lines in the sand a history of mineral sandmining on - uq espace
TRANSCRIPT
Lines in the Sand
A History of Mineral Sandmining on Queensland’s Barrier Islands
Figure 1 – Lines in the Sand, Fraser Island1
A History Thesis by Colin Sweett
Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for History Honours at the
University of Queensland
Supervisor Prof Peter Spearitt
May 30, 2008
1 John Sinclair and Peter Corris, Fighting for Fraser Island - a Man and an Island, (Alexandria: Kerr Publishing Pty Ltd, 1994),145.
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Minjerriba
Minjerriba was a giant in the sun His green back coated with cyprus and gum,
Belly bloated with rich grains of sand, Eyes brimming with waters so cool, He stretched for miles in the sun.
And Pacific on the east Quandamooka on the west Bathed this giant in the sun.
But Minjerriba's back is now broken; Men came and tore out his guts; Stole his rich grains of sand,
Stripped his cloak of cyprus and gum, Drained water from his ageless eyes And weakened this giant in the sun.
Oh man! With your machinery and science,
Your greed and callous disregard, When your savage looting and lying is done,
Will Gods in the future, If future there is,
Spare you your place in the sun?2
2 Poem by Oodgeroo of the Noonucle Tribe
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Acknowledgments I would like to thank a number of people who were instrumental to the
preparation of this thesis. First, my supervisor Peter Spearitt whose guidance
and assistance was invaluable. Secondly, the staff at the State and UQ Libraries;
the Redlands Shire Local History Library; the Southport Local Studies Library;
the National Trust and the State Archives for their help in locating various
resources. Thirdly, to John Sinclair, Drew Hutton, Ellie Durbidge, Peter Newman,
Shannon Burns, Dale Ruska and Margaret Iselin for imparting your knowledge
and for your valuable insights. Fourthly, to Consolidated Rutile for providing
valuable information and historical documents relating to sand-‐mining on
Stradbroke. Fifthly, to my parents for your encouragement throughout my
academic endeavours. Finally, to my partner Becky for your support throughout
the writing of this thesis – I could not have done it without you.
Statement of Originality I certify that this thesis, and the research to which it refers, are the product of my
own work, and that any ideas or quotations from the work of other people,
published or otherwise, are fully acknowledged in accordance with the standard
referencing practices of History. I acknowledge the helpful guidance and support
of my supervisor, Prof Peter Spearitt.
Colin Owen Sweett
30 May, 2008
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Abstract
Sandmining began in Australia in the 1930s at Bryon Bay in New South Wales. In
these early days mining was done by hand as the rich black seams were
shovelled onto old army trucks to be taken for processing. The industry has
progressed to become a multi-‐billion dollar enterprise with operations along the
east and west coasts of Australia. The rich and easily-‐accessible mineral seams
along Australia’s beaches are a thing of the past; today miners obtain minerals
from high dune areas such as Stradbroke Island where mineral concentrations
are as low as a few percent. Early mining operations went unquestioned as they
provided employment and helped the war effort. The 1970s saw the rise of
concern for the environment and sandmining became a prime target for
conservation groups. The conflicts between mining and conservation interests
form a part of the history of most sand islands along the Queensland coast. This
thesis explores three major sand islands – Fraser, Moreton and Stradbroke
Islands – and the land use conflicts of sandmining on each of the islands. Today,
both Fraser and Moreton enjoy full protection, while mining continues on
Stradbroke. A number of factors contributed to the continuation of sandmining
on Stradbroke Island. These include the early development of the Island
resulting in a substantial residential population depended on the mine for
employment; strong support and lack of regulation by the Queensland
Government of the sandmining industry; the inability of the Stradbroke Island
Management Organisation (SIMO) to mount an effective campaign against the
mining operations, and local community division especially within the
indigenous community which has undermined the campaign against sandmining.
