

of

as

the creator

and

the moral

governor

of

man

and

the universe.

Particularly

in

respect

of

man,

he

plays

the

role

of

the

dispenser

of

the

law of

karma

It

is,

however,

interesting

o

note,

n

this

connection, that,

even

accepting

the

complete separateness and the awe-inspiring distance between

man and

god,

a

Hindu seeks

to

achieve

a

direct

personal

communion

with

god

through

a

complete

surrender

of

his whole

being

to

god.

This is the ideal

of

a

Hindu

devotee

(

bhakta

.

Devotion

(

bhakti

,

according

to

the

Hindu

view,

implies,

firstly,

dedicating

all

one's

actions

to

god, rendering

service

to

him,

and

meditating

on him

in

single-pointed

concentration

it

further

mplies ridding

oneself

of

all

consciousness

of

•

I

'ness

and

ť

my

ness,2

and

developing

in

oneself an attitude

of

being

the same to all god's beings - whether friend or foe;3 and,

i

BhctgatíadgUB

II.

6.

»

ibid.

XII.

13.

2

ibid

XII,

18.







Û2

Annals

of

the

Èkanclartcar

Oriental

Research

Institute

paradoxical

as

it

may

seem,

t

finally

implies

creating

in

oneself

a

peculiar

mystic

power

through

surrender,

humility,

nd

faith.1

Prayer,

worship,

ritual,

wratfas

religious

observances

,

etc.

do

have

a

place

in

the Hindu

religious practice.

But

the doctrine

of

true

bhakti

which

involves

such items as

consciousness

of

sinfulness

on

the

part

of

the

devotee,

his

complete

self-

urrender

before

God,

his earnest

onging

for

close

personal

communion

with

Him,

and

the

mystic

experiences

that he

has

in

His

companionship,8must, indeed, be regardedas the most potent

factor,

which,

in

Hinduism,

governs

the role

of

man

in

relation

to

god.

Let

us

now

try

to

understand the

role

of

man

vis-a-vis

this

world

in

general

and his

fellow-beings

n

particular.

In

this

con-

nection

t

will be recalled

that,

according

to the

higher

philoso-

phical

thought

of

the

Hindus,

the

essential

Self

of

man is nè

ver

involved

in the

doings

of

this

phenomenal

world,

From the

ulti-

mate

point

of

view, therefore,

he

question

about

the

role

of

man,

the

ťreať

man,

in this

world would have no

relevance

whatsoever.

Even

with

reference

o the

empirical

self

the

consideration

of

such

a

question

would

have but

little

intrinsic

v$lue.

For,

the

highest

spiritual goal

of

a

Hindu

is

to transcend the

limitation ofhis

indi-

viduality,

which binds him to this

phenomenal

world,

and

so

to

realise

his

identity

with

the

Supreme

Being,

which

is,

indeed,

his

native

character.

Life in

this

world

is

accordingly

to

be looked

upon

as

a

bridge,

over

which

one

has,

of

necessity,

to

pass

in

orderto reach one's destination,but on which t would be unwise

to build

one's house.

Man's

role

in this world

thus

pertains

to

an

essentially

lower

stage

of

experience,

nd

is

generally

treated

as

such

by

the Hindu thinkers.

The

usual

charge

that,

n

India,

ethics

is

regarded

ust

as

an

'

aside

'

from

he

serious

business

of

philosophy-

a

concession,

as it

were,

to

the

necessity

of

man's

contact

with

the

phenomenal

world

cannot,

therefore,

e

said

be

quite

unjustified.

It must

be

admitted

that

Indian

philosophy

transcends

the

merely

ethical

level as

much as

it

does

the

merely

intellectual

level.

1

Bhagavadgïtn

VII. 3.

*

Vasiçtha's

ymns

o

Varuna

RV

VIT.

86-88

are

very

ignificant

n

this context.







Muri

in

Hindu

Thought

23

This must

not,

however,

be

misunderstood

to mean that

the

Hindus

have

altogether

neglected

this

aspect

of

the

role

of

man.

Hinduism does

offer

man

an

expert

guidance

for

safe

and

speedy

parage

over

the

bridge

of

ife.

Its most

significant

ontribution

in

this

respect

is the

concept

of

dharma.

Dharma

is,

indeed,

a

very

elusive

term

and

has denoted

different

hings

in

different

contexts.

It

may

mean

Vedic

ritual,

or

religion

and

ethics

in

general,

or

caste

rules,

or civil

and

criminal

aw.

But the under-

lying basic idea is everywhere the same. Dharma seeks to

resolve

the inevitable

conflict

etween

the

real and the

phenome-

nal,

the

spiritual

and

the

materia],

the eternal

and

the

temporal.

It

recognises

that,

while

striving

after

the

ideal,

man

cannot

affotd o overlook

the

actual.

Dharma, therefore,

ays

down a

way

of

ife

which

aims

at

securing

the

material

and

the

spiritual

sustenance

and

growth

of

the

individual

and

the

society.

It

is

a

imique

joint product

òf

the

speculative

and

the

practical

wis-

dom

of

the

Hindus. It

would

now

become clear

how

it is

possi-

ble to speak ofdifferent inds ofdharma^ such as varnadharma

and

ã&ramadharma,

corresponding

o

the

different

elations

sub-

sisting

between

man and

the

world

or

society.

It

may

be

asked

:

how

is

it at

all

possible

to

get

over the

obvi-

ous

opposition

between

ndividual

good

and individual

ends

on

the

one

hand

and

social

good

and

social ends

on

the other

?

The ulti-

mate

goal

of

the

individual,

namely,

molesa,

presupposes

that his

constant

endeavour

should

be,

as

far as

possible,

to

isolate

him-

selffrom his world. In otherwords, the individual is expected

to

follow

the

path

of

resignation

and actionlessness

(

nivrtti

mUrga

.

The

goal

of

social

stability

and

progress,

on

the

other

h&nd,

requires

for

its realisation

positive

efforts

n

the

part

of

every

member

f

the

society.

Unless,

therefore,

very

ndividual

were

to

play

his

part

in this

world with

active

interest

and a

sense

óf

responsibility

unless,

in other

words,

he

were to

follow

the

path

of

action

(

pravrttimãrga

)

-

the

society

would

disinte-

grate.

There

is

often

observable

a

tendency

to

regard

these two

ways of ife- theway of action ( karma ) and theway of renuncia-

tion

(

sahnyasa

)-

-as

mutually

exclusive

and

to

extol

one

at

the

expense

of

the

other.

The

Hindu view

of

ife,

however,

is

gover-







24 Annals

of

the

Bhandarkar

Oriental

Research

Institute

ned

by

an

implicit

faith

n

the

efficacy

nd

validity

of

both these

ways

and in

the

possibility

of

reconciling

the

claims

of

action

and renunciation.

In

a

sense,

this

faith s

the

very

motive

force

of Hindu

dharma.

It is

fully

realised

that

the

life

of

actionless

contemplation

s

as much

fraught

with

evil

as

the

life

of

attach-

ment

and bare

activity.

The

sage

of

the

léãvãsya-

Upanisad

(

9)

tells

us

:

"

To

pitchy

darkness

do

they

go,

who

pursue

the

path

of

avidyã,

that

is,

of

bare

action.

To

greater

darkness

still,

as

it

were,do theygo who are absorbed in the life of bare knowledge

and

meditation

(

vidyã

)

The

ideal set forth

in

this

connec-

tion,

therefore,

s to

synthesise

these

two

ways

of

life

n

such

a

manner

that

one does not

prove

an

impediment

o the

other,

nd

both

together

facilitate the

realisation

of

moksa

for

the

individual

and

solidarity

and

progress

of

the

society.

It

is

not

action

per

se

which

entangles

man into the

turmoil

of

this

world

thereby

ren-

dering

his

chances

of

liberation remote.

The root cause

of

this

evil

is

not

action but the

passion

and

attachment

which

accom-

pany that action. Fruitfulactionlessness, therefore, onsists in

the

annihilation

of

such

passion

and

attachment

and

not

in

the

abandonment

of

action

itself.

This is

the

anãsakti-yoga

of

the

Bhagavadgïtâ,

which

implies

renunciation

in

action

and not

of

action.

One

of

the most

typical

results

of

this

ideal

of

life is

the

Hindu

doctrine

of

the

four ends

of

man

( purusãrthas

).

The

Hindu thinkers

have

recognised

that

man

possesses

a

complex

personality which seeks expression mainly through four

channels

-

his

instincts

and

natural

desires,

his

craving

for

power

and

property,

his

social

aims,

and

his

spiritual

urge.

They

have

related these four channels

respectively

with

the four

ends

of

man,

namely,

kãma

,

artha

dharma

,

and

moksa.

The

first

hree ends

have

a

relevance

so

far

as

man's

empirical

life

is

concerned,

while

the

last

refers

o

his

spiritual

life. But it is

held

that there s

no

permanent

feud

of

any

kind

between these

ends

which

normally

nspire

man's

life. As

a

matter

of

fact,

t is

possible, by means of a propercorrelation of thepurusãrthas -

that

is to

say,

by

so

regulating

kãma and artha

that

they

to-

gether

promote

and

do

not hinder

dharma

,

and

by

subordinating







Man

in Hindu

Thought

25

these three to

the ultimate end

of

moksa

-

to build

up

a

truly

integrated personality

and

to

realise

an

essentially

full life

a

life

which

is

aesthetically

beautiful

(

kãma

),

materially

rich

(artha ),

ethically

sound

(

dharma

),

and

spiritually

free

moksa

.

It will

be

seen

that

it is

these

purusãrthas

which

have

been made

to

serve

as

the

psychical-moral

basis

of

man's role in

this

world.

The

Hindu

theory

and

practice

relating

to the

organization

both

of

man's

individual life

and

his

social

existence

can,

therefore,

e

best understood only in termsofthese four.

Though,

the

general

pattern

of

this

organization

is

thus

more

or

less

fixed,

its

details

vary

according

to

different

types

of

men

as also at

different

hysico-psychical

stages

in an

individual's

life. It

is indeed this

principle,

which,

it

will

be

seen,

is

at the

bottom

of

the

varnadharma

and

the

ãsramadharma.

It

may

be

pointed

out,

in

this

connection,

that

this

principle

involves an

important

tenet

of

Hinduism,

which

may

be

broadly

stated

in

the

following

terms.

There is no

difference

etween man

and

man so

far s his essential self is concerned. All men realise their basic

identity

n

the

mystic

union with

the

Supreme

Being.

The

inequa-

lity

among

men

arises as soon

as

the

essential

self

assumes,

as

the

result

of

the

'

original

ignorance

an

individuality

by

becoming

conditioned

through body,

mind,

ntellect,

and

ego.

Inequality,

in

other

words,

belongs

to the

empirical

life

in

the

phenomenal

world.

This

'

how

of

the

human

inequality

does

not,

however,

explain

the

why

of

it.

This

problem

of

the

inequality

of

human conditions has, indeed, agitated the minds of great

thinkers

of

all

times

and of

all

climes.

As we

have

seen,

through

their

doctrine

of

karma

,

the

Hindu

thinkers

have made

an out*

standing

contribution in

this

regard.

It

is, therefore,

ecessary

that

that

doctrine

is

always

present

in

our

mind

while

we

examine

the

ãêramadharma and

the varnadharma

.

The

ãsramadharma

,

or

the

Hindu scheme

which

aims at

an

ethical

organization

of

an

individual's

personal

life with

a

view

to

a

fruitful

synthesis

of

the

way

of

action

(

pravrtti

)

and

the

way ofrenunciation ( nivrtti ) as also to the realisation ofthe

four

ends

of

man

(

purusãrthas

),

is

undoubtedly

a

unique

contri-

bution

to the ethical

thought

of

the

world.

From the

historical

4

[

Annals,

. O. R-..

