Liria ekonomike, Rasti i ShqiprisLiria ekonomike apo e drejta pr liri ekonomike sht aftsia e antarve t nj shoqrie t ndrmarrin drejtimin dhe veprimet ekonomike. tregjet e lira, tregtin e lir dhe prona private nn siprmarrjen e lir. mirqenia e zgjedhjes individuale, me liri m t madhe ekonomike q vjen nga nj grup "t madh" (n nj kuptim teknik) zgjedhjesh t mundshme. lirin nga skamja liria pr t'u angazhuar n marrveshjet kolektive. Kjo sht mishruar n shtetin e s drejts, t drejtat pronsore dhe lirin e kontrats, dhe karakterizohet me transparenc t jashtm dhe t brendshm t tregjeve, mbrojtjen e t drejtave t prons dhe lirin e iniciativs ekonomike. Ka disa indekset e liris ekonomike q prpiqen pr t matur lirin ekonomike t tregut t lir. Studimet empirike t bazuar n kto renditjen kan gjetur standarde m t larta t jetess, rritjes ekonomike, barazis t ardhura, m pak korrupsion dhe dhuns m pak politik q t lidhen me rezultatet m t larta n renditjen e vendit. sht argumentuar se treguesit e liris ekonomike n prgjithsi pet t politikave s bashku pa lidhje dhe rezultatet e politikave pr t fshehur korrelacione negative ndrmjet rritjes ekonomike dhe EF n disa nnkomponent. Si mund t mas lirin ekonomike?Ne mas lirin ekonomike t bazuar n 10 faktor sasior dhe cilsor, t grupuara n katr kategori t gjera, ose shtylla, t liris ekonomike:Rregulla t Ligjit (t drejtat e prons, lirin nga korrupsioni);Qeveria Limited (liria fiskale, shpenzimet qeveritare);Efikasiteti Rregullator (liria e biznesit, liria e puns, liria monetare); dheTregjet e hapura (liria e tregtis, liria e investimeve, liria financiare).Secili nga dhjet lirive ekonomike brenda ktyre kategorive t vlersohet n nj shkall nga 0 n 100. Rezultati i prgjithshm i nj vendi rrjedh nga mesatarisht kto dhjet lirit ekonomike, me pesh t barabart duke u dhn secilit. M shum informacion mbi notimit dhe metodologjin mund t gjenden n shtojcn.Kwto katwr kategori pwrbwjnw dhe ato qw quhen institucionet e liris ekonomike, sepse sundimi i ligjit krkon lirin ekonomike dhe se liria ekonomike krkon sundimin e law.Friedrich Hayek argumentoi se siguria e ligjit i kontribuuan pr prosperitetin e Perndimit m shum se do faktor tjetr i vetm. Parimet e tjera t rndsishme t sundimit t ligjit jan parim i prgjithshm dhe barazia e ligjit, t cilat krkojn q t gjitha rregullat ligjore t zbatohen n mnyr t barabart pr t gjith. Kto parime mund t shihet si masa mbrojtse kundr kufizimeve t rnda n liri, sepse ata krkojn q t gjitha ligjet n mnyr t barabart t aplikojn pr ata me pushtet politik dhe shtrnguese, si dhe atyre q qeverisen. Parimet e prgjithsin dhe barazin e ligjit prjashtojn privilegje t veanta dhe aplikimin arbitrar t ligjit, q sht ligjet favorizojn nj grup n kurriz t qytetarve t tjer. [14] Sipas Friedrich Hayek, barazia para ligjit sht e papajtueshme me do veprimtari t Qeveria synon t arrij barazin materiale t njerzve t ndryshm. Ai pohon se prpjekje i shtetit pr t vn njerzit n t njjtn (ose t ngjashme) pozits materiale t on n nj trajtim jo t barabart t individve dhe ndaj nj rishprndarje t detyrueshm t t ardhurave. [15]T drejtat e prons private [redakto]N vitet 1960 Alan Greenspan argumentuar se liria ekonomike krkon standarde thegold pr mbrojtjen e kursimeve nga konfiskimi prmes inflacionit. [16]Sipas pikpamjes s lir t tregut, nj sistem t sigurt t t drejtave t prons private sht nj pjes thelbsore e liris ekonomike. Sistemet e tilla prfshijn dy t drejta kryesore: t drejtn pr t kontrolluar dhe t prfitojn nga pasuria dhe t drejtn pr t transferuar pasurin me mjete vullnetare. Kto t drejta ofrojn njerzve mundsin e autonomis dhe vet-vendosjes sipas vlerave t tyre personale dhe qllimet. [17] Economist Milton Friedman e sheh t drejtat e pronsis si "m themelore t t drejtave t njeriut dhe nj themel esencial pr t drejtat e tjera njerzore." [18] me t drejtat e prons t mbrojtura, njerzit jan t lir t zgjedhin prdorimin e prons s tyre, t fitojn n t, dhe transferimin e saj pr t askujt tjetr, pr sa koh q ata e bjn kt n baza vullnetare dhe nuk mbshteten n t forcs, mashtrimit apo vjedhje. N kushte t tilla shumica e njerzve mund t arrij lirin m t madhe personale dhe t zhvillimit sesa nn nj regjim t detyrimit t qeveris. Nj sistem i sigurt i t drejtave t pronsis gjithashtu redukton pasigurin dhe inkurajon investimet, duke krijuar kushte t favorshme pr nj ekonomi q t jet i suksesshm. [19] T dhnat empirike sugjeron se vendet me sisteme t drejtave pronsore t fort kan shkall t rritjes ekonomike pothuajse dy her m i lart sa ato t vendeve me t dobt Sistemet e t drejtave t prons, dhe se nj sistem tregu me t drejta t rndsishme t prons private sht nj kusht thelbsor pr demokracin. [20] Sipas toHernando de Soto, shum m e varfris n vendet e Bots s Tret sht shkaktuar nga mungesa e sistemeve perndimore t ligjeve dhe edhe T drejtat -defined dhe t njohura universalisht e prons. De Soto argumenton se pr shkak t pengesave ligjore njerz t varfr n kto vende nuk mund t shfrytzoj pasurin e tyre pr t prodhuar m shum pasuri. [21]Pierre Proudhon, nj mendimtar socialist dhe anarkist, argumentoi se prona sht edhe vjedhje dhe liri. [22] Shum majtt kundrshtojn se prona private do t thot "liri ekonomike" dhe besoj n nj sistem ku njerzit mund t pretendojn pr gjra t bazuara n prdorim personal. [ 23]Liria e kontrats [edit]Liria e kontrats sht e drejt pr t zgjedhur e dikujt palt kontraktuese dhe t tregtis me ta n do termat dhe kushtet e nj sheh t arsyeshme. Kontratat lejojn individve pr t krijuar rregullat e tyre ligjore t zbatueshme, prshtatur me situatat e tyre unike. [24] Palt vendosin nse kontratat jan fitimprurse ose t drejta, por nj her n kontrat sht br ata jan t detyruar t prmbush kushtet e saj, madje edhe n qoft se ata jan duke shkuar pr t mbshtetur Humbjet nga duke br kshtu. Nprmjet br premtime t detyrueshme njerzit jan t lir t ndjekin interesin e vet. Funksioni kryesor ekonomik i kontratave