Table of Contents
Chapter I – Drawing Lines in the Sand ....................................................................................... 3 Chapter II – Fighting for Fraser .................................................................................................. 19 Chapter III – Saving Moreton ....................................................................................................... 36 Chapter IV – Sacrificing Stradbroke ......................................................................................... 50 References ........................................................................................................................................... 81
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List of Abbreviations ACF Australian Conservation Council
AMC Associated Minerals Consolidated
BCC Brisbane City Council
BLF Builders Labours Federation
CJC Criminal Justice Commission
CRL Consolidated Rutile Limited
DME Department of Mines and Energy
FIDO Fraser Island Defenders Organisation
MDL Mineral Deposits Limited
MIPC Moreton Island Protection Committee
QCC Queensland Conservation Council
QLC Quandamooka Land Council
QTM Queensland Titanium Mines
SIAC Stradbroke Island Action Coalition
SIMO Stradbroke Island Management Organisation
TAZI Titanium and Zirconium Industries
WPSQ Wildlife Preservation Society Queensland
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Chapter I – Drawing Lines in the Sand Today approximately half of the world’s population live within 100 kilometres of a
coast1, in areas possessing “attractive natural characteristics”2 which are ecologically
highly complex. These zones are both easily, and profoundly, affected by human
activities. Queensland’s population was approximately 4 million in 2006, with south-
east Queensland constituting Australia’s most rapidly growing region. Many of the
land-uses of south-east Queensland’s sandy fringes and sandy islands “are in direct
conflict … [including] … housing and underground water supply, sand-mining and
national parks”.3 This thesis focuses on the history of mining of Queensland’s sand
islands and consequent environmental battles over the last forty years.
Mining is the world’s fifth largest industry.4 Australia depends heavily on mineral
extraction for its economic well-being. Queensland is also very dependent on the
mining industry, which contributed $15.3 million to the State’s economy in 2004-05.5
Unfortunately, “mineral extraction often reflects the negative social and ecological
impact of global economic forces”.6 There is conflict at the heart of the relationship
between society and the mining industry. On the one hand mining is “environmentally
destructive, subtracting from the pleasure that people gain from the environment”,7
and accordingly an unwelcome development. On the other hand, mining is an
“activity that pays wages and makes profits”.8
1 Joel E. Cohen and others, “Estimates of Coastal Populations,” Science 278, no. 5341 (1997): 1211. 2 A. Fitzgibbons, “The Economics of Sand-Mining and Other Island Industries,” in Stradbroke Island Symposium, eds. N. C. Stevens and R. Monroe, (Point Lookout, Stradbroke Island: The Royal Society of Queensland, 1975 105. 3 C.H. Thompson, "Coastal Areas of Southern Queensland - Some Land Use Conflicts," in Stradbroke Island Symposium, ed. N.C. Stevens and R. Monroe, (Point Lookout, Stradbroke Island: The Royal Society of Queensland, 1975), 109. 4 Paul Harrison and Fred Pearce, Aaas Atlas of Population and Environment, (Berkeley, California: University of California Press, 2000), 83. 5 Department of Mines and Energy, “Queensland Mining Industries - the Economic Significance of Mining and Mineral Processing to Queensland,” (Brisbane: Queensland Government, 2007), 21. 6 Harrison and Pearce, Aaas Atlas of Population and Environment, 83. 7 Fitzgibbons, “The Economics of Sand-Mining,”105. 8 Ibid., 106.
4
The core of the thesis focuses on the three major sand islands along the Queensland
coast – Fraser, Moreton and Stradbroke Islands9 – and the environmental land use
conflicts arising from mining on each of the islands. Today, both Fraser and Moreton
enjoy full protection, while mining continues on Stradbroke. This thesis explores the
factors that have contributed to the cessation of sandmining on Fraser and Moreton
Islands, and investigates the reasons why sandmining on Stradbroke Island continues
today.
Methodology and Rationale
A key objective of this thesis is to document and discuss three campaigns against
sandmining operations along the Queensland coast. As environmental issues become
increasingly important in the twenty-first century, largely because of an increasing
environmental awareness combined with high levels of environmental destruction,
there is clear benefit in discussing the historical development of environmental
consciousness, and the role this has played in key conservation campaigns.
Furthermore an analysis of the factors influencing the success or failure of these
campaigns provides insight into other resource exploitation and environmental
protection campaigns.
The field of environmental history has developed since the 1970s as a response to the
growing concern about environmental issues. As Asdal says, environmental history
“grew from and was informed by strong, value-laden public involvement, and its goal
was to understand how people shape and have been shaped by their natural
environments”.10 A definition of the field provided by Dovers is “the investigation
and description of previous states of the bio-physical environment, and the study of
the history of human impacts on and relationships with the non-human setting”.11 The
field has developed in three main areas. First, material environmental history concerns
itself with developments in the natural world and how these have impacted on human
9 Note: Both Stradbroke Island and North Stradbroke Island are used throughout this thesis to refer to North Stradbroke Island. 10 Kristin Asdal, “The Problematic Nature of Nature: The Post-Constructivist Challenge to Environmental History,” History and Theory 42, no. 4 (2003): 62. 11 Stephen Dovers, “Australian Environmental History: Introduction, Review and Principles,” in Australian Environmental History - Essays and Cases, ed. Stephen Dovers, (Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1994), 4.