]







26 Annals

of

the Bhandarkar Oriental Research

Institute

point

of

view,

the

origin

of

this

scheme

is to be

presumably

sought

in

the

impact

between the

Aryans

and

the

indigenous

communities

of

India. The outlook

on

life

of

the

Aryans,

as

re-

presented

n

the

Rgvecla

is

essentially

characterised

by

an

exube-

rance

of

attachment

forand

interest

n

living.

That

Veda does

not

generally

show

any

traces

of

renunciation

or

attitude

of

resi-

gnation

on

the

part

of

the

Aryans.

On

the

other

hand,

there

s

sufficient

vidence

to

suggest

that

there

existed,

among

the

in-

digenous people of ndia, several religious sects, like those ofthe

Vrätyas,

the

Brahmacãrins,

he

Munis,

and

the

Yogins1

who

seem

to

have

lived

a

life

of

detachmentfrom

he affairs

f

the

world

a

life

which

was, besides,

characterised

by

great austerity

and

rigorous

physical

and

spiritual

discipline.2

It

can

be

assumed,

that,

perhaps

on account

of

the

miraculpus

powers

which

the

members

of

these

sects were believed

to

possess,

they

wielded

a

peculiar

influence

n

the

commonalty

of

the

people.

Their

way

of

life

must

have

also

had an

irresistible

ttraction for

many

,

of

them. This was a phenomenon bout which the Brahmanicthin-

kers

could

not

have

remained

altogether

ndifferent. An

organic

scheme

must

have,

therefore,

een

gradually

evolved

in

the

form;

of

the

ãèramadharma

,

which.

fforded ull

scope

for

the

operation

of

the

praw^i-tendencies

of

the

Aryan

colonisers and

the

nivrtti-

tendencies

of

the

pre-Aryan

anchorites.

In

this

connection,

t

may

be

incidentally

added that

the

origin

of

the

Indian

caste

system

also

has to be

discovered n

the

impact

betweenthe

Aryan

invaders

and the

indigenous

Indian

communities.

There

was another factor

which

must

have

helped

the

formu-

lation

and

the consolidation

of

the

ãsramadharma

.

It

was

the

great

ethical

concept

of

the

threedebts

(

rnatraya

).3

Every

indi-

1

Cf.

espectively

tharvavcda V

Atharvaveda

I.

5

Bgvèda

X.

136

and

the ndus

Valley

eal

depicting

he

figure

f

Yogin.

1

For

a discussion

bout

heVedic

Aryan

.i-tradition

nd

the

pre-Vedic

non-Aryan

uni-traditioo,

ee

Dandekar,

Rudra

n

the

Veda",

JCJP.HS

1,

pp.

94-148

"

Indian

attern

f

Life

and

Thought

Early

hases I

-AG

July

959,

pp.

47-59.

Incidentally

t

may

be

poibted

ut

that

asceticism

( samnyãsahasto bedistinguishedromusteritytapas .

3

Cf.

Taitlirlya-Saìh

VI. 3. 10.

jãyamãno

ai

brãhmanasribhir

nanä

jãy

te

brahman

r

y

na

rsibhyo

ajftenaevebhyah

rajayä

pitrbhyak.







Man

in Hindu

Thought'

27

vidual,

we

are

told,

is born

with

a

liability

of

three

debts,

which

he is

expected

to

requite

during

his

life. There

is,

first

f

all,

the

debt

which

he owes

to

god (

deva-rna

).

Of

this

he

can

redeem

himself

by

dedicating

his

life

to

the service

of

God

and

to

the

proper

promotion

of

the

scheme

of

things

as laid

down

by

Him.

There

is

then

the

debt

to

the

seers

(

rsi-rna

)

which

he

can

repay

by

preserving

nd

enriching

the

cultural

heritage

handed down

to him

from

ge

to

age. Lastly

there

s

the debt

which

he owes

to his ancestors ( pitr- im . This he can discharge by procre-

ating good

progeny

and

thereby

ensuring

the

continuity

of

the

human race. The

ãsramadharma

organizes

the

life

of

an

indivi-

dual

in

such

a

manner that

he remains ever

mindful

f

his

sacred

obligations

and

is also

given adequate opportunities

for

their

redemption.

The

word

dirama

literally

means

exertion

or

the

place

where

such

exertions

are

performed. By

an

extension

of

this

meaning,

the ãsramas cameto denote themain stages

in an

individual's life,

which,

if

properly

organized,

itself

becomes

a

planned

exertion.

According

to

the

Hindu

view,

there

are four

such

stages,

which

follow

one another

n

succession

brahmacarya (

life

of a

stu-

dent

,

grhasthãsrama (

life

ofa

householder

,

vãnaprasthãirama

(

life

of

a

hermit

,

and

samnyãsa

(

life

of

an

ascetic

).

After the rite

of

initiation

(

upanayana

),

which

was

very

significantly

egarded

as

his

second

birth,

a

child

commenced his

life

of a

student.

He

approached

his

teacher with

fuel

n

hand

a

gesture whichwas symbolicof his willingness to obey and to

serve.

For

the next

few

years

the

normal

period

of

brahma-

carya

extended over

twelve

years,

though

t

varied in

some

cases

-

he

had

to

live at

the house

of

the teacher

devoting

himself

fully

to the

achievement

f

the three

main

goals

of

studentship,namely,

the

acquisition

of

knowledge,

the

building

lip

of

character,

and

the

preparation

for

the

shouldering

of

the

responsibilities

which

would

devolve

on

him

in

future

ife.

This

compulsory stay

of

the

student

in

the teacher's house

had

its own

advantages.

For

one thing, t negatived the possibility ofany conflictbetween the

teacher

and

the

parents

in

the matter

of

the

method

and

the

con-

tents

of the

education

of

the

child.

For,

during

the

period

of







28 Annals

of

the Bhandarkar

Oriental Research Institute

studentship,

he

roles

of

teacher

and

fatherwere

combined

n

one

person.1

Moreover the

constant

personal

contact between the

teacher

and

the

student

was bound to

have

a

sterling

influence

on

the

moulding

of

the

latter's mind

and

character. There

is,

indeed,

mentioned

n

the Veda

a

symbolic

rite

whereby

he

teacher

magically

transferred

is

splendour

to

the

pupil.1

Normally,

a

student

was

expected

to live

by

begging

bhiksã

carana)

and

was not

required

to

pay any

fixed

fees

to

the teacher.

Some very important principlesof education were involved in

this

practice.

Begging

implied

that it was

mainly

the

respon-

sibility

of

the

community

to maintain

the

student.

It also

engendered

he

habit

of a

simple

and

self-reliant

ife

and

fostered

the

necessary

sense

of

equality among

students.

Besides,

since

no

fixed

fees

were

laid

down,

the education

of an

individual

was not

made

dependent

on

his economic

condition. The

Hindu

system

of

education

was

never commercialized.

It was

scrupulously

kept

aloof

from

any

external control

or

influences.

There

was

generally

no prescribed curriculum nor any fixed course of

teaching.

The

capacity

of

the student

was

perhaps

the

only

criterion

in this

respect.

One

thing

was

greatly

emphasised,

namely,

that real

knowledge

could

not be

derived

except through

a

worthy

teacher.3

Further,

though

learning

was extolled

for ts

own

sake

and

was not

made to

suffer

rom

ny

motives

of

material

gain,4

the

other

principal

aim

of

education,

namely,

the

socialisa-

tion

of

the

individual,

was

never

lost

sight

of. A

passage

in

the

Taittirïya-Upanisad

(

I.

11

),

which

can

very

well be

compared

with a convocation address of a modern university, beautifully

epitomises

the

practical

and

the

spiritual

aims

of

studentship.5

1

Gf.

sadãcãryasya

ai 'vã

*stiv

he

ah

sutašisyayoh

sacchisyasyãpi

ai

*

ã sti

anaJsãcãryayos

athã

l

8

Atharvaveda

I.

5.

3.

*

Cf.

Chãndogya-Up.

I.

14. .

4

Cf.

brãhmanena ishãrano harmah

aiañgo

vtdo

^dhytyo

ïttyah

a

( quoted

y

Sãyana

n the

ntroduction

o

his

Rgveda-Bhãsya

.

5

The

practice

f

brahmacarya

the

traditionalmanner

s now

rare.

The

whole

system

f

education n

India

has

undergone

ital

changes

n

consonance ith he hangedonditions. ome ttemptsre,however,eing

made,

even

today,

o

preserve

s

far

as

possible

both he

spirit

nd

th9

practice

f

he

old

brahmacarya

as,

for

nstance,

t

the

Gurukula,

angri,

Haridvara

.







Man in

Hindu

Thought

29

The end

of

studentship

was marked

by

a

ceremonial bath

(

samãvartana

).

Fully

equipped

from

the

physical,

mental,

and

moral

points

of

view,

a

person

now

prepared

himself

o face

the cares and

responsibilities

of

the life

of a

householder. This

stage

in

an

individual's life s

frequently,

and with full

ustifica-

tion,

glorified

in

Hindu

literature.

Orhasthãérama

is

described

as

the

sacred

field

for

all

achievements,1

and

is said to offer he

greatest

scope

for

the realisation

of

the

first hree ends

of

man,

namely,dharma, artha and kãma a Indeed, this ãérama is the

foundation nd

support

of

ll

other

ãéramas

. The

starting

point

of

the

grhasthãirama was,

of

course,

marriage.

The Hindu

marriage

s

regarded

as

being

essentially

a

sacrament

and

a

reli-

gious

duty

and

not

a

contract. The real

significance

f

the Hindu

marriage

s

not

that

it

represents

the fulfilment

f

any

important

purposes

of

ife,

but

that it

marks

the

beginning

of a

more

respon-

sible and

purposeful

life

to

come. The sacrament

of

marriage

and

the various

restrictions

relating

to

endogamy

and

exogamy

whichnormally govern every Hindu marriage imply a perfect

biological,

psychological,

moral,

and

spiritual

union

of

husband

and

wife.

The

relationship

between the

two

is

governed

by

the

sentiment

f

oyalty

and

devotion to each

other

until

death.3

Hindu

thinkers have

often

emphasised

the

social

purpose

of

marriage,

namely,

procreation

of

progeny

prajanana

)

and

continuation of

the line

(santãna).

It

must, however,

be

pointed

out

that

marriage

does not

by

itself

constitute full social

institu-

tion. But

it

certainly lays

the foundation

of

the most funda-

mentalofall the social

institutions

of

the

Hindus,

namely,

family.

Normally,

a

Hindu

family

is

a

closely-knit

group

of

persons

related to

one

another

by

blood.

But

consanguinity,

t must

be

remembered,

s not

the

only

forcewhich

keeps

a

family

together.

Far

more

effectively

perative

in

this

respect

are

the

remarkable

affections

which

develop

among

the

various

members

of

a

family.

They

are

really

bound

together

by

the

bonds of

mutual

respect,

devotion,

nd

love.

This

characteristic

f

he

Hindu

family

s

rightly

regardedas one ofthe most attractive features ofthe social lifeof

■

Mahãbhãrata

II. 184.

0.

ibid

XII.

11,

5,

l

Jdamismrti

X.

101.







30

Annals

of

the Bhandarkar Oriental

Research

Institute

the

Hindu.

A Hindu

family

mplies

common

residence,

common

kitchen,

common

property,

common

worship,

and,

consequently,

common

experience

of

the

joys

and

sorrows

of

ife

for all its

members.

Such

an

arrangement

has

many

advantages.

For

instance,

t

necessarily

encourages

a

feeling

f

dentity

of nterests

and

promotes

the

consciousness

of

'

all

for

each

and

each

for

ll

'

For

the

sake

of

solidarity,

an

individual

learns

to subordinate

his

own

interests

to the

interest

of

the

family.

Sacrifice

is,

indeed,

the

keynote

ofthe harmonyofthe family. It will be seen that, n

actual

practice,

family

offers

dequate

protection

and

support

to

its weaker

members,

uch

as

widows,

the

aged

and

the

infirm,

and

the

unemployed.

In

many

ways,

therefore,

amily

erves

as

a

nursery

where

the

first

essons

in social

behaviour

are

learnt.