sht q t siguroj transferimin e t drejtave t prons. Transferimi n mas t madhe varet nga zbatueshmrin e kontratave, e cila sht mundsuar nga sistemi gjyqsor. N shoqrit perndimore shteti nuk ka zbatuar t gjitha llojet e kontratave, dhe n disa raste ajo ndrhyn duke ndaluar rregullime t caktuara, edhe n qoft se ata jan br midis palve t vullnetshme. Megjithat, jo t gjitha kontratat duhet t zbatohen nga shteti. Pr shembull, n Shtetet e Bashkuara ekziston nj numr i madh i gjykatave t arbitrazhit t palve t treta t cilat zgjidhur mosmarrveshjet n baz t ligjit komercial. [25] kuptuar Negativisht, liria e kontrats sht liri nga ndrhyrja e qeveris dhe nga dekretet e vendosura t vlerave t drejtsis. Nocioni i "liris s kontrats", sht dhn nj nga shprehjet e saj m t famshm ligjore n 1875 nga Sir George Jessel MR: [26][I] f ka nj gj m shum se nj tjetr politikat publike krkon ajo sht se burrat n mosh t pjekur dhe t kuptuarit kompetent do t ket lirin madhe e kontraktimit, dhe se kontratat e tyre kur hyn n lirisht dhe vullnetarisht, do t mbahen t shenjta dhe do t zbatohen nga gjykatat e drejtsis. Prandaj, ju e keni kt politik suprem publik pr t shqyrtuar - q ju nuk jan t leht pr t ndrhyr n kt lirin e kontrats.Doktrina e liris s kontrats mori nj nga shprehjet e saj t fort n rastin e Gjykats s Lart t SHBA e Lochner v Nju Jork cila goditi kufizime ligjore mbi orarin e puns t furrtare. [4]Nga kjo pik e tutje, pikpamje Lochner e liris s kontrats ka qen i refuzuar nga gjykatat amerikane. [28]Liria ekonomike dhe politike [redakto]Disa avokat t tregut t lir argumentojn se lirit politike dhe civile kan zgjeruar n t njjtn koh me ekonomi t bazuara n treg, dhe t paraqes prova empirike pr t mbshtetur pohimin se lirit ekonomike dhe politike jan t lidhura. [29] [30]N Kapitalizmi dhe Liria (1962), Friedman zhvilluar m tej argumentin Friedrich Hayek-s se liria ekonomike, ndrsa vetvete nj komponent shum i rndsishm i liris s prgjithshme, sht gjithashtu nj kusht i domosdoshm pr lirin politike. Ai komentoi se kontrolli i centralizuar i aktiviteteve ekonomike u shoqrua gjithmon me represionit politik. Sipas tij, karakteri vullnetar i t gjitha transaksioneve n nj ekonomi t tregut t lir dhe t diversitetit t gjer se ajo lejon jan krcnime themelore ndaj udhheqsve politik represive dhe n mas t madhe t zvogloj fuqin pr t detyruar. Prmes eliminimit t kontrollit t centralizuar t aktiviteteve ekonomike, fuqia ekonomike sht i ndar nga pushteti politik, dhe mund t shrbej si kundrpesh ndaj tjetrit. Friedman mendon se kapitalizmi konkurrues sht veanrisht e rndsishme pr grupet e pakicave, q nga forcat e paprcaktuar e tregut t mbrojtur njerzit nga diskriminimi n veprimtarit e tyre ekonomike pr shkaqe q nuk lidhen me produktivitetin e tyre. [31]Austriak ekonomist Shkolla Ludwig von Mises argumentuar se liria ekonomike dhe politike ishin reciprokisht t varura: "Ideja se liria politike mund t ruhet n munges t liris ekonomike, dhe anasjelltas, sht nj iluzion liria politike sht rrjedhim logjik i liris ekonomike Ajo.. Nuk sht rastsi q mosha e kapitalizmit u b edhe mosha e qeveris nga populli. "[32]N rrugn e robris, Hayek argumentoi se "kontrolli ekonomike nuk sht thjesht kontroll i nj sektori t jets njerzore q mund t shkputen nga pjesa tjetr,. Ajo sht kontrolli i mjeteve pr t gjitha skajet tona" [33] Hayek kritikuar politikat socialiste si shpatin rrshqitshm q mund t oj n totalitarizm. [34]Gordon Tullock ka argumentuar se "argumenti Hayek-Friedman" parashikoi qeverit totalitare n shum vende t Evrops Perndimore n fund t shekullit t 20 - t cilat nuk ndodhin. Ai prdor shembullin e Suedis, n t cilat qeveria n at koh kontrolluar 63 prqind t PKB, si shembull pr t mbshtetur argumentin e tij se problemi themelor me The rrugn e robris sht "se ajo e ofruar parashikime cila doli t jet e rreme. prparimi i vazhdueshm i qeveris n vende t tilla si Suedia nuk ka uar n ndonj humbje e lirive jo-ekonomike. " Ndrsa kritikuar Hayek, Tullock ende vlerson nocionin klasik liberal t liris ekonomike, duke thn: "Argumentet pr liri politike jan t forta, si jan argumentet pr lirin ekonomike. Ne nuk duhet t bj nj grup i argumenteve t varet nga tjetri." [35 ]Indekset e liris ekonomike [redakto]Artikulli kryesor: Indekset e liris ekonomikeSondazhet vjetore Liria Ekonomike e Bots (LEB) dhe Indeksi i Liris Ekonomike (IEF) jan dy indekse t cilat t bjn t pamundurn pr t matur shkalln e liris ekonomike n vendet e bots. Indeksi LEB, zhvilluar fillimisht nga Gwartney, Lawson dhe Blloku n Institutin Fraser [36] ishte e mundshme m e prdorur n studimet empirike si i 2000. [37] Indeksi tjetr i madh, i cili u zhvillua nga The Heritage Foundation dhe The Wall Street Journal duket superiore pr pun t dhnave, edhe pse si ajo vetm shkon prapa n 1995, ajo sht m pak e dobishme pr krahasime historike. [37]Sipas krijuesit e indekseve, kto renditjen lidhen fort me t ardhura m t lart mesatare pr person, t ardhurat m t larta e m t varfr 10%, jetgjatsia e lart t jets, shkrim-leximit m i lart, m i ult t vdekshmris foshnjore, aksesi m i lart pr t burimeve t ujit dhe m pak korrupsion. [38] [39] Njerzit q jetojn n krye nj e pesta e vendeve t gzojn t ardhura mesatare prej 23.450 $ dhe nj norm t rritjes n vitet 1990 e 2,56 pr qind n vit; n t kundrt, fund nj e pesta n renditjen e kishte nj t ardhur mesatare prej vetm 2556 $ dhe nj norm rritjeje -0,85 pr qind n vitet 1990. M i varfr 10 pr qind e popullats kan t ardhura mesatare prej vetm 728 $ n vendet m s ulti n krahasim me mbi 7.000 $ n vendet m t lart renditet. Jetgjatsia e njerzve q jetojn n vendet m t larta t renditura sht 20 vjet m gjat se sa pr njerzit n vendet m s ulti. [40]Liria m e lart ekonomike, e matur nga t dy trashgimis dhe indekseve Fraser, lidhet fort me lumturin m t lart t vet-raportuar. [41]Erik Gartzke i Institutit Fraser vlerson se vendet me nj EFW t lart jan n mnyr t konsiderueshme m pak t