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societies – this strand is closest aligned with the natural sciences.12 Secondly, the
cultural strand emphasises how representations of the natural world have changed in
either artistic or literary depictions and what these reveal about the people who
produced them.13 The third strand relates to political environmental history, where the
actions of the state and other stakeholders over the environment are considered.14 The
content of this thesis relates most strongly to the third strand identified by McNeill.
A number of methods have been employed to compile resources for this project.
Research was conducted at a number of sites, including local history libraries, and the
Queensland State Archives, to gather information relating to the three sand islands.
While general background information is often sourced from secondary accounts,
primary sources have been the main reference for accounts of each campaign. The
primary sources used in this thesis are sourced from newspaper articles, company
reports, newsletters from conservation groups and material held by individuals. To
supplement these sources, interviews were conducted with a number of people
directly involved in the sandmining industry and the conservation campaigns. Key
people have been interviewed from the Stradbroke Island Management Organisation
(SIMO), the Queensland Greens, the Quandamooka Land Council (QLC), and
Consolidated Rutile Limited (CRL). Further insight was provided by a guided tour of
CRL’s operations on North Stradbroke Island through the assistance of Greening
Australia. This tour provided useful insight into the company’s operations.
Literature Review
The development of an environmental consciousness in Australia is complex and
multifaceted. Conservation practices have existed in Australia for perhaps 60,000
years. However the practices and the rationale changed radically in the last 200 years
after European settlement. There is considerable literature on the rise of
environmental consciousness in Australia. One of the first is Geoffrey Bolton’s Spoils
and Spoilers (1981) which explains the unique ecology of this island continent and the
12 J. R. McNeill, “Observations of the Nature and Culture of Environmental History,” History and Theory 42, no. 4 (2003): 6. 13 Ibid., 6. 14 Ibid., 6.
6
misunderstanding and mistreatment of Australia by European colonisers.15 Another
prominent early work, They All Ran Wild by Eric Rolls (1969), outlines the history of
the introduction of foreign plant and animal species into Australia by Acclimatisation
Societies.16 The Colonial Earth by Tim Bonyhady (2000) presents a more
sophisticated assessment which explores, inter alia, Bolton’s suggestion that
Europeans ‘hated trees’.
In contrast, Tim Flannery in The Future Eaters (1997) argues that European
colonisers felt indifference, if not hostility, to the Australian environment. Flannery
discusses the geological history of Australia before focusing on the ‘arrival of the
Future Eaters’.17 Flannery’s book displays the diversity of environmental history as
he approaches the issues from the field of the natural sciences. Bonyhady also
approaches his topic from an interdisciplinary approach using his background as a
lawyer and curator of landscape art to deliver new insights.18
The Australian environment movement, unlike its North American counterpart, does
not have a foundation text such as Rachel Carson’s Silent Spring (1963) or Aldo
Leopold’s Sand County Almanac (1966);19 instead the Australian movement is
defined by a series of campaigns. This view is supported by Kevin Frawley in his
chapter in Stephen Dovers’ Australian Environment History (1994). Frawley
attributes the rise of Australian conservation concerns to a number of key political
events that are both successes and failures in natural resource conservation, and which
include the important Fraser Island campaign.20 As Hall comments, “these campaigns
demonstrated the capability of conservationists to organise themselves into a
15 Geoffrey Bolton, Spoils and Spoilers - a History of Australians Shaping Their Environment, (Sydney: Allen and Unwin, 1981). 16 Eric C Rolls, They All Ran Wild - the Animals and Plants That Plague Australia, (Sydney: Angus and Robertson, 1969). 17 Timothy Fridtjof Flannery, The Future Eaters - an Ecological History of the Australasian Lands and People, (Sydney: Reed Books, 1994). 18 Tim Bonyhady, The Colonial Earth, (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 2000). 19 Rachel Carson, Silent Spring, (London: Penguin, 1963); Aldo Leopold, A Sand County Almanac: With Other Essays on Conservation from Round River, (New York: Oxford University Press, 1966). 20 Kevin Frawley, “Envolving Visions: Environmental Management and Nature Conservation in Australia,” in Australian Environmental History - Essays and Cases, ed. Stephen Dovers, (Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1994), 72.