It

is a

school

which

prepares

a

person

for

the

larger

communal

life,

Therefore,

n

spite

of

some

of

ts

disadvantages,

such

as that

it

encourages

idleness

and does

not

promote

nitiative

nd

enterprise,

the institution

of

family

has

proved

a

very potent

force

n the

social

history

of

the

Hindus.

The

interest

and

the

capacities

of a

householder

must

not,

however,

be

absorbed

only

by

the

ordinary

family-affairs.

As

a

matter

of

fact,

he

is

enjoined

to

look

upon

his

home

grha

)

as a

trust,

which

has come

down

to

him

from

his

forefathers,

nd

which

it

is his

duty

to

carry

forward to

posterity

without

any

diminution.

A

householder

thus

helps

to

maintain

a kind

of

spiritual

continuity,

the

outward

visible

symbol

of which

is the

sacred fire which is kept burning in the house. Amongall the

duties

of a

householder,

the

greatest

emphasis

is

put

on

the

daily

performance

y

him

of

the

five

great

sacrifices

màhãya-

jñas

).

Firstly

there

is the

brahmayajña

,

which

is intended

mainly

forthe

preservation,

by

means

of

constant

study,

of

the

sacred

learning

which

one

has

acquired

during

the

stage

of

studentship.

It consists

of

the

daily

revision

of

the

Vedic

lore-

actual

in

some cases

and

symbolical

n

others.

The

second

yajria

is

dedicated

to the ancestors.

In

this

context,

it

may

be

inciden-

tally pointed out that ancestor-worshipplays a very significant

role

in

Hinduism.

The sacrificededicated

to

the

ancestors

(

pitr-

yajna

),

which

comprises

daily

offering

f

waters

to

the

maues







Man

in

Hindu

Thought

31

(

tarpana

)

serves

to

remind

one

of

one's

part

as

a

necessary

ink

in

the

chain of

historical

and

cultural

continuity.

The

sacrifice

to

gods (

deva-yajña

)

is

accomplished

by

means

of

devotional

offering,

ven

of a

stick

of

fuel

samidh

),

in the

sacred

fire.

It

is

symbolic

of

the

recognition,

with

gratitude

and

in

humility,

of

the

fact that

whatever

man

has

and does

really

belongs

to

god.

The

Bhagavadgïtâ (

III.

12

)

tells

us

:

"

The

gods,

fostered

by

sacrifice,

hall

yield

unto

you

the

enjoyments

esired

by

you.

When

( thus ) yieldedby them, whoso enjoys these giftsand has not

himself

made

a

return to

gods,

he is

a

downright

thief".

The

ethical

significance

of

the sacrifice

to

creatures

bhüta-yajiia

),

which

consists of

offering

food

to

them,

is

indeed

very

great.

It

emphatically deprecates

the selfish

tendencies

in

man

and

requires

him to

share

his

possessions

with

his

needy

fellowr-beings.

A

sage

of

the

Rgveda

(

X.

117.

6

)

says

:

"

He

becomes

an

absolute

sinner

who

eats

by

himself The

same

sentiment

is

expressed

in

the

Bhagavadgïtâ

(

III.

13

)

which

says

:

"

Those

who

cook

(

exclusively )

forthemselves eat of sin, and are sinful The

last

sacrifice,

namely,

the sacrifice to

men

(

nr-yajña

),

is

only

another

name

for

the

proverbial

hospitality

of

the

Hindus.

These

five

great

sacrifices

ogether

represent

he

ideal

of

a householder's

life.

The

spirit

of

service

and

sacrifice,

which

thus

underlies

all

actions

performed

during-

the

rjrhasthãsrama

is

indeed

most

elevating.

In all

the

religious practices

and social

duties

a

householder

can depend on the willingcooperationand helpfromhis wife.This

point

incidentally

raises the

question

about

the role

of

woman

in

Hinduism.

A

brief xcursion

may,

therefore,

be made

at this

stage

for

a

few

observations

on

the

subject.

It must

be

pointed

out,

at the

very

outset,

that,

from he

ultimate

philoso-

phical

point

of

view,

there

s

no

difference

etween

man

and

woman.

Whatever,

therefore,

has been

said above about the distinction

between

the essential

self

and the

empirical

self

of

man,

his

karma

and

rebirths,

his ultimate

goal,

namely,

moksa and

other

allied topics, is equally applicable to woman. Limitations begin

to

operate mainly

in what

may

be

broadly

called

religious

and

social fields. Some

of

these

limitations

relate

only

to

the details







32

Anncds

of

the

Bhandarkar

Oriental

Research

Institute

rather

than the

spirit

of

religious

practice.

Take

the case

of

sacraments samskãras

,

which,

as

will

be shown

later,

play

such

an

important

role

in

man's

personal

life.

Some

of

these

sacra-

ments are

performed

lso in

respect

of

woman

but without

the

accompanying

sacred mantras

Normally,

a

woman is

not

qualified

for

a full

observance

of

the

ãsramadharma.

She

is

not

entitled to

the

rite

of

initiation

upanayana

),

which

marks,

in

man's

case,

the

commencement

f

studentship.

Of

course

there

have been expressed contrary views in the matter. An ancient

text1 s

often

ited

which

allows initiation

for

girls,

while

another

text2

classifies

women into two

categories,

namely,

those

who

engage

themselves

n

sacred

learning

brahmavâdinï

)

and

those

who

get

married

forthwith

sadyodvãhã

).

At

any

rate

the

most

important

samskãra

in

the

case

of

woman is

marriage.

And,

after

marriage,

a

woman

is

generally

considered

to have

no

exis-

tence

apart

from her

husband's

particularly

so

far

s

religious

practices

are

concerned.

The husband

is

her

proper

preceptor

( guru ), and, in all

spiritual

matters,she is

dependent

on him.

The

conscientious

performance

fhousehold

duties constitutes

her

proper

ritual.1 At

the

spme

time,

a

man's

religious

life

is

regarded

as

being

essentially

deficient

without the

wife's active

participation

n

it.

All

this,

however,

generally

relates to

what

may

be

called Brahmanic

rites.

In

popular

Hinduism

greater

freedom s allowed to

woman

in

the

matter

of

worship

(

püjä

)

and

other

religious

observances

(

vratas

).

So faras the social status of a Hindu woman is concerned,

contradictory

views

are found

to

have

been

expressed

on

the

subject.

On

the one

hand

she

is said to

be

deserving

of

worship

and

respect,4

while,

on

the

other,

we are

told

:

"

Father

protects

her

in

childhood,

husband

in

youth,

and

sons

in

old

age;

a

woman

does

not

deserve to remain free

.5 On

a

closer

examination,

how-

ever,

t

will

be

seen that the

contradiction

between these views

is

more

apparent

than

real.

For,

what

is

intended

to

be

emphasised

*

CI.purdk'ilpeunãrínUm auñjibandhanamsyate Hârïta uoted n

Viramitrodaya

p.

402.

a

Cf.

Hârïta

quoted

bid.

p.

402.

Z

MannsmrtiI,

67,

*

ibid,

X.

26,

ibid. X.

3.







Man in

Hindu

Thought

33

in the

latter

passage

is not

that woman

is denied all

freedom

ut

that it

is the

bounden

duty

of

her

near relatives

to

protect

her

at

all

cost. Woman

is,

indeed,

too

precious

a

treasure

of

mankind

to be

neglected

or

lightly

treated. It

must,

however,

be

added

that

the

legal

implications

of

that

passage

are

not

at

all

favourable

to

woman.

But if

the Hindus have

anywhere

succeeded

in

making

the

most

correct

estimate

of

woman,

t

is in

respect

of

her

role in

the

family.

All

that needs to be

said

in this

connection

is included in the dictum, namely, that a home is not really a

home

unless a

woman

( grhini

)

presides

over it.1

In her

role

as

the

mistress

of

the

house,

she

is

responsible

for the

solidarity

and

the

stability

of

the

family.

Without

a

wife,

the

psychological

and

moral

personality

of

man

remains

mperfect,

wherefore

he

is

called

a

man's

ardhãngl*

She is

also

Iiis

constant

companion

n

his

religious

ife

saha^lharnia-eàrinl ).

Kãlidãsa

may

be

said

to

have

beautifully epitomised

the

ideal

of

a

Hindu

wife when he

describes her

as

"

mistress

of

the

home,

counsellor,

friend

f

inti-

mate moments,and beloved pupil in all the fine arts ".3 Then

there s

woman's

role

as

mother.

Mother s

always

regarded

as

more

divine than

even

divinity.4

he

is

to

be

respected

a

thousand

times

as

much

as

the

father.5 Indeed there could

not

have

been

a

higher compliment

paid

to

a

mother than

the

stirring

words

which

Samkarãcãrya

is

credited with

having

uttered

"

A bad

son

may

be

born,

but

there

never

is a

bad

mother

.6

After

having

lived a

full and

fruitful

ife

s

householder,

man

naturallybeginsto thinkoffreeing imselffrom he ties offamily

and

society.

This is

the

stage

of

withdrawal from

ctive life

nd

taking

over

the life

of a

forest-liermit

vãnaprastha

).

In this

dirama

,

a

man

may

be

accompanied by

his

wife,

who

too

is

»

Mahãbhãrata

II.

142.

64.

8

Cf.

Taittiriya-Sam.

I.

1.

8.

5

ardho

vã

em citmanah t

patni

also

cf.

¿atapatha-Br.

II.

7»

. 3.

*

Raghuvamêa

III.

67.

*

Cf.

anani janmabhümis

a

tvargãd

pi (tariffasi.

5 MannsmrtiI. 145.

6

huputro

ãyeta

kvacid

pi

hnmãtã a

bhavati

DevyaparãdhaktamU-

panattotra

ySamkarâcãrya.

cf.

Brhatatotraratnãkara

p.

215

.

5

[

Annals,

.

O.

R.

I.

]







34

Annals

of

the Bhandarkar

Oriental

Research

InstitiUe

expected

to

dissociate

herself

fiom

all

family

nd

social

bonds.

The main role

of a

vãnaprastha

consists

not

in

service

or

leader-

ship

but

in

disinterested

ounsel.

Without,

n

any

way,

mposing

himself

upon

the

community,

he

places

at its

disposal

the

rich

experience

which

he

has

gathered

during

a

long

and

busy

life.

But

even

this

partial

and

passive

contact

with

the

affairs

of

the

world a

man is

not inclined to

continue

for

ong.

He,

therefore,

soon

enters nto

the last

stage

of ife

the

stage

of

complete

renu-

nciation and solitude ( sa?/tnyãsa . His one and only aim must

now

be

the

realisation of

spiritual

freedom,

of

mystic

union

with

the divine.

It

is

here

necessary

to

emphasise

the

distinction

between

asceticism

(

sarhnyãsa

)

and

austerity

( tapas

).

While,

by

means of

tapas

,

one

seeks

to

achieve

more

or

less

superhuman

powers

to

be

used

mostly

for

materialistic and

secular

purposes,

samnyãsa

aims

at

purely

moral

and

spiritual

ends.

A

samnyãsl

must

drown

his

consciousness

of

ť

I

'

ness

(

ahamkãra

)

and

'

my

ness

(

mamakãra

)

-

he

must cut

himself oose

from the

limita-

tions of individuality and so prepare himself o realise the goal

for

which

he

has

served,

during

the

first three

ãéramas

,

a

well-

planned

apprenticeship.

It

will

be

seen

from

he

foregoing

discussion

that

the

ãsrama-

dharma

provides

a

Hindu

with an

outline

of

a

well-defined

lan

of

ife,

complete

with

its

four

fixed

stages,

each

stage

having

its

own

complex

of

duties.

All

that

an

individual is

expected

to

do

is to

fill n

the

details

in

accordance

with

his

propensities

and

capacities. Indeed this pattern of ife, thougha unique feature

of

Hinduism,

is

so

universal

in

character that it

can

well

become

acceptable

to

all

people

and at

all timfcs.