ngjar t jen t prfshir n luftra, ndrsa masa e tij e demokracis pasur pak ose aspak ndikim. [42]Liria Ekonomike e Rezultati Botrore pr t gjith botn sht rritur n mnyr t konsiderueshme n dekadat e fundit. Mesatare Rezultati sht rritur nga 5,17 n vitin 1985 pr 6.4 vitin 2005. Nga kombeve n 1985, 95 kombe rritur rezultatin e tyre, shtat pa nj rnie, dhe gjasht ishin t pandryshuara. [43] Duke prdorur Indeksin e metodologjis liris s Liris Ekonomike ekonomike botrore 2008 sht rritur 2,6 pik q nga viti 1995. [44]Antart e Grupit t Banks Botrore t prdor gjithashtu edhe Indeksin e Liris Ekonomike, si tregues i klims s investimeve, sepse ajo mbulon shum aspekte t rndsishme pr sektorin privat n numr t gjer t vendeve. [45]Natyra e liris ekonomike sht shpesh n mosmarrveshje. Robert Lawson, bashk-autor i LEB, madje pranon t metat e mundshme t indekseve t liris: "Qllimi i indeksin EFW sht pr t matur, pa dyshim imprecisely, shkalln e liris ekonomike q ekziston." [46] Ai krahason i fundit Prpjekjet e ekonomistve pr t matur lirin ekonomike n prpjekjet fillestare t ekonomistve pr t matur PBB-n: "Ata [makroekonomistt] ishin shkenctar q dergjej posht pr t hartuar, si m t mir ata mund t me mjetet q ka n dor, nj mas e aktivitetit aktual ekonomik t kombit . Aktiviteti ekonomik ekziston dhe puna e tyre ishte pr t matur at. Po ashtu liria ekonomike ekziston. Kjo sht nj gj. Ne mund t prcaktoj dhe t mas at. " Kshtu, ai vijon se disa ekonomist, socialistt dhe anarkistt pretendojn se treguesit ekzistues t liris ekonomike jan prcaktuar shum ngusht dhe duhet t marr n konsiderat nj konceptim m t gjer t lirive ekonomike.Kritikt e indekseve (p.sh. Thom Hartmann) gjithashtu kundrshtojn prfshirjen e masave t biznesit t lidhura si me arter korporatave dhe mbrojtjen e prons intelektuale. [47] John Miller n Dollar & Sense ka deklaruar se treguesit jan "nj barometr i varfr e as liri m gjersisht interpretohet ose t prosperitetit. " Ai argumenton se korrelacion t lart ndrmjet standardeve t jetess dhe t liris ekonomike si matet nga IEF sht rezultat i zgjedhjeve t bra n ndrtimin e indeksit q garantojn kt rezultat. Pr shembull, trajtimi i nj sektori t madh jozyrtar (e zakonshme n vendet e varfra) si nj tregues i politiks restriktive qeveritare, dhe prdorimi i ndryshimit n raportin e shpenzimeve qeveritare me t ardhurat kombtare, n vend se niveli i ktij raporti. Hartman argumenton se kto zgjedhje shkaktojn vendet sociale demokratike evropiane pr t rangut m t lart se vendet ku pjesa qeveria i ekonomis sht i vogl por n rritje. [48]Ekonomistt Dani Rodrik dhe Jeffrey Sachs kan theksuar vemas se duket se ka pak lidhje reciproke n mes liris s matur ekonomik dhe rritjen ekonomike kur vendet m pak t lira jan t shprfillur, si tregohet nga rritja e fort e ekonomis kineze n vitet e fundit. [49] [50 ] Morris Altman gjetur se ka nj korrelacion relativisht e madhe midis liris ekonomike dhe t dy t ardhurave pr frym dhe t rritjes pr frym. Ai argumenton se kjo sht veanrisht e vrtet kur vjen puna pr t nn-indekset q lidhen me t drejtat e pronsis dhe t holla t shndosh, ndrsa ai v n pikpyetje rndsin e nn-indekseve t bjn me rregullimin e puns dhe madhsia e qeveris dikur disa vlera e pragut t kaluar. [51] John Miller m tej vren se Hong Kong dhe Singapore, t dy vendet e vetme sipas toFreedom House, jan duke udhhequr "pjesrisht t lir" n t dy indekseve t liris ekonomike dhe hedh dyshime mbi pretendimin se matur lirin ekonomike sht e lidhur me lirin politike. [48] Megjithat, sipas t Freedom House, "ekziston nj korrelacion i lart dhe statistikisht i rndsishm n mes t nivelit t liris politike t matur nga Freedom House dhe t liris ekonomike e matur nga anketa Wall Street Journal Foundation / Heritage". [52]Vendos zgjedhje dhe liria ekonomike [redakto]Amartya Sen dhe ekonomist t tjer kan konsideruar liria ekonomike n terma t caktuar zgjedhjesh ekonomike n dispozicion t individve.Liria pozitive dhe negative [redakto]Dallimet n mes pikpamjeve alternative t liris ekonomike jan shprehur n terma t dallimit Isaia Berlinit mes liris pozitive dhe liria negative. Liberalt Klasike favorizojn nj fokus n liri negative si bri vet Berlinin. N t kundrt Amartya Sen argumenton pr nj kuptim t liris n aspektin e aftsive pr t ndjekur nj gam t qllimeve. [53] Nj mas e cila prpiqet pr t vlersuar lirin n kuptimin pozitiv sht Goodin, Rajs, Parpo, dhe mas Eriksson-s t kohs s lir, e cila sht nj vlersim i asaj se sa koh njerzit kan n dispozicion t tyre, gjat t cilit ata jan t lir t zgjedhin aktivitetet n t cilat ata marrin pjes, pasi duke marr parasysh kohn q ata kan nevoj pr t shpenzuar blerjen e nevojshme pr jetn. [54]Liria nga varfria [edit]Franklin D. Roosevelt i prfshir lirin nga skamja n fjaln e tij katr lirit. Roosevelt deklaroi se liria nga varfria "e prkthyer n terma botrore, nnkupton kuptime ekonomike q do t siguruar q do popull nj jet t shndetshme n koh paqeje pr banort e saj-kudo n bot". N aspektin e politiks amerikane, Roosevelt'sNew Deal prfshihen lirit ekonomike t tilla si liria e organizimit sindikal, si dhe nj gam t gjer t politikave t ndrhyrjes s qeveris dhe tatimeve rishprndars q kan pr qllim nxitjen e liris nga skamja. Ndrkombtarisht, Roosevelt favorizuar politikat q lidhen me Woods Marrveshjes Bretton q institucionet ekonomike ndrkombtare fikse normat e kmbimit dhe t themeluar si Banka Botrore dhe Fondi Monetar Ndrkombtar.Herbert Hoover e pa lirin ekonomike si liri e pest, q siguron mbijetesn e Roosevelt katr lirive. Ai e prshkroi lirin ekonomike si liri "pr burrat pr t zgjedhur thirrjen e tyre, pr t grumbulluar pasurin n mbrojtjen e fmijve t tyre dhe mosha e vjetr, [dhe] liria e ndrmarrjes q nuk e plagos t tjert." [55]Liria e organizimit dhe sindikatat [redakto]Deklarata Filadelfia (sanksionuar n kushtetutn e Organizats Ndrkombtare t Puns [56]), thot se "t gjitha qeniet njerzore, pavarsisht nga raca, besimi ose gjinia, kan