7
politically potent force and to change public attitudes towards the preservation of the
natural environment”.21
William Lines’ two major works, Taming the Great South Land (1991) and Patriots –
Defending Australia’s Natural Heritage (2006) both define campaigns of Australia’s
environment movement, highlighting the obstacles that conservationists had to
overcome.22 Indeed, Bonyhady, Lines and Hutton and Connors all place the Fraser
campaign as one of the defining moments in Australian conservation history. In
Places Worth Keeping, Bonyhady charts a number of important moments in
Australian conservation history, with special emphasis on the Fraser Island
campaign.23
Hutton and Connors’ A History of the Australian Environment Movement identifies
four waves of development within the movement. They place the sandmining
campaigns within the third wave of the ‘campaigning movement’ where
conservationists had to assert themselves to gain protection for special places.24
Campaigns, such as Fraser Island, are widely recognised as grounded in earlier
preservationist and national park movements – “what began with isolated examples of
individuals or small societies interested in the preservation of areas for recreational
and aesthetic needs became a powerful organized lobby group operation at a national
level”.25 From meagre beginnings the conservation movement progressively gained
strength from growing popular support to become a powerful political force in
Australia. Green politics has helped to consolidate the environmental protection ethic
as part of the fabric of Australian culture.26
General histories of Queensland are another source of important background
information for this thesis. Ross Fitzgerald’s From 1915 to the Early 1980s – A 21 Colin Hall, Wasteland to World Heritage: Preserving Australia’s Wilderness, (Carlton: Melbourne University Press, 1992), 139. 22 William J. Lines, Taming the Great South Land - a History of the Conquest of Nature in Australia, (Sydney: Allen and Unwin, 1991); William J. Lines, Patriots - Defending Australia's Natural Heritage, (Brisbane: University of Queensland Press, 2006). 23 Tim Bonyhady, Places Worth Keeping - Conservationists, Politics and Law, (Sydney: Allen and Unwin, 1993). 24 Drew Hutton and Libby Connors, A History of the Australian Environment Movement, (Melbourne: Cambridge University Press, 1999). 25 Hall, Wasteland to World Heritage, 137. 26 Hutton and Connors, A History of the Australian Environment Movement, 266.
8
History of Queensland, discusses state politics which provides the political
battleground for the development of sandmining. Furthermore, Fitzgerald devotes a
considerable amount of his book to discussing sandmining on Stradbroke, Moreton
and Fraser Islands.27 A more recent work, A History of Queensland published in 2007
by Raymond Evans, provides an overview of Queensland’s history from the 1820s to
the present. Evans’ book, like Fitzgerald’s, provides useful background on state
politics though with less focus on environmental issues during the Bjelke-Petersen
era.28 Both these works are important for highlighting the interactions between
miners, conservationists and the state government.
Specific histories have been written on the development of the mining industry. These
works are usually commissioned by the mining industry and written from its
standpoint.29 The most important book on sandmining is Black Sands by Ian Morely,
published in 1981.30 Morely’s book chronicles the development of the industry along
the east coast of Australia. He discusses the development of the industry on Fraser,
Moreton and Stradbroke and is a vital source for this thesis. Morely provides a
comprehensive history of the industry; nevertheless it has a number of limitations.
While he focuses on the conservationist campaign to protect Fraser, he believes that
the environmental impact of sandmining can be mitigated by effective rehabilitation.
Thus Morely is quite critical of the conservation movement’s efforts to embargo
significant reserves of mineral in National Parks. Morely worked as a mining
engineer, and his account is very uncritical of the industry. While building on
Morely’s work, my account places the ecological consequences of mining at centre
stage.
Most of the literature on Queensland’s sand islands is focussed on Fraser Island. In
particular, conservationist John Sinclair aims to promote public awareness about the
Island and its need for protection. Sinclair’s books, which includes Discovering
27 Ross Fitzgerald, From 1915 to the Early 1980s - a History of Queensland, (Brisbane: University of Queensland Press, 1984). 28 Raymond Evans, A History of Queensland, (Melbourne: Cambridge University Press, 2007). 29 Mineral Deposits Limited, “Mineral Deposits Limited 50th Year Review,” Suppliment to Australia's Mining Monthly (1990); Christopher Jay, A Future More Prosperous - the History of Newcastle Steelworks 1912-1999, (Newcastle: The Broken Hill Proprietary Company Limited, 1999). 30 Ian W. Morely, Black Sands - a History of the Mineral Sand Mining Industry in Eastern Australia, (Brisbane: University of Queensland Press, 1981).