The

main

strength

of

the

ãàramadharma

perhaps

lies

in the fact

that

it

lays

down

a

graded

discipline

which

is

eminently

suitable to the

physical

and

mental

development

of

man

at

different

ges.

Another

ignificant

point

to

be

noted in

connection

with

the

ã$ramadharma

is

that,

according

to

it,

man's

whole life

constitutes

a

great

and

noble

sacrifice

yajna

).

It

evinces

an

indomitable

faith

n

the

possi-

bilityofprogress only through serviceand sacrifice. It should

be

further

noted

that,

though

the

ãàramadharma

pertains

mainly

to

the

personal

life

of

an

individual,

it

incidentally

seeks







Man

in

Hindu

Thought

35

to

determine he

responsibilities

of

the

individual

and the

society

in

respect

of

each

other. In

the first

srama,

it

is

the

responsi-

bility

of

the

community

o

look

after

the

individual,

while,

in

the

life

of

a

householder,

the individual

is

enjoined

to

promote

communal

life

through

service

and

sacrifice.

The

third

stage

(

vãnaprastha

)

represents

a

some-what

neutral

phase,

and,

in

the

last

stage,

after

having

lived

a

useful

social

life,

the

indivi-

dual

is

normally

inclined to

concentrate

on

his

own

spiritual

emancipation. Finally it should be noted that,true to themain

trend

of

their

thought,

the Hindu thinkers

have

taken

care

to

emphasise

that

the

ãéramadharma

must

not

be

regarded

as

an

end in

itself. To

use

a

classical

metaphor,

the

ãéramas

merely

constitute

a

four-runged

adder

which an

individual

has

to

climb

in

order

to

reach

his

ultimate

goal.

As if

to

make

the broad

scheme

of

the

ãéramas

more

tangible

and

definite,

the

Hindu thinkers

have

correlated it

with

their

more

minute

scheme

of

sacraments

(

saniskãras

).

A sacrament is generally defined as a religious rite which is

intended

to

mark

the

creation

n

an

individual

of

some

inward

spiritual

grace.

Prominent

among

the

various

elements

which

constitute

Hindu

sathskãras

are

sacred

fire,

rayers (

mantras

),

sacrifice,

lustration,1

orientation,8

symbolism,3

taboos,4

and

1

That

Sj

bath

snãna

,

sipping

f

water ãc,

mana

, and,

particularly

sprinkling

ith

water

prok.sana

,

ntended

or

hysical

nd

piritual

urifica-

tion

s also for

ecuring

ame

ért

,

glory

ya>as

,

learning

brahman

,

and

spiritual

ustre

brahmavaraàsa

.

cf.

Pñrashara-Grhyasütra

I.

6.9.

*

Certain

etails

of

the

sacraments

re

fixed n

accordance

with

the

popularbeliefs elating o the differentuarters. n all auspiciousacra-

ments,

or

nstance,

he

ndividual

s

required

o

face

owards

he

east,

which

is

believed

o be

the

uarter

f

light,

ife,

nd

energy.

South

s

the

uarter

of he

god

of

death

the

dead

body

s,

therefore,

laced

n

the

funeral

yrg

with he head

to

the

south.

Cf. lso

circumambulation

pradakànã

,

that

is,

going

round

he

object

f

worship

n

such

way

hat

t

will

lways

e

on

the

right-hand

ide.

2

Material

bjects

re

used as

symbols

pratika

of

piritual

ualities:

for

nstance,

tone

s

the

symbol

f

fixity

nd

steadfastness.

n

marriage

ceremony,

herefore,

he

bride

s

asked

to

step

n

a

stone

ašmárohana

,

to

suggest

teadfastness

n her

devotion

o

the

husband.

Theserefer o time unlucky ays,months,tc. fora particular

person

,

materialfor

nstance,

ertain

ind ffood

t

certain

acraments

,

place,

tc. which

re

regarded

s

inauspicious,

nd, therefore,

prohibited''

in

respect

f

religious

jtesT







36 Annals

of

the Bhandarkar Oriental

Research

Institute

magic.1

Each

important juncture

in the

journey

of

life

is

sanctified

by

means

of a

sacrament.

As

a

matter

of

fact,

sacraments touch

the life

of an

individual

frombefore

his

birth

until

after

his

death.

For,

the first

sacrament

in

the series

refers o the

conception

(

garbhãdhãna )

and the

last to the

funeral

( antyesti

),

while some

of

the

important

intervening

sacraments

relate

to

the

name-giving

(

nämakarana

),

the

tonsure

(

cüdäkarma

),

the initiation

(

upanayana

),

the

end

of studentship ( samãvartana ), and the marriage vivãha ).

Apart

from the

popular

and

more

or

less

superstitious

pur-

pose,

which

the

samskaras

are

supposed

to

serve,

such

as,

for

instance,

the removal

of

evil influences

and attraction

of

favoura-

ble

ones,

they

serve a

very

significant

cultural

purpose.

They

represent,

in a

sense,

the

principal

landmarks

in the

process

of

an

individual

developing

into

a

full-fledged

social

being.

Attention

may

also

be

drawn

to

the

fact

that,

by prescribing

the same

sa/hskãras

for

all

classes

of

people-

the

only

difference

being that, among the lower classes, the sathskãras are not

accompanied

by

the

recitation

of

sacred

mantras

-

the

Hindu

thinkers

have

achieved

a

kind

of

unity

and

uniformity

f

their

religious

culture.

If

the

scheme

of

the

asomas

represented

a kind

of

ethical

organization

of an

individual's

personal

life,

the

caste

system

could be

regarded,

from certain

point

of

view,

as the ethical

organization

of

the social

life of

the

Hindus.

Though

caste is

universally

looked

upon

as

one

of

the

most

distinctive

features

ofHinduism,it is indeed

very

difficult

precisely

to define aste.

All

that

we

can do

is to

indicate

certain

essential

features

of

the

caste

system

as it

operates

in

India.

To

begin

with,

the-member-

ship

of

a

caste is

determined

by

birth.

Further,

the

caste

nor-

mally

regulates

the

marriage,

diet,

and

occupation

of

the

persons

belonging

to it. For

instance,

a

caste

is

an

endogamous

group

so that

its

members

are

forbidden to

marry

outside

that

caste.

In

most

cases

a

caste

is

farther subdivided into

smaller

exoga-

mous

groups,

the

members

of

which

müst

necessarily marry

out-

1

Magic

ormulas

re-

sed

for

everal

purposes,

uch

as,

for

safe

and

easy

delivery,

or

warding

ff

vil

pirits,

tc,







Man in

Hindu

Thought

37

side those

groups.

It

seems that

the

rigid

restrictions

on

mar-

riage,

which,

of

course,

vary

according

to

different

astes

and

localities,

are due

to the taboo

on

taking

food

cooked

by

or

in

the

company

of

certain

persons.

As

a

matter

of

fact,

ccording

to

some

scholars,

this

taboo

is the

keystone

of

the

whole

caste

sys-

tem.

In

this

connection t must

be

pointed

out

that

restrictions

are

placed

by

differentastes

also on

the

kind

of

food

which

may

be

taken

by

their

members.

For

most

castes,

again,

there are

fixed occupations. Since heredity s the basic factorwhich in-

vests an

individual

with

a

particular

caste

for

ife

unless,

of

course,

he

be

later

expelled

from he caste

for

the

violation

of

ts

rules

the

transition

from ne

caste

to another

becomes

mpossi-

ble.

Another

mportant

feature

of

the

caste

system

s

that

there

is

some

gradation

of

castes,

whereby

he

Brãhmanas

are

generally

assigned

a

position

at

the

top.

Indeed,

a

casual

observer

might

feel nclined

to

wonder

whether the

whole

system

did

not

revolve

round

the

central

theme

of

the

prestige

of

the

Brãhmanas.

Even

the normal social intercourse mong the various castes is

govern-

ed

by

certain

set

regulations,

many

of

which

are

based

on

ideas

regarding

pollution

through

direct

contact

or

otherwise.

As a

matter

of

fact

the

relative

position

of

differentastes in

the

hiera-

rchy

of

the

caste

system

has to

be

ultimately

traced back

to the

conceptions

of

purity

and

magic

potence

in

a

ritual

ceremonial.

Caste

in India

also

implies

the denial

of

certain

civil

and

religious

rights

to

a

large

number

of

people.

A mention may be made ofsome other minor and less rigid

restrictions.

Certain

castes have

special

rights

to wear

certain

ornaments

or

garments.

The

kind of

anguage

to be used

by

one

caste

with

reference

o another

is also sometimes

determined

by

the status

of

those

castes

in

the

hierarchy.

Then

there

is

the

general

ban

placed

on

journeys

overseas,

presumably

with

a

view

to

preserving

he

purity

of

caste,

which

would

otherwise

be

affected

hrough

contact

with

non-caste

people.

Provision

is,

however,

made

for

xpiatory

rites

n

cases

of

violation

of

this ban.

It has been rightly observed that caste interfereswith all the

relations

and

events

òf the

life

of a

Hindu,

and

with

what

prece-

des

and

follows

t.

It

has

influenced

the

social

process

of

ndia







38 Annals

of

the

Bhandarkar

Orientai

Research

Institute

to such

an:

extent

that

the

caste

of

a

Hindu

persists

even after

he

changes

his

religion.

The

caste

system

is

accordingly

seen

to

have

infected he

lower classes of

the

Muslim and

the

Indian

Christian

communities.

áow

did

such

a

system

come into

being

?

Several theories

have

been

put

forth

s

regards

the

origin

and

the

growth

of

castes.

Division

of

society

into

classes

or

groups

is

perhaps

a

common

feature

ll

over

the

World.

But

the

caste

system

n

India

is,

as

indicated above, peculiar in many respects and so essentially in-

comparable

with

the social

segmentation

seen

elsewhere. Some

of

the features

of

the

Indian

caste

system

are,

indeed,

so

peculiar

that,

on

account

of

them,

it has

to

be

distinguished

from nstitu-

tions,

existing

elsewhere,

which

are

more

or

less

analogous

to

it.

The

usual

view

about caste

is

that

it

is

the result

of

the

attempts

of

the

culturally

superior Aryan

invaders

to

protect

themselves

from

bsorption

by

the barbarous

aborigines.

There

is

further

tendency mong

many

scholars to

regard

caste as

an

artificial

creationofthe

priesthood

as an outcomeofthe

manipulations

of

the

Brähmanas

who

wanted to maintain the

purity

of

the

race

of

the

Aryan

invaders.

Those

who

adopt

such

a

view

seem to

forget

that

caste

is

essentially

an

organic growth

rather than an

exter-

nally

imposed

defensive

measure.

Moreover,

f

we

accept

the

ex-

clusively

racial

origin

of

castes,

we

shall have

satisfactorily

to

account

for

the

circumstance

that,

though

colour

prejudice

and

racial exclusiveness

have

been

very

common

in

history, they

have not elsewheregiven rise to an institution ike caste. And,

further,

will it be

possible

to claim

that

racial

purity

has

been

actually

preserved

among

even

the

priestly

castes of

today

?

To

point

to

occupation

as

the

exclusive

basis

of

caste

is

equally

unconvincing.

Why

should there

have-been

a

taboo

on

commen-

sality among

different

rofessions

and

how

could,

there

have

arisen

other

strong

prejudices

among

functional

groups

? A

view,

which is

now

more

commonly

advanced is that

caste

mu&t be

traced

back to both racial and

occupational

origins.

It is

sugge-

sted that colour or racial difference,eal or fancied, ogetherwith

hereditary

occupations

gave

birth to the

caste

system.

Accord-

ing

to another

view,

caste

is

the

result

of an

impact

of

patrilined







Man

in

Hindu

Thought

39

invaders

011

ndigenous

matrilined

population.

Some others

define

caste

as

a

society

of

classes

with

a

cross-section

of

guilds.

There

is

indication

n

the

Rgveda,

which is

the

earliest

literary

docu-

ment

of

the

Indians,

that the

society

n

those

days

was

organized

into

four

distinct

orders

Brãhmana

(

the

poet-priest

,

Räjanya

(the

warrior-ruler),

Vaisya (the trader-agriculturist),

and

Sûdra

(

the

labourer

).