t drejtn t synojn edhe e tyre materiale mirqenien dhe zhvillimin e tyre shpirtror n kushtet e Liria dhe dinjiteti, t siguris ekonomike dhe mundsive t barabarta. " ILO m tej thekson se "E drejta e puntorve dhe pundhnsve pr t formuar dhe t bashkohet me organizata t zgjedhjes s tyre sht nj pjes integrale e nj shoqrie t lir dhe t hapur." [57]Shikime socialist [edit]Pikpamja socialist i liris ekonomike koncepton e liris si nj situat konkrete n krahasim me nj koncept abstrakt apo moral. Kjo pikpamje e liris sht ngusht e lidhur me pamje socialist t krijimtaris njerzore dhe rndsin atribuar t liris krijuese. Socialistt t par kreativitetin si nj aspekt thelbsor t natyrs njerzore, n kt mnyr prcaktimin lirin si nj situat ose gjendje t qen ku individt jan n gjendje t shprehin kreativitetin e tyre t papenguar nga kufizimet e t dy mungess materiale dhe institucionet shtrnguese sociale. [58] marksistt theksojn rndsin e liruar individ nga ajo q ata e shohin si shtypse, shfrytzuese dhe tjetrsuar marrdhnie shoqrore t prodhimit ata jan t detyruar t marrim pjes n, si dhe pr rndsin e zhvillimit ekonomik, si duke siguruar bazn materiale pr ekzistencn e nj shteti t shoqris ku ka burime t mjaftueshme pr t lejoj pr do individ pr t ndjekur interesat e tij ose t saj t mirfillta krijuese. [59]

Economic freedomoreconomic libertyorright to economic libertyis the ability of members of a society to undertake economic direction and actions. This is a term used in economic andpolicy debatesas well as a politicoeconomic philosophy.[1][2]One approach to economic freedom comes fromclassical liberalandlibertariantraditions emphasizingfree markets,free tradeandprivate propertyunder free enterprise. Another approach to economic freedom extends thewelfare economicsstudy of individual choice, with greater economic freedom coming from a "larger" (in some technical sense) set of possible choices.[3]Other conceptions of economic freedom includefreedom from want[1][4]and the freedom to engage incollective bargaining.[5]Thefree marketviewpoint defines economic liberty as the freedom to produce, trade and consume any goods and services acquired without the use of force, fraud or theft. This is embodied in the rule of law, property rights and freedom of contract, and characterized by external and internal openness of the markets, the protection of property rights and freedom of economic initiative.[3][6][7]There are severalindices of economic freedomthat attempt to measure free market economic freedom. Empirical studies based on these rankings have found higher living standards, economic growth, income equality, less corruption and less political violence to be correlated with higher scores on the country rankings.[8][9][10][11][12]It has been argued that the economic freedom indices generally lump together unrelated policies and policy outcomes to conceal negative correlations between economic growth and EF in some subcomponents.[3] How do you measure economic freedom?We measure economic freedom based on 10 quantitative and qualitative factors, grouped into four broad categories, or pillars, of economic freedom:Rule of Law(property rights, freedom from corruption);Limited Government(fiscal freedom, government spending);Regulatory Efficiency(business freedom, labor freedom, monetary freedom); andOpen Markets(trade freedom, investment freedom, financial freedom).Each of the ten economic freedoms within these categories is graded on a scale of 0 to 100. A countrys overall score is derived by averaging these ten economic freedoms, with equal weight being given to each. More information on the grading and methodology can be found in the appendix.

Institutions of economic freedom[edit]Rule of law[edit]Free market advocates argue both that therule of lawrequires economic freedom, and that economic freedom requires the rule of law.Friedrich Hayekargued that the certainty of law contributed to the prosperity of the West more than any other single factor. Other important principles of the rule of law are the generality andequality of the law, which require that all legal rules apply equally to everybody. These principles can be seen as safeguards against severe restrictions on liberty, because they require that all laws equally apply to those with political and coercive power as well as those who are governed. Principles of the generality and equality of the law exclude special privileges and arbitrary application of law, that is laws favoring one group at the expense of other citizens.[14]According to Friedrich Hayek, equality before the law is incompatible with any activity of the government aiming to achieve thematerial equalityof different people. He asserts that a state's attempt to place people in the same (or similar) material position leads to an unequal treatment of individuals and to a compulsory redistribution of income.[15]Private property rights[edit]In the 1960sAlan Greenspanargued that economic freedom requires thegold standardfor protection of savings from confiscation through inflation.[16]According to the free market view, a secure system of private property rights is an essential part of economic freedom. Such systems include two main rights: the right to control and benefit from property and the right to transfer property by voluntary means. These rights offer people the possibility of autonomy and self-determination according to their personal values and goals.[17]EconomistMilton Friedmansees property rights as "the most basic of human rights and an essential foundation for other human rights."[18]With property rights protected, people are free to choose the use of their property, earn on it, and transfer it to anyone else, as long as they do it on a voluntary basis and do not resort to force, fraud or theft. In such conditions most people can achieve much greater personal freedom and development than under a regime of government coercion. A secure system of property rights also reduces uncertainty and encourages investments, creating favorable conditions for an economy to be successful.