9
Fraser (198*) and Fighting for Fraser (1994), focus on the history and ecology of the
Island, highlighting its natural significance.31 A number of local histories have also
been produced on the sand islands. North Stradbroke Island (2002) by Ellie Durbidge
and Jeanette Covacevich contains a detailed history of the Island while the edited
work Historic North Stradbroke (1994) presents a number of short articles written by
local residents.32 Shifting Sands – Memories of Moreton Island by Margaret Cook is a
collection of interviews while Tangalooma and Moreton Island - History and Natural
History by Anne Dagg is a short history written for the Tangalooma Resort.33 These
books provide a useful source for chronicling the development of opposition to
mining, but this thesis represents the first effort to study the fate of all three islands
synoptically.
Early history of mining
The first sandmining in Australia took place in Byron Bay in 1934 when Zircon-
Rutile Ltd was formed to mine the beach sands along the coast of NSW. Byron Bay
was chosen because the area had a high concentration of mineral sands which were
previously mined by gold prospectors.34 In 1935, a plant was constructed at Byron
Bay for treating minerals. By the following year they had already made a profit of
over $1 million.35 The company employed contractors to mine the beaches using
hand-mining techniques.36 The early days of the sandmining industry have been
likened to the excitement generated by the gold rushes in Ballarat and Gympie. There
have been fifty-six sandmining producers over the industry’s seventy year span; today
there are only four remaining companies in Australia.37 In its early years, the industry
31 John Sinclair, Discovering Fraser Island, 2nd ed, (Surry Hills: Pacific Maps and Guides, 198*); John Sinclair, Fraser Island and Cooloola, (Sydney: Lansdowne Publishing, 1995); John Sinclair and Peter Corris, Fighting for Fraser Island - a Man and an Island, (Alexandria: Kerr Publishing Pty Ltd, 1994); Fred Williams, Princess K'gari's Fraser Island - Fraser Island's Definitive History, (Brisbane: Self-published by author, 2002); Elaine Brown, Cooloola Coast - Noosa to Fraser Island the Aboriginal and Settler Histories of a Unique Environment, (St Lucia: University of Queensland Press, 2000). 32 Ellie Durbidge and Jeanette Covacevich, North Stradbroke Island, 2nd ed, (Point Lookout: Stradbroke Island Management Organisation, 2004); Paddy Carter, Ellie Durbige and Jenny Cooke-Bramley, eds, Historic North Stradbroke Island, (Dunwich: North Stradbroke Island Historical Museum Inc, 1994). 33 Margaret Cook, Shifting Sands: Memories of Moreton Island, (Brisbane: Moreton Island Protection Committee, 2005); Anne Innis Dagg, Tangalooma and Moreton Island - History and Natural History, (Brisbane: Tangalooma Island Resort Ltd, 1987). 34 Morely, Black Sands, 41. 35 Ibid., 45. 36 Ibid., 42-44. 37 Mineral Deposits Limited, “Mineral Deposits Limited 50th Year Review,” 3, 14.
10
rapidly expanded north along the coast into Queensland. In 1941, the Mineral
Deposits Syndicate acquired leases around Burleigh on the South Coast.38 The
industry established itself on the Coast with Associated Minerals Consolidated
(AMC) and Currumbin Minerals acquiring leases in 1946 and 1964 respectively.39
After the Second World War, the demand for mineral sands increased rapidly and the
industry promoted itself with headlines such as “Our sand makes the new jet age
possible”.40 Mining continued along the Queensland South Coast during the 1950s. At
this time, the miners had the beaches largely to themselves. One miner, Ivan Latimer,
recounts “[w]e all thought the developers were mad. During those days there were
very few visitors to the south coast and we just about had the beaches to ourselves”.41
However this isolation was short-lived as the emerging tourist industry heralded the
start of an uneasy relationship between mining and tourist interests. During the 1950s
the attractiveness of the beach for recreation increased as mass car ownership enabled
more urban dwellers to get to the beach for the weekend as distinct from the
traditional yearly holiday.42 Today the beach is considered central to Australian
culture and the golden sands have become part of our national cultural landscape.