In

later literature

these social

orders are

frequently

eferred

o

as

varnas. The traditional

theory

s

that

castes owe theiroriginto these fourvarnas - being the result of

mixed

unions

between the

different

arnas

or

between one

varna

and

the

offspring

f

such mixed unions.1 But

to

assume that

the

3,000

castes,

which

are

today

in

existence

in

India,

are

the

outcome

of

such

mixed

unions

is

perhaps

to

put

too

great

a

strain

on

one's

imagination.

This

traditional

attempt

to

explain

caste

is

quite

formalist

and

only

shows

that the

origins

of

caste had

then

already

become

obscure.

As a matter

of

fact

such

simple

or

set theories

can

hardly

be

expected

to

explain

so

highly

complex

a social phenomenon s the caste system.

A

proper

appraisal

of

the

ancient

organization

of

the varrias

would,

however,

ead

to

a

better

understanding

of

the later

caste

system.

It

is

sometimes

uggested

that the

var

na

of

ancient times

is itself

equivalent

to

caste.

On

a

closer

examination,

however,

it

will be

found

that

the

nature

of

varna

was

essentially

different

from

hat

of caste

as understood

today.

Strictly

speaking,

caste

is

not

varna

;

it

is

jäti.

In

later

times,

varna

came

to be

loo-

sely interpreted s caste presumablybecause the traditionalthe-

orists

wanted

to

find,

n the

sacred

Veda,

authority

for

the

caste

system.

A

kind

of

religious

sanction

for caste

was

sought

to

be

derived

from

the

Purusa-sükta

wTherein

the

four

orders,

namely,

Brãhmana,

Rãjanya,3

Vaiáya,

and

Šúdra,

are firstmen-

tioned.

There

these

orders

are described

as

being

respectively,

the

mouth,

the

arms, the

thighs,

and the

egs

of

the

Cosmic

Being.

The

word

varna

literally

means

colour

;

and

there

can be

little

1

M numrti .

6

ff.

¿

Bgveda

X.

90.

* In thePuruja-sükta hereheföurordersnthe ocietyvarnas are

first

entioned,

he

word

Rãjanya

occurs.

Of

ourse,

t

denotes

he

same

thing

s

c

K:atriya







40

Annals

of

the

Bhandarkar Oriental

Research Institute

doubt

that

in

-such-

passages

in

the

Rgveda,

where

this

word

is

used

in

connection

with the

antagonism

between the

Aryan

in-

vaders

(

ãr

ya

varna

)

and

the

indigenous

Indian

tribes

conquer-

ed

by

them

dãsa

varna

),■

t

denotes

the

colour

of

the skin.

It

thus

seems

to

emphasise

the racial

distinction

between

the

early

Aryan

immigrants

on

the

one

hand,

and

all

other tribes-

colle-

ctively

whom

they

encountered

nd

vanquished,

on the

other.

When,

however,

the

word

varna is

used to

denote the four

social

orders, mentioned in the Purusa-sükta , it does not seem to

possess any

racial connotation

whatsoever. As a

matter

of

fact

these

social

orders are

not

even

called

varnas

in

the

Rgveda.

It

is

only

in

Jater

Vedic

literature2

that

the word

varna

came

to

be

first

mployed

with

reference o

them. In

post-Vedic

litera-

ture,

particularly

in

the

literature

dealing

with

Hindu

dharmà-

éãstra

the connotation

of

the

word

varna

was

further

xtended,

and,

besides the

four,

rders,

t

generally

denoted also the

castes,

which

had,

by

that

time,

become

consolidated.3

It has been

already pointed

out

that

the four

social

orders

(varnas

)

mentioned

in

the

Purusa-sukta

cannot be

said to

dénoté

castes

in

the sense

iri

which

the

word

caste is

understood

today.

The

var

urns

represent

the

organization

of

the

Vedic

society

nto four

main

classes

presumably

for

ertain

magic-ritual

purposes.

It

is,

indeed,

suggested

that

all human

communities

were

originally

bodies

of

persons

organized

for

ritual

purposes,

the chief

of which was

to

secure

a

full life

with

sufficiency

f

1

Cf.

Rgveda

. 104. II. 12.4 III. 34.9 etc.

a

Cf.

atapatha-Br.

. 5.

4.

9-;

VI. 4. 4. 3

Aitareya-Br.

IÏI.

4.

8

Varňadharma

iterally

mplies

he

duties

nd

obligations

f

the four

social

orders.

These re of

he

Brähmana

st^dy

adhyayana

,

teaching

(

adhyãpana

}

sacrifice

yajana

,

officiating

t

sacrifices

yãjana

,

charity

(

dãna

,

and

receivingifts

pratigraha

;

of

the

Kçatriya

protection

f

the

subjects

prajãnãm

aîc.ana

,

charity

dana

),

sacrifice

ijyü

,

study

(

adhyayana

,

and

non-attachment

o

ensuous

leasures

vi&ayesu

prasahti

;

of

the

Vaišya

tendiûg

f

cattle

pakânãm

ralssaná

,

charity daña),

sacrifice

ijyã

3 study

adhyayana

,

trade

vanikpatha

,

usury

¡cusida

,

and agriculturehrsi ; of the Stidra service f the first hree orders

(

varnffitãm

w

rîtsU

.

Cf. Manusnirti

.

88-91.

Later

on,

varnatřharma

came

o

denote

he

body

f

rules

overning

he

aste-system«







Man in

Hincho

Thought

4Í

whatever

s

necessary

or

desirable.

It

thus seems that the

divi-

sion of

the

V

edic

society

into

four orders was intended

for

proper-

ly

distributipg

throughout

the

community

the various

duties

connectedwith the

communal

ritual and

thereby

ensuring

that

those duties were

performed

only by persons

duly

qualified

by heredity,

by

purity

preserved

by

means

of

taboos

etc.,

and

by

knowledge

of

the

special

functions

connected with

the

ritual.

The

beginnings

of

the

rigid

regulations

about taboo

etc.,

which

characterisethe castes ofthe later timesmay be discovered n the

magic-ritual

origin

of

the Vedic

var nas.

One

point,

however,

needs to

be

emphasised

in

this

connection,

namely,

that,

in

the

Vedic

times,

taboo and

other restrictions

possessed

a

definite

reality,

while,

in

later

times,

they

were

more

or

less

conventiona-

lized and

thus became

only

the fossils

of

ancient ritual

actualities.

It

further

ppears

that,

with a

view

to

distinguishing

the

ritual

character and

functions

of

the four

orders,

four

distinct

colours

had

been

assigned

to them white

to the

Brãhmana,

red

to

the

Räjanya or Ksatriya, yellow to the Vaišya, and black to the

áüdra.1

This

fact

would

explain

the

significance

of

the

name

varna

by

which

these orders came to

be

eventually

known.

Traditionally

these

four

colours

were

further

ssociated

with

the

points

of

the

compass,

which

fact

seems to

indicate

that,

in

order

to

avoid

pollution

through

free

contact,

the

four

orders

were

allotted

dwelling

places

in

the

four

quarters

within

the

commu-

nal

settlement. The

magic-ritual

characterof

the

varnas

is

fur-

ther

confirmed

by

the

concept

of

the

ceremonial

rebirth

of

the

first hree

among

them.

They

were

accordingly

called

dvijas

or

twice-born. It

was

only

after

the

sacrament

of

initiation

#

hat

they

became

qualified

for

their

respective

ritual

functions.

The

varnas

of

the ancient

times

seem to

have

been,

to

some

extent,

fluid

n

character,

nd

instances of

transference

f

persons

belon-

ging

to

one

varna to

another varna

,

though

rare,

are not

alto-

gether

wanting.

This is

perhaps

in

keeping

with

the

magic-ritu-

al

ideology,

which

made

it

possible

for

a

person,

under

special

circumstances,

to

increase his

magic-ritual potence

and

thus

1

Mahnhhnrat*II.

181.

6

[

Annuls

. O.

E.

I.

J







4Ž

Annals

of

the Bhandarkar


qualify

himself

for

functions

different rom those

of

his

own

order.

Thus,

even

in

the Vedic

times,

there

existed

a

kind

of

delibe-

rate

hierarchical

organization

among

the

Aryan

invaders.

This

organization

included within itself

certain

factors,

which,

011

account

of

the

interaction

of

certain other

factors,

so

developed

as to transform

hat

organization

into

the

caste

system.

Indeed,

one ofthe most significantfeaturesofthe early Aryan conquest

and

colonisation,

from he

point

of

view

of

the

social

history

of

ancient

India,

may

be said

to

have been the evolution

of

the

four

ancient

varnas into

the various

later

jãtis.

It

is

now

wellnigh

impossible

to mark out the various

stages

in

this

process.

It

may,

however,

be added

that the drift

of

the

evolution

had

been

in

the

direction

of

hardening

and

secularization.

Presumably,

among

the

indigenous

communities

of India

also,

there existed

certain

distinctive

concepts

of

taboo,

pollution,

purification,

etc.

Moreoverthere is sufficientground to assume that theirsocial

life

was

organized

on

the basis

of

graded

functional

guilds.

The

impact

of

the

social

organizations

of

the

Aryans

and

the

indigenous

Indian

communities

on

each other

must

have

helped

the

growth

of

castes.

And,

besides the

factors

mplied

by

these

two

social

organizations,

such as the ideas

relating

to

mana

or

soul-stuff,

aboo,

pollution,

ceremonial

purity,

and

magic-ritual

potence,

the

belief

n

magic

associated

with

crafts

and

functions,

the

anxiety

for

guarding

the secrets

of

trade,

etc.,

several

other

factors, uch as the geographical isolation ofthe Indian sub-con-

tinent,

the enforcement

f

deliberate

economic

and

administrative

policies,

the

clash

of

cultures,

he

fusion

of

races,

the

shrewd

ppli-

cation

of

the

doctrine

of

karma and the

tendency

towards

religi-

ous

and

social

exploitation,

must

have

further

ed to the

consoli-

dation

of

these

castes into

a

full-fledged

ystem.

Such then

was

presumably

the

manner

of

the

origin

and

the

growth

of

castes.

As

a

matter

of

fact,

xcept

on

the

assumption

of

such

a

multiple

origin,

t is

almost

impossible

to account

for

the extreme

comple-

xity ofthe caste system. The caste system n India, must,there-

fore,

be

regarded

as

a

unique

social

institution n

the

world, for,

it

is indeed

very rarely

that the various

factors,

which

have

col-







Man

in Hindu

Thought

43

lectively

contributed towards

its

building

up,

could be

all

found

to

subsist

together

n

another

region.

Attention

may

be

drawn

at

this

stage

to

certain

theoretical

principles

nvolved

in

the

functioning

of

the

caste

system.

To

begin

with,

it will

be seen

that,

as

a

matter

of

fact,

each

caste

represents

n

independent

social

unit.

The

different

nd

exclu-

sive customs

of a

particular

caste,

in a

sense,

isolate

it

from

other castes.

Therefore,

hough

caste

is a

strong

uniting

force

so faras its own members re concerned, it also serves as an

effective

dividing

force vis-a-vis

other castes.

Indeed,

each

caste seeks to

guard

its own

special

customs so

jealously

that

one

sometimes feels

nclined

to

subscribe

to the dictum that

caste

is custom.

But the

peculiarity

of

the Hindu

society

is

that

it

has

integrated

several

such

independent

units into

an

organic

whole.

This social

organism,

called the

caste

system,

s

so

built

up

that it can

accommodate within

itself,

without

difficulty,

ny

new unit that

may

come

into

existence.

Similarly,

if

one

unit

breaks

up

into

smaller

units,

each one

of

the

latter,

instead

of

falling

out,

becomes

naturally

integrated

nto the

bigger organi-

sm

as an

independently

functioning

ell.

The

exclusiveness

and

independence

of a

caste

as a

social unit

are

further

onfirmed

by

its

essentially

autonomous

character.