[19]Empirical evidencesuggests that countries with strong property rights systems have economic growth rates almost twice as high as those of countries with weak property rights systems, and that a market system with significant private property rights is an essential condition for democracy.[20]According toHernando de Soto, much of the poverty in the Third World countries is caused by the lack of Western systems of laws and well-defined and universally recognized property rights. De Soto argues that because of the legal barriers poor people in those countries can not utilize their assets to produce more wealth.[21]Pierre Proudhon, a socialist and anarchist thinker, argued that property is both theft and freedom.[22]Manyleftistsdispute that private property means "economic freedom" and believe in a system where people can lay claim to things based on personal use.[23]Freedom of contract[edit]Freedom of contractis the right to choose one's contracting parties and to trade with them on any terms and conditions one sees fit. Contracts permit individuals to create their own enforceable legal rules, adapted to their unique situations.[24]Parties decide whether contracts are profitable or fair, but once a contract is made they are obliged to fulfill its terms, even if they are going to sustain losses by doing so. Through making binding promises people are free to pursue their own interests. The main economic function of contracts is to provide transferability of property rights. Transferability largely depends on the enforceability of contracts, which is enabled by the judicial system. In Western societies the state does not enforce all types of contracts, and in some cases it intervenes by prohibiting certain arrangements, even if they are made between willing parties. However, not all contracts need to be enforced by the state. For example, in the United States there is a large number of third-partyarbitrationtribunals which resolve disputes under private commercial law.[25]Negatively understood, freedom of contract is freedom from government interference and from imposed value judgments of fairness. The notion of "freedom of contract" was given one of its most famous legal expressions in 1875 by SirGeorge JesselMR:[26][I]f there is one thing more than another public policy requires it is that men of full age and competent understanding shall have the utmost liberty of contracting, and that their contracts when entered into freely and voluntarily shall be held sacred and shall be enforced by courts of justice. Therefore, you have this paramount public policy to consider that you are not lightly to interfere with this freedom of contract.The doctrine of freedom of contract received one of its strongest expressions in theUS Supreme Courtcase ofLochner v New Yorkwhich struck down legal restrictions on the working hours of bakers.[4]From this point on, the Lochner view of freedom of contract has been rejected by US courts.[28]Economic and political freedom[edit]Some free market advocates argue that political andcivil libertieshave simultaneously expanded with market-based economies, and present empirical evidence to support the claim that economic and political freedoms are linked.[29][30]InCapitalism and Freedom(1962), Friedman further developed Friedrich Hayek's argument that economic freedom, while itself an extremely important component of total freedom, is also a necessary condition for political freedom. He commented thatcentralized control of economic activitieswas always accompanied with political repression. In his view, voluntary character of all transactions in a free market economy and wide diversity that it permits are fundamental threats to repressive political leaders and greatly diminish power to coerce. Through elimination of centralized control of economic activities, economic power is separated from political power, and the one can serve as counterbalance to the other. Friedman feels that competitive capitalism is especially important to minority groups, since impersonal market forces protect people from discrimination in their economic activities for reasons unrelated to their productivity.[31]Austrian SchooleconomistLudwig von Misesargued that economic and political freedom were mutually dependent: "The idea that political freedom can be preserved in the absence of economic freedom, and vice versa, is an illusion. Political freedom is the corollary of economic freedom. It is no accident that the age of capitalism became also the age of government by the people."[32]InThe Road to Serfdom, Hayek argued that "Economic control is not merely control of a sector of human life which can be separated from the rest; it is the control of the means for all our ends."[33]Hayek criticizedsocialistpolicies as the slippery slope that can lead to totalitarianism.[34]Gordon Tullockhas argued that "the Hayek-Friedman argument" predicted totalitarian governments in much of Western Europe in the late 20th century which did not occur. He uses the example of Sweden, in which the government at that time controlled 63 percent ofGNP, as an example to support his argument that the basic problem withThe Road to Serfdomis "that it offered predictions which turned out to be false. The steady advance of government in places such as Sweden has not led to any loss of non-economic freedoms." While criticizing Hayek, Tullock still praises the classical liberal notion of economic freedom, saying, "Arguments for political freedom are strong, as are the arguments for economic freedom. We neednt make one set of arguments depend on the other."