Morely highlights this attraction:
The Australian east coast is often pictured as a place of sunshine and white beaches, with blue seas and surf breaking to the east, and green slopes and trees to the west. One of the attractions of this picture is the fine white-to-golden coloured sand on the beaches, which for a thousand kilometres enhances this unique surfing playground.43
From the early days, sandmining operations were in conflict with tourist development
on Australia’s beaches. As Morely states, “[t]hese circumstances have been a part of
the basis of the present conflict between sand miners and conservationists”.44
However, in contrast with Fraser and Moreton Islands, in the case of the Gold Coast,
sandmining has been a defining part of the tourist development of the area. The early
38 Morely, Black Sands, 50. 39 Ibid., 65, 160. 40 M. Bayley, “Review of the Australian Beach Mining Industry,” Queensland Government Mining Journal 61 (1960): 630; Jack Lunn, “Our Sand Makes the New Jet Age Possible,” The Courier Mail 27 January 1970. 41 Mineral Deposits Limited, “Mineral Deposits Limited 50th Year Review,” 16. 42 Jim Davidson and Peter Spearritt, Holiday Business - Tourism in Australia since 1870, (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 2000), Chapter 5 and 6. 43 Morely, Black Sands, 1. 44 Ibid., 2.
11
identity of the Queensland South Coast was bound up with mining. The heavy mineral
concentration coloured the beaches black, and removal of these minerals changed the
colour to the more familiar gold. Interestingly, while the name change, from the
‘Town of the South Coast’ to the ‘Gold Coast’ in 1958, has often been regarded as an
astute piece of tourist marketing,45 Bob James, who worked for AMC, argues the
change of name can be partially attributed to sandmining.46
Sandmining played an increasingly important role in the development of the Gold
Coast. Much of the heavily developed foreshore at the Gold Coast is on land
previously mined. In the 1950s, the Gold Coast City Council favoured mining
because, apart from the economic benefits, miners were required to flatten off the
dunes leaving them ripe for development. As Peter Neumann Director of Currumbin
Minerals, remembers, “[w]e were essentially doing Council a favour. We would
flatten out the dunes leaving them ready for development or parkland. Much of the
Coast is built on mined land”.47 In some cases, mining companies left foreshore areas
as ‘made to order’.48 Local historian Andrew McRobbie explains, “the local
authorities regarded it [mining] as an excellent way of having land cleared for
development or creating parks – at no cost to the Councils”.49 Once sandmining had
given way to a succession of ever higher tourist structures the Gold Coast became
regarded by the rest of Australia “as a model of beach-front excess, to be avoided at
all costs”.50 In 1975, Fitzgibbons suggested that “tourism could be the major industry,
and possibly even the major threat to the Stradbroke area”.51 Ironically, CRL argue
that their mining leases on 60% of Stradbroke Island have protected Stradbroke from
“unwanted tourist development”.52 This thesis argues that sandmining has become
Stradbroke’s biggest threat.
45 Davidson and Spearritt, Holiday Business - Tourism in Australia since 1870, 145. 46 Bob James, “Broadbeach Mining Heritage,” (Broadbeach: Associated Minerals Consolidated, 1997), 1. 47 Peter Neumann, “Personal Interview – Director Currumbin Minerals” 25 March 2008. 48 Doug Stewart, “Resort ‘Grew’ after Mining,” The Courier Mail 8 July 1981, 11. 49 Alexander McRobbie, The Fabulous Gold Coast, (Surfers Paradise: PAN News Ltd, 1984), 50. 50 Davidson and Spearritt, Holiday Business - Tourism in Australia since 1870, 148. 51 Fitzgibbons, “The Economics of Sand-Mining,” 105. 52 Rodenberg, Steve. “Mine Tour” 13 March 2008.
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Over one third of the east coast of Australia contains sand dunes of “significant
extent”.53 Mineral sands are formed through a combination of geological tidal and
wind processes. The minerals are contained within large granite rocks of the
Precambrian shield. Along the East Coast, these rocks are found in the Great Dividing
Range. Over geological time, rivers flowing from the Range to the ocean have eroded
the rocks and exposed the heavy minerals.54 Once deposited in the ocean, tidal action
washes the minerals back to the beach where they form seams (ranging from small
pencil streaks to rich black sands up to eight feet thick55) under a thin layer of silica
sand. For a commercially viable concentration to form, sufficient tidal action is
necessary to wash the mineral above the high water mark while leaving a protective
cover of sand. On high dune areas, such as North Stradbroke Island, the concentration
is formed by wind transportation, where mineral sands are blown into the high dunes.