Each

caste

makes

its own

rules

and

establishes

its

own

customs.

It

also

possesses

the

power

to

enforce,

through

its council

or

panchayat

,

those

rules and

customs

on

its members. The

con-

stitutionofthese councils or panchayats varies in the case of

different

astes.

They

are

either

permanent

bodies

or

are

impro-

vised

for

special

occasions,

and consist

either

of

hereditary

functi-

onaries

or of

elected

representatives.

The main

or

perhaps

the

only

sanction

of

caste

rules

and

customs

is

excommunication

from he caste a

contingency

which

a

Hindu

fears

perhaps

more

than

anything

else

in

the

world.

In

actual

practice

it

is

obser-

ved

that

the

lower

the

caste

in

the social

scale,

the

more

efficient

are

the

organization

and

functioning

f

its council.

It is

sugge-

sted that the autonomous characterofcastes is sometimes vitia-

ted

by

the

fact

that

the

king

or

the

state

assumes

the

ultimate

authority

in

respect

of

them.

There have

no

doubt

been

cases







44

Annals

of

the Bhandarkar

Oriental

Research

Instituée

where

rulers

have exercised their

power

in

the

matter

of a

per-

son's

expulsion

from

r

restoration to

his

caste. But

all

that the

Hindu

dharmašástra

ca^ls upon

a

king

to

do

is

to see

that the

rules

and

customs

of

a caste are

being

properly

observed

by

its

members.

It further

equires

him to take

care that

his

own

laws

are

as

far as

possible

compatible

with the rules

and

customs

of

the

various

castes.

In

their

original magic-ritualcharacter,

the

varying

status

of

the

four

ocial

orderswas

perhaps

not so

very

keenly

felt.All sense

of

inequality

must

have been

drowned

nto

the ritual

ceremonial,

through

which

they sought

to achieve

the

common weal

of

the

community

nd

in

which each

of

them

had

a

distinct and

necessary

part

to

play.

But

with the

secularization of

varnas into

castes,

such

gradation

was

bound to

become

more

complex

and

pronounced.

Attempts

were, therefore,

made to

palliate

the

sense

of

nequality

among

castes

and

to

rationalise

the difference

in the privilegesand prerogatives enjoyed by persons belonging

to

different

astes.

On the one

hand

it

was

argued

that castes

were

divine

in

origin,

and, therefore,

beyoüd

the

control

of

man.

On

the

other

hand,

the

responsibility

for

the

particular

caste

in

which

a

person

was

born

was

thrown on

the

person

himself

bv

suggesting

that

the

actions

done

by

an

individual in

the

preceding

life determined

his

heredity

nd,

therefore,

aste in

the

next

life.

Caste

was thus

regarded

as

a

matter

to

be

decided

exclusively

according

to

the

external

and

inexorable

law

of

karma. It

must,

however, be pointed out in this connectionthat the doctrineof

karma

not

only ustifies

the

present

social

status

of

an

individual;

it

also

offers

message

of

hope

and

sounds

a

note

of

warning.

It

emphatically

lays

down

that an

individual's

rise or fall in

the

social

scale

in

the

next

life

depends entirely

on

the

good

or bad

deeds

which

he

performs

n

the

present

life. With

a

view to

extenuating

the

sense

of

nequality among

castes,

it

is

also

argued

that

if

the

privileges

of a

higher

caste

are

greater

ts

responsibili-

ties

also

are

greater.

Further

a

reference

may

be

made,

in

this

eoiitext, to the fact that the allocation ofa caste in the social

scale

is

not

necessarily

rigid.

There

is

always

the

possibility-

äiaid

here

have

actually

been

instances-^-of

ca«te

rising

in

the







Man

in

Hindu

Thoioght

45

social

scale

by

means

of

ts

own

efforts.

A

caste

can,

for

nstance,

by changing

or

modifying

ts

social and

religious

observances,

generally

improve

its

way

of

life so that its status

in

society

s

more

or

less

automatically

raised.

Before

concluding

this

section it

is

necessary

to

say

a

few

words

about

-the

concepts

of

subcaste,

mixed

caste,

and exterior

caste.

It has been

already pointed

out

that

endogamy

s one

of

the chief characteristics ofa caste. The members

of a caste are

accordingly

forbidden

tö

marry

outside

that

caste.

However,

it

often

happens

that,

in

the

normal

social

process,

a caste

is

divided

into

smaller

groups,

and the

restrictions

relating

to

endogamy

and,

in

some

cases,

also

those

relating

to

commensality

and

general

social

intercourse

come

to be

made

applicable

to

each

of

these

groups.

In

a

sense, therefore,

ach

of

these

groups

derives

the

characterof

caste,

and,

for ll

practical

purposes,

s

actually

regarded

as

a

real

caste.

But,

in

view

of

the

fact

that

they

originate within a real caste and also that their status in the

caste

hierarchy

as

a

whole is

determined

by

the

caste

in

which

they

originate,

these

groups

are

often referred

o

as subcastes.

The

phenomenon

of

mixed

or

intermediate

caste

may

be

best

described s

the

result

of

the

attempts

made

by

Hindu

law-givers

to

regularise

the

position

of

the

progeny

issuing

from

marriages

forbidden

y

dharma and

discountenanced

by

custom.

Though

marriage

within

the caste was

laid

down

as the

legally

recognised

ideal,

marriages

outside the

caste were

not

altogether

unknown.

And, perhaps under the pressure of actualities, such unequal

unions were

not

only

taken into

account

by

the

law-givers,

but,

in a

sense,

were also

condoned

by

them.

The

Hindu

theorists,

accordingly,

evolved

a

scheme

not so much

for

controlling

such

marriages

as

for

systematising

them.

Marriages

of

males

of

higher

càstes

with

females

of

lower castes

(

anuloma

vivãha.)

were

viewed with

greater

tolerance than

marriages

of females

of

higher

castes

with

males

of

ower

castes

(

pratiloma

vivãha

).

It

was,

however,

laid

down

that the

offspring

of

such

une-

qual unions belonged neitherto the caste of the father nor to

that

of

the mother.

A

new

cadre

of

castes,

called mixed

or

inter-

mediate

castes, was,

therefore,

reated,

The

fact

that

these







46

Annals

of

the

Bhandarkar

Oriental

Research

Institute

mixed

castes

were not

organic

but were

artificial would

become

clear

from

he

differences,

which

are

quite

apparent

among

law-

givers,

n

the

matter

of

their nomenclature

and

legal

rights

and

disabilities.

The

genesis

of

the exterior

castes,

which

are also

known

as

outcastes

or

depressed

castes,

has,

on

the

other

hand,

to

be

traced back

to the

magic-ritual epoch

when

certain

groups

were

debarred

purely

on

magic-ritual

grounds

from

partici-

pating

in

the

communal

ritual either

directly

or

indirectly.

Even

in

later times this stigma continued to be attached to thesegroups,

and

they,

ogether

with similar

groups

from

mong

the

indigenous

Indian

communities,

ame to be

assigned

to

an

extremely

low

position

in

the social

scale.

Theirs

is,

indeed,

quite

an anomalous

position.

They

are

not

altogether

disowned

by

the

Hindu

society

but,

at

the

same

time,

they

are

kept

outside

the

hieratic

caste

system.

While,

therefore,

hese

groups

are condemned

to

suffer

ll

legal,

social,

and

religious

disabilities

to

which a low-class

Hindu

is

normally

subjected,

they

are

also

denied

the

few

advantages,

which would have accrued to them had they belongedto the

regular

caste

system.

Really speaking

these

groups

are

casteless

in

the

sense

that

they

are

excluded

from the

caste

system;

but

they

are

called

castes, because,

among

themselves,

they

are

divided

into

various

smaller

groups,

which

observe

the

usual

restrictions

relating

to

endogamy,

commensality,

and

social

intercourse.

Incidentally

it

may

be

added

that

the

igno-

minious

treatment meted

out

to

these

casteless

castes

by

the

caste

Hindus

has

been

perhaps

one

of

the

most

glaring inequitiesofthe

caste

system.

A

survey

of

the various vicissitudes

through

which the

insti-

tution

of

caste

has

passed

through

the

ages

would

give

us

an idea

as

to

how

the

several

features

of

the

system,

ncluding

its

inequi-

ties,

actually

came into

being.

As

indicated

elsewhere,

the

Vedic

society

was

divided into

four

orders

Brãhmana,

Rãjanya,

Vaiáya,

and

áüdra

-

which,

strictly

speaking,

cannot

be

identified

with

castes

in

the sense

in which we

understand

the

term

today.

This

peculiar segmentationofsocietyhad as its basis the magic-ritual

functions

which

people

had

to

perform

n

connection

with the

primitive

communal

sacrifice.

It

was, therefore,

necessarily







Man

in

Hindu

Thought

47

influenced

by

all

the

peculiar

concepts

usually

associated

with

such

ritual,

such

as

those

relating

to

mana

, taboo,

polution by

contact,

capacity

of

food

as

the

transmitter

f

magic

power,

etc.

The

intercourse

mong

these four

orders

was,

therefore,

egulated

in

accordance

with

these

concepts.

There

did,

no

doubt,

exist

a

kind

of

gradation

among

these social

orders,

but

it

was

purely

of

a

magic-ritual

character. These orders were

not

rigidly

closed

or

exclusive

groups.

In

conformity

with

the

magic-ritual

deo-

logy, an upward or downward gradation was possible, thoughit

could

not

have

been

quite

frequent,

because

the

principle

of

heredity

soon

begins

to

operate

n

matters where

special

functions

or

crafts

are

involved.

There are indications that

the

preemi-

nence

of

the

Ksatriya

or

Rãjanya,

among

the four

orders,

was

traditionally

acknowledged, perhaps

because

a

representative

l

that order

played

the

central

role

in

the communal

sacrifice.

However,

in

the Yedic

literature,

which

is

mainly

the

creation

ol

poet-priests,

conscious

effort

eems

to have been

made

to

glorify

thefunction fthe Brähmana. The functionof the Vaisya waft

not

clearly

defined. The

first hree orders were

entitled

to

cere-

monial

rebirth,

which

qualified

them

for

direct

participation

n

the

ritual.

The

Siidra,

who

was

regarded

as

untouchable

so

fai

as

sacrifice was

concerned,

had

but

an

indirect

share

in

it.

In

addition to

these

four

orders,

mention is

made,

in the

Vedic

literature,

lso

of

certain

occupations,

ike those

of

chariot-maker,

barber,

potter,

etc.

,

all of

which

seem

to

have

originated

in

a

scheme

for

distributing,

hroughout

the

community,

he various

duties connected with the ritual. There werealso classes, like

the

Cándalas,

who

seem

to

have

been

entirely

debarred

from

participation

n

the communal

ritual,

and so

eventually

formed

the

fifth

varna

As the result

of a

closer

impact

between

the

Aryan

invaders

and the

indigenous

Indian

communities,

the Vedic

var nas

tended

to

become

more

secular

in

character. There are

clear indications

in

the

Brahmanic

literature

of

the

post-

Vedic

period

that

several

closed groups were being formed in the society though they

were

all

still

included within the scheme

of

the

four

ancient

orders. The

older

gradation

among

the

orders

basçd

on

thçir

rçs-







48

Annals

of

the

Bhandarkar

Oriental Research

Institute

pective

magic-ritual

functions

now

hardened

nto

general

social

inequality,

in which

process

the

principle

of

heredity

played

the

most

prominent

role.

The

position

of

the

Br&hmanas

as

the

specially

privileged

class

was

finally

confirmed, nd,

correspond-

ingly

the

Pudras came to

be

degraded

and

suffered

rom several

disabilities

in

religious

and

secular

matters.

The

Ksatriyas

were

struggling

to retain

their

original

position

of

preeminence,

nd

the

Vaiáyas

were

slowly

but

surely

sinking

in

the

social

scale.

The various occupational groups were generallyassigned either

to

the

Vaiáya

varna or

the Šůdra varna.