[35]Indices of economic freedom[edit]Main article:Indices of economic freedomThe annual surveysEconomic Freedom of the World(EFW) andIndex of Economic Freedom(IEF) are two indices which attempt to measure the degree of economic freedom in the world's nations. The EFW index, originally developed by Gwartney, Lawson and Block at theFraser Institute[36]was likely the most used in empirical studies as of 2000.[37]The other major index, which was developed byThe Heritage FoundationandThe Wall Street Journalappears superior for data work, although as it only goes back to 1995, it is less useful for historical comparisons.[37]According to the creators of the indices, these rankings correlate strongly with higher average income per person, higher income of the poorest 10%, higher life expectancy, higher literacy, lower infant mortality, higher access to water sources and less corruption.[38][39]The people living in the top one-fifth of countries enjoy an average income of $23,450 and a growth rate in the 1990s of 2.56 percent per year; in contrast, the bottom one-fifth in the rankings had an average income of just $2,556 and a -0.85 percent growth rate in the 1990s. The poorest 10 percent of the population have an average income of just $728 in the lowest ranked countries compared with over $7,000 in the highest ranked countries. The life expectancy of people living in the highest ranked nations is 20 years longer than for people in the lowest ranked countries.[40]Higher economic freedom, as measured by both the Heritage and the Fraser indices, correlates strongly with higher self-reported happiness.[41]Erik Gartzke of the Fraser Institute estimates that countries with a high EFW are significantly less likely to be involved in wars, while his measure ofdemocracyhad little or no impact.[42]TheEconomic Freedom of the Worldscore for the entire world has grown considerably in recent decades. The average score has increased from 5.17 in 1985 to 6.4 in 2005. Of the nations in 1985, 95 nations increased their score, seven saw a decline, and six were unchanged.[43]Using the 2008 Index of Economic Freedom methodology world economic freedom has increased 2.6 points since 1995.[44]Members of theWorld Bank Groupalso useIndex of Economic Freedomas the indicator of investment climate, because it covers more aspects relevant to the private sector in wide number of countries.[45]The nature of economic freedom is often in dispute.Robert Lawson, the co-author ofEFW, even acknowledges the potential shortcomings of freedom indices: "The purpose of the EFW index is to measure, no doubt imprecisely, the degree of economic freedom that exists."[46]He likens the recent attempts of economists to measure economic freedom to the initial attempts of economists to measure GDP: "They [macroeconomists] were scientists who sat down to design, as best they could with the tools at hand, a measure of the current economic activity of the nation. Economic activity exists and their job was to measure it. Likewise economic freedom exists. It is a thing. We can define and measure it." Thus, it follows that someeconomists,socialistsandanarchistscontend that the existing indicators of economic freedom are too narrowly defined and should take into account a broader conception of economic freedoms.Critics of the indices (e.g.Thom Hartmann) also oppose the inclusion of business-related measures like corporate charters andintellectual propertyprotection.[47]John Miller inDollars & Sensehas stated that the indices are "a poor barometer of either freedom more broadly construed or of prosperity." He argues that the high correlation between living standards and economic freedom as measured by IEF is the result of choices made in the construction of the index that guarantee this result. For example, the treatment of a large informal sector (common in poor countries) as an indicator of restrictive government policy, and the use of the change in the ratio of government spending to national income, rather than the level of this ratio. Hartmann argues that these choices cause thesocial democraticEuropean countries to rank higher than countries where the government share of the economy is small but growing.[48]EconomistsDani RodrikandJeffrey Sachshave separately noted that there appears to be little correlation between measured economic freedom and economic growth when the least free countries are disregarded, as indicated by the strong growth of the Chinese economy in recent years.[49][50]Morris Altman found that there is a relatively large correlation between economic freedom and both per capita income and per capita growth. He argues that this is especially true when it comes to sub-indices relating to property rights and sound money, while he calls into question the importance of sub-indices relating to labor regulation and government size once certain threshold values are passed.[51]John Miller further observes thatHong KongandSingapore, both only "partially free" according toFreedom House, are leading countries on both economic freedom indices and casts doubt on the claim that measured economic freedom is associated with political freedom.[48]However, according to the Freedom House, "there is a high and statistically significant correlation between the level of political freedom as measured by Freedom House and economic freedom as measured by the Wall Street Journal/Heritage Foundation survey."[52]Choice sets and economic freedom[edit]Amartya Senand other economists have considered economic freedom in terms of the set of economic choices available to individuals.Positive and negative freedom[edit]The differences between alternative views of economic freedom have been expressed in terms ofIsaiah Berlin's distinction betweenpositive freedomandnegative freedom. Classical liberals favour a focus on negative freedom as did Berlin himself. By contrastAmartya Senargues for an understanding of freedom in terms of capabilities to pursue a range of goals.