Connah emphasises that “dune concentrations do not compare in grade with the wave
concentrations, but in areas of extensive dune development they can give rise to
important deposits of heavy minerals”.56
There are four minerals produced from sandmining. The two most common are rutile
and zircon. Rutile is essentially titanium dioxide which is used to produce titanium
metal used in the construction of aircraft. Rutile also produces a white pigment used
in paints and ceramics.57 Zircon is the source of zirconium, a metallic element which
has a high melting point and can be applied as a coating in foundries and nuclear
reactors.58 The two less common minerals produced from mining are ilmenite and
monazite. Ilmenite is a titanium-iron oxide which provides a white non-toxic pigment
that has a variety of uses in ceramics, textile, paint and dental applications.59 Monazite
is a mineral containing radioactive elements which are used in the nuclear industry.60
Monazite is also a source of material used to create an alloy in the manufacturing of 53 J. E. Coaldrake, “Coastal Sandmining and Landscape Rehabilitation,” Landscape Planning 6 (1979), 359. 54 Morely, Black Sands, 4. 55 T. H. Connah, “The Beach Sand Deposits of Queensland,” The Mining Journal 259, no. 6640 (1962): 489. 56 Ibid., 489. 57 Bayley, “Review of the Australian Beach Mining Industry,” 636; Bill Huxley, Sandmining Handbook, ed. Claridge Gordon, (Brisbane: Queensland Conservation Council, 1975), 5. 58 Bayley, “Review of the Australian Beach Mining Industry,” 632, 634; Associated Minerals Consolidated Limited, The Titanium Age and Its Minerals, (Southport: Associated Minerals Consolidated Limited, 1957). 59 Associated Minerals Consolidated Limited, The Titanium Age and Its Minerals. 60 Ibid.
13
steel and in the aircraft and missile industry.61 The mineral sands industry is quick to
emphasise the importance of these minerals for daily life in the modern world. An
AMC brochure in the ‘Project for Schools’ highlights their importance:
Mineral sandmining in Australia plays a significant role in the lives of people all over the world. As Australians, we enjoy the wide variety of products which these minerals help to make and also benefit from the high export earnings of the industry that produces them.62
Mechanised mining of mineral sands takes two forms. Dry mining involves bulldozers
removing the mineral sand to a concentrator on site where first stage separation is
undertaken.63 This process is only suitable for beach and foredune areas owing to the
difficultly operating the machinery in high dune areas. CRL concluded, in 1976, that
the process was not cost effective: “this method of mining, which is extremely labour
intensive, could no longer continue due to declining grades and spiralling wage
costs”.64 In 1976, CRL moved to dredge mining on the high dunes of North
Stradbroke Island (see Figure 2). This process involves a dredge floating in an
artificially construed pond scooping up sand which is then sent to a wet concentrator
attached to the dredge for initial processing. The dredge is continually moving,
leaving behind the tailings sand as it progresses.65 This process allows for the
economically viable mining of low grade mineral ores.
Sandmining is a highly destructive process that undermines the integrity of the dune
structure. The nature of sandmining is essentially similar to an open-cut mine where
the sand dunes and associated plant life are removed to obtain access to the heavy
mineral sands below.66 When vegetation is cleared to extract minerals from the sand,
landscapes are disturbed and ecosystem dynamics are degraded. Queensland
Conservation Council (QCC) campaigner Bill Huxley states, “[t]housands of acres of
vegetated areas, including mature forests, must be cleared to allow the attendant open
61 Huxley, Sandmining Handbook, 6; Bayley, “Review of the Australian Beach Mining Industry,” 634. 62 Associated Minerals Consolidated Limited, “Project for Schools Brochure,” (Southport: Associated Minerals Consolidated Limited, nd). 63 Connah, “The Beach Sand Deposits of Queensland,”; K.S. Blaskett and S. B. Hudson, “Beach Sand Minerals,” in Proceedings from Commonwealth Mining and Metallurgy Congress, (Australasian Institute of Mining and Metallurgy, 1965), 316. 64 John Scott, “Consolidated Rutile Limited Dredging Operations, North Stradbroke Island,” in Australia: A World Source of Ilemenite, Rutile, Monazite and Zircon, (Perth: The Australasian Institute of Mining and Metallurgy, 1986), 69. 65 Blaskett and Hudson, “Beach Sand Minerals,” 318. 66 Coaldrake, “Coastal Sandmining and Landscape Rehabilitation,” 359.