This

stratification

f

society

became

so

rigid

that,

in

course

of

time,

in

every single

matter,

big

or

small

from

scales

of

taxation

to mode

of

address

and

salutation,

from he

age

of

nitiation

to

location

of

cremation-

grounds

the

distinction

of

one

varna

from another

and the

gradation

in

their

status

were

emphatically brought

out.

The

most

complete

and

detailed

picture

of

this social

pattern

with all

its ramifications

s

to be found

in

the

Maniismrti

(

cir.

2nd

centuryB. C. ), whichhas laid down that obedienceto caste rules

(

varnadharma

)

was the

very

essence

of dharma.

The

scheme

of

varnns

thus

finally

consolidated

tself nto

a

full-fledged

aste

system,

which,

with its

complex

variety

of

real

castes,

subcastes,

mixed

castes,

right-hand

astes

and

left-hand

castes,

and exterior

castes,

has

dominated the Hindu social

life

through

the

ages

The

aggrandizement

of

the

higher

caste

at the cost

of

the

lower

caste

accordingly

continuedto

be the motive

force

of

Hindu

social

organization.

In the

course

of

ts

history,

voices

were

occasionally

raised

against

the

rigid

social

stratification

engendered

by

the

caste

system,

but without

any tangible

result.

Neither

Buddhism

nor

Islam

can

be

said to

have

done much

in

the

matter

of

the

exter-

mination

of

castes.

In

more

recent

times,

Kapilar

(

Tamil

),

Vemana

(

Telugu

),

Basava

(

Liňgáyata

),

Kabirpanthis,

and

Sikhs

-

among

others

strongly

opposed

caste. But

in

the

case

of

some

of

them

the

poison

of

caste

recoiled

on

them,

while the

protests ofthe othersproved sterile. Theoretically the British

could not have had

any

sympathy

for

the

caste

system.

But as

rulers

they

were too

shrewd

directly

to

interfere

with

any

of

thé'







Man

in

Hindu

Thought

49

social

institutions

prevailing

in

India.

Whenever,

however,

hey

found that

some

features

of

the

caste

system

were

likely

to affect

their

principal

aim,

namely,

to

stabilise their

power

in

this

country,

hey

did

not remain

ndifferent

bout

it.

For

instance,

they

laid

down

that

their

own

law

would,

under

all

circumstances,

override the

laws

of the

various caste councils.

Similarly

they

refusedto

recognise

the

right

of

the Brãhmanas to

act

as

priests

to all

castes

of the Hindus.

Some

acts,

like

the

Special

Marriage

Act,which were aimed at neutralisingcaste restrictions,wereno

doubt

passed

in

the

British

regime,

articularly

as the result

of

the

incessant

work

done

in that

behalf

by

certain

Hindu

legislators.

There

was

also

the

pressure

of

the new reformistmovements.

But,

on

the

whole,

the

British

cannot be

said to

have achieved

much

n

the

matter

of

counteracting

the evils

of

caste.

On

the

contrary,

in

many

ways,

caste

system

proved

helpful

to

their

policy

of

divide

and

řule.

A referencemust,however,be made in this connectionto the

ethical

idealisation

of

the caste

system mplied

in

the

Bhagavad

-

gita.

There

the

emphasis

is

put

not

so

much

on

the

differences

and the

gradation among

the

castes.

They

are

regarded

as

only

incidental

matters.

What,

according

to

the

Bhagavadgltã

,

is

really important

s

the

principle

of

ethical

interdependence

n-

volved

in

this

system.

Society

as

an

integrated

whole

can

be

held

together

and

progress

only

if

its

various units

properly

perform

the functions

assigned

to them.

The

consideration

whethera function s high or low, or whether t is to one's liking

or

not,

is

not

of

any

real

value.

The

feeling

that,

by

observing

your

varnadharma,

you

are

actively

promoting

the

solidarity,

stability,

and

progress

of

the

society

is in

itself

a

reward

greater

than

any

other to be

sought

after n

this

world.

The fact that

the

sponsors

of

the

reformist

movements in

modern

ndia

have

made

caste the

main

target

of

their

attack

against

Hindu

practices

s

likely

to

lead one

to think

that

caste

system

has

not

played

any

useful role

whatsoever

in

the

cultural

historyofIndia. It should, however,be remembered that it is

the institution

of

caste

which

has

enabled

diverse elements of

population

in India

to

live

together

in

a

more

or

less

organized

7

£

Annals,

. O.

R. I.

]







50

Annals

of

the

Bhandarkar


form.

In ancient

times,

for

nstance,

this social

device

had

been

mainly

instrumental

in

regulating

and

regularising

the

racial

fusion between

the

Aryan

invaders and the

indigenous

Indian

communities.

Even

in

later

Indian

history

there have

been seve-

ral instances

of

foreigners

eing

assimilated into the

Hindu

fold,

almost

as

a

matter

of

course,

through

the

agency

of

castes.

The

facts

relating

to

the

origin

and

the

present

status

of

the

Rajputs

are

perhaps

most

significant

n this

respect.

But

it is not

only

that thecaste system,by evolvingan organicwhbleout ofdiverse

elements,

minimised

or,

in

some

cases,

entirely

counteracted

the serious

consequences

of

the social

upheaval,

which

normally

follows

in

the

spate

of

the

encounters

of

various races

and

peoples.

What

is

perhaps

more

significant

s

that,

while

doing

so,

it saw to it that the

individual culture

of

those races

and

peoples

were

not

adversely

affected.

f,

today,

Hinduism

is

truly

a

federation

f

cultures,

the

credit

for

t must

belong,

not

in a

small

measure,

to

the

caste

system.

In

the

cultural

history

of

India the caste

system

has

proved

a

great

integrating

and stabi-

lising

force.

It

is,

however,

necessary

to

add,

in

this

connection,

that

the caste

system

never

encouraged

racial

promiscuity.

On

the

contrary,

through

its

rigid

rules

regarding

endogamy

and

exogamy,

it

sought

to

preserve

what

is known

in

genetics

as

'

pure

line

From

the

point

of

view

of

the

ndividual,

the

caste,

to

which

he

belonged,

afforded

im

kind

of

social

and

economic

security

from

the very beginning. Therewas noneed forhim to feel stranded,

for,

n

a

sense,

his

status,

social

connections,

ccupation,

etc.

were

already

settled

for

him

by

his

caste.

Further,

caste must

have

automatically

served

the

purpose

of

poor

law in

respect

of

its

members.

The

restrictions

placed

by

the caste

system

on

the

occupations

to be

followed

by

various

persons

could

not have

failed

to

have certain

favourable

repercussions

in

the field

of

social

economy. Apart

from

the fact

that

the caste

system

achieved

a

kind

of

self-sufficiencyy

providing

for

the various

functionsnecessaryto social life, it also put a natural check on

unemployment

and

evolved

a

practicable

scheme

of

division

of

labour.

Caste

was

also

the

agency

by

means

of

which several







Man

in Hindu

Thought

5i

arts

and

crafts were

adequately

preserved.

Further,

caste

must

be said

to

have

generally

served

as

an

efficient

form

of

trade union.

These

are

some

of

the

items

which

can be

shown

to the credit

of

the caste

system.

In

the

final

accounting,

however,

it is the

debit

side

which is

likely

to

prove

heavier. Whatever

the

factors

that

were

responsible

for

the

genesis

of

caste,

there

can

be

hardly

any

doubt

that,

in

the course

of

ts

consolidation,

it turned

out

to be the veryantithesis ofthe principleofthe essential equality

of

men. But what was

perhaps

still worse

was

that,

by accept-

ing

heredity

s

the

only

criterion

which

determined one's

caste,

the

caste

system

completely

blocked the

way

for

ndividual

pro-

gress.

Whatever

his

ability

and

attainment,

n

individual

could

not

even

think

of

being

up-graded

in

the social scale

during

his

life-time.

The doctrine

of

karma

could

be

but

a

poor

consolation

under such

circumstances. The caste

system

s

often redited

not,

of

course,

quite unjustifiably

with

having

afforded onsi-

derable

security

to its members. But forthis

they

had to

pay

a

heavy

price.

Members

of

a

caste

are

compared

to

cogs

in a

wheel

which

protected

them

only

when

they

completely

subordinated

themselves to it.

The

caste

system

gave

rise to

still

more

serious social

evils.

As

indicated above it

implied

the

denial of

certain civil and

reli-

gious

rights

to

a

large

number of

people.

Having

created

and

stabilised social

inequality,

which

was

necessarily

accompanied

by oppressionand exploitation ofone class by another,the caste

system

proved

a

constant

source

of

discontent

and

unrest,

and,

consequently,

a

perennial

obstruction

to

social

progress.

The

extreme ocial

segmentation

naturally

prevented

the

growth

of

the

sentiment

of

national

uhnity.

Patriotism

was

not

unoften

misunderstood

s

loyalty

to

one's

caste,

and

the

interests

of

the

caste and

not of

the

community

s

a

whole

became the

motive

force

n

social

life.

True

morality

was

superseded

by

the

demands

of

caste

observances,

and sin

came

to

mean no

more than

breach

ofcaste rules. Further,what was beneficial n the initial stages

of

the

economic ife

proved

to

be

quite

the

contrary

in

course

of

time.

Restriction

on

the choice

of

occupation,

for

nstance,

ed to







Š2

Annals

of

the

Bhandarkar

Oriental

Research Institute

unemployment

within

a

caste,

while

absence

of

competition

mong

castes

in

respect

of

production

and

trade killed

all

initiative

and

enterprise.

The attitude towards

caste,

today,

s

mainly

threefold.

irstly,

there

are

some

people

who

believe that the caste

system

is

the

creation

of

god,

that

it is

governed

by

the

inexorable

aw

of

karma,

that

it

still has

its

uses,

and

that,

therefore,

t must not be

nay,

it

caftnot

e

supplanted

under

any circumstances.

This view

is

too

reactionary

n

the

context

of

the conditions

at

presentprevail-

ing

in

India

to

deserve

any

serious

consideration. Then

there

are

others

who

would

like

to

see

the

present

3,000

or

more castes

grouped together

into

the

four social

orders

mentioned

n

the

Purwsa-sukta

,

namely,

Brãhmana,

Rãjanya,

Vaišya,

and

Šůdra

-

these latter

being

allowed to

preserve

the main

features

of

the

caste

system.

It will

be

easily

seen that

such

a

substitution

of

the four

var

nas

for

the

numerous

atis

is

'now

neither

possible

nor desirable. Finally thereare social reformerswho advocate a

çomplete

extermination

of

castes

by

all

possible

means. It is

now

fully

realized

that,

despite

geographical,

climatic,

racial^

reli-

gious,

and

linguistic

diversities,

India

possesses

a

fundamental

cultural

unity

and

continuity.

The

caste

system,

which

may

have

once been a

great

integrating

nd

stabilising

force,

s

now

proving

a

serious

menace

to

that

sense

of

unity.

It is

rightly

pointed

out

that

the

gravest

evil

of

the

caste

system

s

that it

has

rendered Indian

society

undemocratic

and a

sociological

myth. One, therefore, eels nclined stronglyto support the plea

that

an

active

nation-wide

campaign

be

launched

against

caste,

both

through governmental

nd

private

agencies.

In

this

conne-

ction

it

is

necessary

to

remember

that,

even in

the

past,

efforts

were

occasionally

made

to

supplant

caste.

Button

account

of

ts

peculiar

vitality,

the

system

has

endured

n

the

face

of

all

revolts

against

it.

Even

today

we see

great

loyalty

being

evinced to

the

system,

even

by

the

lower

and

the

suppressed

classes.

Every

campaign

against

caste

must,

therefore,

be

based

on a

correct

estimate ofthe real source of ts vitality.

It is

also

necessary

to

remember

that

conditions

n

modern

India

are

changing rapidly.

The

very pressure

of

the

new

set of







Man in Hindu

Thought

53

circumstanceshas

helped

to

minimise

he

operation

of

many

fea-

tures

of

the

caste

system.