[53]One measure which attempts to assess freedom in the positive sense is Goodin, Rice, Parpo, and Eriksson's measure of discretionary time, which is an estimate of how much time people have at their disposal during which they are free to choose the activities in which they participate, after taking into account the time they need to spend acquiring the necessities of life.[54]Freedom from want[edit]Franklin D. Rooseveltincludedfreedom from wantin hisFour freedomsspeech. Roosevelt stated that freedom from want "translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants-everywhere in the world". In terms of US policy, Roosevelt'sNew Dealincluded economic freedoms such as freedom oftrade unionorganisation, as well as a wide range of policies of government intervention and redistributive taxation aimed at promoting freedom from want. Internationally, Roosevelt favored the policies associated with theBretton Woods Agreementwhich fixed exchange rates and established international economic institutions such as theWorld BankandInternational Monetary Fund.Herbert Hooversaw economic freedom as a fifth freedom, which secures survival of Roosevelt's Four freedoms. He described economic freedom as freedom "for men to choose their own calling, to accumulate property in protection of their children and old age, [and] freedom of enterprise that does not injure others."[55]Freedom of association and unions[edit]The Philadelphia Declaration (enshrined in the constitution of theInternational Labour Organization[56]) states that "all human beings, irrespective of race, creed or sex, have the right to pursue both their material well-being and their spiritual development in conditions of freedom and dignity, of economic security and equal opportunity." The ILO further states that "The right of workers and employers to form and join organizations of their own choosing is an integral part of a free and open society."[57]Socialist views[edit]Thesocialistview of economic freedom conceives of freedom as a concrete situation as opposed to an abstract or moral concept. This view of freedom is closely related to the socialist view of human creativity and the importance ascribed to creative freedom. Socialists view creativity as an essential aspect of human nature, thus defining freedom as a situation or state of being where individuals are able to express their creativity unhindered by constraints of both material scarcity and coercive social institutions.[58]Marxistsstress the importance of freeing the individual from what they view as coercive,exploitativeandalienatingsocial relationships of production they are compelled to partake in, as well as the importance of economic development as providing the material basis for the existence of a state of society where there are enough resources to allow for each individual to pursue his or her genuine creative interests.[59]

Shqipria klasifikohet e 63 mes 186 vendeve t prfshira n studimin e Liris Ekonomike sipas Heritage, e krahasuar me vendet e rajonit, Shqipria renditet e 29-ta, mes 43 vendeve t Evrops.Kjo renditje shnon ulje nga nj vit m par, kur vendi renditej i 54 n bot dhe 25 n Evrop. Klasifikimi n raport bhet duke analizuar 10 liri ekonomike q vlersohen maksimalisht me 100 pik.Pr rreth 5 vite, vendi yn ka avancuar me renditje pr sa i prket liris ekonomike, ky sht viti i par q renditet me ulje.Megjithat, n rritje shikohet menaxhimi i shpenzimeve publike.Raporti shkruan m tej se ekonomia Shqiptare sht m se shumti, n duar private, por shteti ende kontrollon ndrmarrjet kye, sidomos n sektorin energjetik. Pavarsisht investimeve direkte t huaja, q jan rritur vitet e fundit, niveli duket ende i ult, krahasuar me rajonin.Reforma strukturore pr t diversifikuar ekonomin dhe q t sjellin nj fleksibilitet n treg- kjo sht pika kye sipas raportit prestigjioz t Heritage, pr t mundsuar zhvillimin ekonomik.Nj rnie e ndjeshme prej 7.5 piksh vihet re tek liria e biznesit.Ligji dhe zbatimiN 2014, Shqipria u b nj vend kandidat i BE-s, me kusht q ajo t bj prparim t mtejshm n reformimin e gjyqsorit dhe zbatimit t ligjit pr t luftuar korrupsionin e rrnjosur thell dhe luftn ndaj krimit t organizuar, trafikimit njerzor, dokumente false, dhe pastrimi i parave. Gjyqtart ndonjher prballen me krcnime dhe dhun fizike. Mbrojtja e prons intelektuale dhe reale sht e dobt, veanrisht pr pronsin e toks.QeveriaQeveria ka rritur normat e tatimit mbi t ardhurat, tani individuale sht 23 pr qind, ndrsa ajo ndaj bizneseve sht 15 pr qind. Arktimet e prgjithshme tatimore mbetet 23 pr qind t prodhimit t brendshm bruto. Shpenzimet arrijn n 28.2 pr qind t ekonomis s vendit dhe borxhi publik gati i njejt me 70 % e t ardhurave.Efikasiteti rregullatorMjedisi i paefektshm i biznesit ende pengon zhvillimin e mtejshm ekonomik, pavarsisht reformave. Mesatarisht, nisja e nj biznesi krkon pes procedura, por marrja e lejeve t nevojshme mund t marr mbi 200 dit. N munges t nj tregu t puns q t funksionoj mir, kemi ende informalitet. Kontrollet e mimeve dhe subvencionet qeveritare transformojn mimet e brendshme pr energjin elektrike, ujin, produktet bujqsore dhe transportit hekurudhor.Treg i hapurShqipria ka nj norm mesatare tarifore prej 1,1 % dhe ka pak barriera jo-tarifore. Promovimi i investimeve t huaja sht nj qllim i deklaruar, por ka kufizime te pronsia e toks bujqsisore. Edhe pse sistemi bankar mbetet n nivele t mir kapitalizuar, kredit e kqija jan rritur me mbi 20 % e t gjitha kredive.Liria ekonomike n Shqipri ka psuar rnie n krahasim me nj vit m par. N raportin vjetor pr Indeksin e Liris Ekonomike n bot, botuar nga Fondacioni Heritage n bashkpunim me gazetn Wall Street Journal, thuhet se rnia pr Shqiprin i atribuohet dobsimit t liris n biznes, asaj fiskale dhe n investime. Por vlersimet m t ulta, Shqipria i ka n drejtim t korrupsionit dhe t drejts s prons.Shqipria klasifikohet si nj vend me liri t moderuar ekonomike. Ndrsa n bot renditet relativisht lart, e 63 mes 186 vendeve t prfshira n studim, e krahasuar me vendet e rajonit, Shqipria rendiet e 29-ta, mes 43 vendeve t Evrops. Ky klasifikim shnon nj ulje nga nj vit m par, kur vendi renditej respektivisht i 54 n bot dhe 25 n Evrop. Klasifikimi n raport bhet duke analizuar 10 liri ekonomike q vlersohen maksimalisht me 100 pik. Rnia e sivjetme, sht e para n 5 vitet e fundit.Rnia e prgjithshme pr Shqiprin sht me 1.2 pik, me rnien m t ndjeshme t shnuar n kategorit e biznesit, asaj fiskale dhe t investimeve. Natasha Srdoc, themeluese dhe kryetare e Institutit t Adriatikut pr Politika Publike, analizon t prfundimet e raportit pr vendet e Evrops. Ajo thot se n Shqipri, rnia e liris fiskale, i atribuohet rritjes s taksave.Ato personale u rritn nga nj taks e shesht 10 pr qind n 23 pr qind dhe ato t korporatave shkuan n 15 pr qind. Pra ky ndryshim, e uli nivelin e liris fiskale pr Shqiprin.Ulja n kt drejtim sht 5.5 pik n krahasim me vitin 2014, duke arritur nj vlersim prej 87.2 nga maksimumi prej 100 piksh, q zonja Srdoc thot se sht gjithsesi nj shifr e lart po ta krahasosh me rezultatet pr lirit e tjera ekonomike dhe me vendet e tjera, ku n shkall botrore Shqipria radhitet e 36-a.Nj rnie e ndjeshme prej 7.5 piksh vihet re tek liria e biznesit. N raport thuhet se pavarsisht nga reformat e kohve t fundit, mjedisi jo efient i biznesit ende pengon zhvillimin e prgjithshm ekonomik.Pr t hapur nj biznes duhet t kalosh mesatarisht prmes 5 procedurave por marrja e liencave t nevojshme mund t doj 200 dit dhe kjo thot zonja Srdoc e ul ndjeshm lirin e biznesit.Ajo thot se rnia ka ndodhur pr shkak t rezultateve t raportit t Banks Botrore mbi lehtsin e t brit biznesN kt kategori duhet t jemi t shqetsuar sepse kjo tregon se sa biznese t reja do t hapen dhe sa vende t reja do t hapen.Por zonja Srdoc thot se fusha ku duhet t prqendrohet m shum Shqipria sht ajo e shtetit ligjor, q prfshin t drejtn e prons dhe korrupsionin.Q do t thot shtimi i masave mbrojtse pr t drejtat e prons dhe rrnjosja e korrupsionit politik n qeveri dhe ndrhyrjet n sistemin e drejtsis.Pr t dyja kto fusha, pronat dhe korrupsioni, vlersimi sht ndr m t ultit mes 10 kategorive t lirive ekonomike, megjithse prsa i takon gjendjes s korrupsionit sht shnuar nj prparim i leht. Nga 100 pik t mundshme, Shqipria vlersohet me 30 pr t drejtat e prons, n vend t 94rt nga 186 vende, dhe 31 pr gjendjen e korrupsionit, n vend t 118. Me kt vlersim, ajo llogaritet mes vendeve pa liri pr kto kategori.N raport thuhet se Shqipria mori statusin e kandidatit n BE, me kushtin q t kryej reformn n sistemin e drejtsis dhe t prmirsoj zbatimit t ligjit pr t luftuar korrupsionin e rrnjosur thell.Mbrojtja e prons intelektuale dhe asaj t patundshme sidomos e toks sht e dobt.Ndrhyrja e qeveris si edhe kontrolli rregullator vazhdojn t kufizojn investimet dinamike dhe efektivitetin e prgjithshm ekonomik, thuhet n raport.N raport thuhet se ekonomia shqiptare sht kryesisht n duart e privatve, por shteti vazhdon t kontrolloj sektor ky, veanrisht at t energjis.Megjithse investimet e huaja direkte jan rritur n vitet e fundit, Shqipria ka psuar nj rnie prej 5 piksh n krahasim me vitin e kaluar.Shqipria trheq nivelin m t ult t investimeve direkte t huaja n rajonin e Evrops Juglindore dhe fakti q ka nivele shum t ulta t mbrojtjes s t drejtave t prons dhe nivele shum t larta korrupsioni, sht penges pr kto investime, thot zonja Srdoc.N raport thuhet se megjithse investimet e huaja jan nj prparsi, ka kufizime prsa i takon pronsis s huaj pr tokn.N krahasim me vitin e kaluar liria e tregut t puns sht prmirsuar me 3.2 pik por kjo sht edhe nj nga kategorit ku Shqipria renditet m posht, n vend t 123-t mes 186 vendeve. Zonja Srdoc thot se n kt kategori analizohen mundsia e gjetjes s puns dhe lehtsia dhe fleksibiliteti i bizneseve pr t punsuar dhe hequr nga puna. N raport thuhet se n munges t nj tregu pune funksional, tregu informal vazhdon t jet i prhapur.Tregu informal sht nj tregues se tregu i ligjshm i puns i nnshtrohet kufizimeve t jashtzakonshme. Njerzit q nuk gjejn pun n tregun e ligjshm q sht nn peshn e rregullave strikte, gjejn pun n ekonomin e paligjshme.N raport, thuhet se n Shqipri duhen ndrmarr reforma m t thella strukturore pr ta br m t larmishme ekonomin dhe prmirsuar fleksibilitetin e tregut t puns pr nj zhvillim ekonomik me baz m t gjer.Shpenzimet publike kapin shifrn 28.2 pr qind t ekonomis dhe borxhi publik sht rreth 70 pr qind t prodhimit t brendshm.Po ashtu, kontrolli i mimeve dhe subvencionet qeveritare ndikojn negativisht mimet e brendshme pr energjin elektrike, ujin, prodhimet bujqsore dhe transportin hekurudhor.Bankat zotrojn 90 pr qind t pasurive n sektorin financiar dhe megjithse sektori bankar sht relativisht i fort, huat e kqia kan arritur n 20 pr qind t t gjith sasis s huave.Po ti hedhsh nj vshtrim vlersimit afatgjat pr Shqiprin, ajo q t bie n sy, sht se n shumicn e kategorive, q nga viti 1995, ajo ka shnuar prparim, me prmirsimet m t ndjeshme n shpenzimet qeveritare dhe lirin monetare. Liria n fushn e investimeve ka mbetur e pandryshuar dhe ajo e biznesit pothuajse n t njjtin nivel. E vetmja kategori q ka pasuar rnie dhe nj rnie e ndjeshme sht ajo e liris s prons, me nj rnie mesatare prej 20 piksh q nga viti 1995.Vendet n raport ndahen n t lira, kryesisht t lira, me liri t moderuar, kryesisht jo t lira dhe t shtypura. Vetm 5 nga ekonomit e analizuara pr raportin e ktij viti jan plotsisht t lira, 30 kryesisht t lira dhe 55, mes s cilave edhe Shqipria, kan liri t moderuar. Nga ana tjetr pothuajse gjysma e vendeve t bots jan kryesisht jo t lira ose t shtypura.