The

present

economic

set-up,

for

instance,

is

slowly killing

the

occupational

character

of

castes.

The

growing

facilities

of

and

increasing

necessity

for

com-

munication

among

various

people

have

effectively

eutralised

the

restrictions

relating

to

commensality

nd social

intercourse. It

is

found

that the

observance

of

the

rigid

rules

regarding

pollu-

tion

through

contact etc. is

now

well-nigh

impossible

in

the

ordinary day-to-day life. It may be enforced only in ritual

situations.

Further,

several basic

concepts

of

the so-called

philo-

sophy

of

caste,

such as

its

divine

origin

and

its

efficacy

o

preserve

racial

purity,

are

now

completely

discountenanced.

It

may

also be

pointed

out that

the movement

of

bhakti

has

done much

in

uniting

the

various

castes into

a

sort

of

religious

democracy.

There

is,

however,

one

feature

of

the caste

system

which

seems

to

die

hard,

namely,

ts

control over

marriage.

Even

an

educated

Hindu,

who

claims

freedom

n

the matter

of

food,

social inter-

course,occupation,traveJ, tc. is seen to observe scrupulously

the

matrimonial

rules of

caste.

It is

suggested

that

this

last

stronghold

of

the

caste

system

can be

most

effectively

ttacked

only through

nter-caste

marriages

on

the

widest scale. This

is

perhaps

to

beg

the

question.

Very

little, indeed,

can

be achieved

in

the

matter

of

the

extermination

f

castes

unless

some

radical

change

is effected

n

the

economic

system,

which

now

lies at the

root

of all social

relationships.

At

any

rate,

it is

most

reassur-

ing

to

find

t

laid

down in

the

Constitution

of

the

Indian

Repu-

blic,

which,

ndeed,

represents

the collectivewill of the

people

of

India,

that

"

the State

shall not

discriminate

against

any

citizen

on

grounds

only

of

religion,

race, caste,

sex,

place

of

birth

or

any

of

them

"

and

that

"

untouchability

s

abolished

and

its

practice

n

any

form

s

forbidden

.

It

has been

rightly

pointed

out

that one

of

the

most

outstand-

ing

features

f Hinduism is

that

it

gives

one

absolute

liberty

n

the

world of

thought

but

enjoins

upon

him

a

strict

code

of

practice.

Whatever,therefore,mightbe the philosophical asseverations of

a

Hindu,

he would consider

conscientious

observance

of

the

ãsramadharma

and

the varnadharma

-

-more

articularly

of

the







54 Annals

of

the

Bhandarkar Oriental

Research

Institute

•latter to

be

a

duty

of

prime

mportance.

This

is,

indeed,

in a

sense,

as it

should be.

Practice

relates

to

the whole mass

of

the

people.

Therefore,

without

their

conforming

o

some

disciplined

and

well-regulated

way

of

ife,

he

solidarity

and

stability

of

the

society

would

be

difficultto

achieve.

On the other

hand,

in

the

matter

of

higher

thought,

with

which

but

a

select

few were

really

concerned,

here

could

not

be

any

risk

in

allowing

those'

few

com-

plete

freedom.

As

a

matter

of

fact,

history

shows

that

such

freedomn beliefand thought has, more often than not,proved

conducive

to

general

progress.

It

is

necessary

to

add,

in this

connection,

that

while

strictly

conforming

o

the

practice,

the

spirit

underlying

that

practice

must

not,

as

far as

possible,

be

lost

sight

of. That

is,

however,

what

seems

to

have

happened

in

respect

of

the

ãsramadharma

and the

varrmdharma

In course

of

time,

there

has

developed

a

sort

of

gulf

between

the

original

concept

and

the

actual

practice.

Besides the ãsramadharma and thevarnadharma ,

the

Hindu

theorists

speak

of

four other

kinds

of dharma

,

namely,

the

var

-

nãsramàdharma

or

the

dharma

applicable

to

an

individual

of

a

particular

varna

at

a

particular

stage

in

his

personal

life

the

gunadharma

or the

dharma

which

concerns

some

distinct

office

r

position

held

by

an

individual;

the

nimitta-dharma

or

the

dharma

which refers

o

certain

special

circumstances,

and

the

sãmãnyadharma

or

general

ethics.

A few

observations

may

be

made

here

relating

only

to

this

last

kind

of dharma.

It must

be pointedout, at the very outset, that general

Hindu ethics

cannot

be

said

to

have

been

reduced

to

any regular

code

as such.

For,

as

in

metaphysics

so

in

ethics,

the

Hindu

seems

to

place

greater

emphasis

on

the

inculcation

of a

proper

attitude

of

mind

rather

than

on the

postulation

of

any

elaborate

theories.

For

instance,

the

theoretical

question

as to

whether

human

will is

free

or not

does

not

seem

to

have

particularly

bothered

a Hindu.

All

that

he

sought

to

do

was

to

neutralise

his

will

completely

through

mystic

union

with

the

Supreme

Being.

So faras what maybe called the practical side of Hindu ethics

is

concerned,

one

is,

first

of

all,

reminded

of

the

three

cardinal

virtues

enumerated

n

an

interesting

parable

of

the

Brhadãran-







Man

in

Hindu

Thought

55

yaka-Upanisad

(

V. 2.

1-3

).

Gods,

men,

and

demons are

said

to

have once

gone

to

their

common

father,

Prajäpati,

and

requested

him to

instruct

them.

To

gods, Prajäpati

communicated

he

syllable

da

,

which

they

correctly

understood

to

be

the

symbol

of

the

instruction,

dãmyata

-

"

practise

self-control

To men

also,

Prajäpati

communicated

he

syllable

da,

which

they

under-

stood

in

the

sense,

datta

-

"

practise

charity

To

demons,

ike-

wise,

Prajäpati

communicated

he

syllable

da

, which,

n their

case,

denoted dayadhvam practise compassion". The Upanisad

further

ells

us

that all

beings

are

frequently

reminded

of

this

triple

instruction of

Prajäpati

relating

to

the

three

cardinal

virtues

of

self-control

dama),

charity

dãna),}

and

compassion

(

dayâ

)

through

the

thundering

of

clouds

which

produces

the

sound

da-da-da.

The

Bhagavadgítã

has

mentioned,

n diffe-

rent

contexts,

quite

a

large

number of

other

virtues,

such

as,

for

instance,

fearlessness

abhaya

),

purity

of

mind

sattvasamèuddhï),

sacrifice

yajfta ,

uprightness

( ãrjava

),

non-violence

(

ahirnsã

,

truth (satya , freedomfrom anger (akrodha , renunciation

(

tyãga

,

tranquility

(santi),

aversion

to

fault-finding

apai

-

éuna),

freedom

from

covetousness

(

alolupatva

),

gentleness

(

mãrdava

),

modesty

(

hrï

,

and

steadiness

(

acãpala

)9.

It

also

enjoins

on

man

the

avoidance

of

certain

vices

-

more

particularly

of

ust

(

kãma

,

anger

(

krodha

,

and

greed

(

obha

,

which

repre-

sent

the

'

triple

gate

of

hell

leading

to

the ruin

of the

soul.8

The

Hindu

concept

of

sin

is, indeed,

very comprehensive

and

includes

within

tself

several

views

expressed

on different

lanes

from hemost primitiveview which represents sin as disease to

the most

elevated

one

which

represents

t as denial

of

soul

or

betrayal

of

self,

ome

of

the other

views

being

those

which

regard

sin

as

debt,

or

as

breach

of

caste

rules,

or

as

defiance

of

god,

or

as

being

out of

harmony

with

the

spiritual

environments,

r

as

lack

of

spiritual

power.

It

will be thus

seen that

the

general

practical

ethics

of

the

Hindus

is

much the

same

as

that

of

the

most

of

the

civilised

peoples.

But if the

Hindus

have

anywhere

1

The word

e

charity

is

not

used n the ense

f

merely iving

lms.

It

rathermplies sharingwhatone has with ne's ellow-beingsnotbeing

selfish

and,

herefore,

oving

ne's

fellow-beings.

2

Bhagavadgitll

VI,

1-3,

J

ibid,

XVI,

21,







56 Annals

of

the

Bhandarkar

Oriental

Research Institute

distinguished

themselves

t

is

in

their

special

emphasis

on

truth

(

satya ,

non-violence

ahi

t'usa),

acrifice

yajfia

,

and

renunciation

(samnyãsa),

which,

according

to

them,

are

not

merely passive

virtues,

but

represent

ctive

social

morality.

Very

little

need be

said

about

truth. Attention

may only

be

drawn

to

the

Upanisadic

parable

about

Satyakäma

Jäbäla1.

When asked about

his

antecedents

by

his

teacher,

Satyakäma

gave a straightforward eplythat he did not really know from

what

family

he

had

come,

but that

he

only

knew

his

mother's

name,

and

that

she

had told him

that

she

did

not

know

from

what

fatherhe

was

born,

herself

having

led

a

very

wanton life

in

her

youth.

On account

of

this

pure

and

unadulterated

truth

told

by

him,

the

son

of

Jabãlã was

forthwith

ccepted by

the

teacher

as

a

worthy pupil

for

spiritual

instruction.

This

parable

emphasises

that truthfulness

s

to

be

recognised

as the

only

criterion

of

an individual's

character

and

position.

As

for

ahiňéSá it is the cosmic outlook of the Hindus which teaches

them to

respect

all

life

indeed

all

god's

creation.

This is the

positive

aspect

of

ahimsâ.

Closely

allied with

this

is

the

teaching

regarding

ãtmaupamya

,

that

is,

seeing

with

equality

everything

n

the

image

of

one's

own

self,®

nd

sarvabhütahita

that

is,

doing good

to

all

creatures.3 It

is,

indeed,

well

said

that

the

doctrine

of

ahifnsâ

with

its host

of

implications,

is

of

far

greater

mportance

than

the

costliest

philanthropic

institutions.

The

concept

of

yajña

must be said to

be

dominating

the

entire

Hindu viewof ife. Theform ndextentof acrificemayhave varied

from

ge

to

age

but its

underlying

pirit,

expressed

in

the

words,

"

fostering

ach

other

you

shall

attain

to

the

supreme

good,"4

has

endured

"throughout.

The

Bhagavadgitã

,

indeed,

describes

the

whole

universe as

a

"

wheel

of

sacrifice

5

which

operates

on

the

ethical

principle

of

mutual

interdependence

mong

its

constitu-

ents.

No

one

must be

remiss

n

playing

his

appointed

part

in

that

sacrifice,

est the

proper

functioning

of

the

world

would

be

adversely

affected.

1

Chündogya-Up.

V. 4.

*

Bhagavadgitã

I.

32¿

®

iòidi

V, 25,

«

ibid,

II,

11,

5

ibid,

II.

9

ff.







Mãn in Hindu

Thought

5

7

The

concept

of

saf¡,nyá8a

renunciation

in

Hinduism

has

been

very

much

misunderstood. It is often

suggested

that

samnyãsa

is

a

negative

virtue,

that

it

is not

a

social

value,

and

that

a

8a?hnyã8l

has

no

social

personality.

It

cannot

be -denied

that

the actual

practice

of

samnyãsa

in

popular

Hinduism

gave

sufficient

round

for

such

characterisation.

But

the

true

deal in

this

respect

s

represented

n the

Bhagavadgltã

,

which reconciles

samnyãsa

with

the

ideal

of

loJcasan.graha

( solidarity

of

the

societyand maintenance of the universe") and the doctrineof

yajña.

A

true

samnyâsï

is one

who

practises

renunciation

in

action

and

not

of

action.

The

Bhagavadgltã

, indeed,

ays

down

in

the

following

words1 he

motto, which,

according

to,

Hindu-

ism,

should

govern

the

role

of

man

in

relation to the

world

"

Therefore,

without

attachment,

perform

lways

the

work

that

has

to

be

done,

for

man

attains

to the

highest by

doing

work

without

attachment

man in hindu thought gçö a broad outline gçö

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