14
cut mining to proceed”.67 Mining companies argue that effective rehabilitation of
post-mined landscapes justifies continuing mining operations. Bolte, from CRL,
argues that “it is possible in most current rehabilitated areas to achieve, over
approximately 10 years, plant densities and the full range of species present in the pre-
mining plant community”.68 Morely a strong advocate for rehabilitation, remarking in
1979 that Fraser Island “showed remarkable regrowth of trees up to two metres in
height and the mineral area was substantially revegetated … the detail of the
rehabilitated areas is difficult to distinguish as it merges into the undisturbed
landscape and vegetation”.69 However, Huxley argues that the destruction of
“[c]oastal sand dunes … will mean permanent loss of the original plant community.
Stabilisation is all that can be expected after mining as true restoration is not
feasible”.70 The effectiveness of rehabilitation is discussed further in Chapter IV.
The three sand islands have been recognised for their unique natural environments.
Fraser Island is listed as a World Heritage Site, Moreton Island as a National Park,
and Stradbroke Island’s Blue Lake is a National Park, while parts of Stradbroke are on
the interim-listed Register of the National Estate. The sand islands were identified by
Laycock as “unique as they include the largest island sand dune occurrence in the
world”.71 Director of the Australian Conservation Foundation (ACF) Dr Geoff
Mosley describes Fraser Island as “part of a unique natural region, including the
Stradbroke and Moreton Islands group”.72
As these sand islands are located in the humid sub-tropics, they each experience
strong vegetation growth. The dune systems on the islands support different forest
communities, ranging from dwarf woodlands and grassy forests to tall layered
67 Huxley, Sandmining Handbook, 3. 68 M Bolte, “Return of Native Plant Species in High Dune Post Mining Rehabilitation Situations on North Stradbroke Island,” In Focus on Stradbroke: New Information on North Stradbroke Island and Surrounding Areas, 1974-1984, ed. by Roger J Coleman and others, (Point Lookout, North Stradbroke Island: Boolarong Publications, 1984), 183. 69 Morely, Black Sands, 214. 70 Huxley, Sandmining Handbook, 34. 71 J. W. Laycock, “Hydrogeology of North Stradbroke Island,” in Stradbroke Island Symposium, eds. N. C. Stevens and R. Monroe, (Point Lookout, Stradbroke Island: The Royal Society of Queensland, 1975), 15. 72 Geoff Mosley, “Fraser Island – Introduction,” Habitat 2, no. 4 (1974): 3.
15
woodlands and rainforests.73 The hydrology of these islands is significant with all
three containing perched lakes. These lakes, such as McKenzie on Fraser and Brown
on Stradbroke, are maintained through a complex impervious layer that retains
water.74 The ecological similarities between Moreton and Stradbroke Islands are so
strong that the suggestion has been made that the Islands were connected in the recent
geological past.75
Figure 2 – CRL’s Bayside Dredge76
Crown Land and Mining Leases
Legal jurisdiction over land underpins all aspects of the campaigns to end mining.
Until 1989, the processes of obtaining a mineral lease in Queensland were regulated 73 J. Walker and others, "Plant Succession and Soil Development in Coastal Sand Dunes of Subtropical Eastern Australia," in Forest Succession: Concepts and Application, ed. D.C. West, H.H. Shugart and D.B. Botkin (New York: Springer-Verlag, 1981): 108. 74 Durbidge and Covacevich, North Stradbroke Island, 18. 75 Ibid., 14. 76 Consolidated Rutile Limited, “Annual Report,” (Brisbane, 1980).
16
under the Mines Act of 1968 (otherwise known as An Act to Provide for the
Encouragement and Regulation of Mining within the State of Queensland). As
environmental lawyer Douglas Fisher indicates, “[e]ncouragement of mining is
certainly the principal objective of the statute”.77 The Act sets out the process for the
application of authorities to prospect and for mining leases. Authorities to prospect are
granted by the Minister without public consultation and are the first step to proving
mineral resources. Mineral leases are obtained after exploration has successfully
proved the existence of commercially viable minerals.
An application for a lease is the only part of the process that is subject to public
scrutiny. If objections are made to the application then a hearing must be held by the
relevant Mining Warden. The Warden is obliged under 39(2)(a) to consider that the
public interest is not detrimentally affected by the granting of the lease. The Warden
then recommends to the Minister whether a lease should be granted. The final
decision rests with the Minister and “[n]o criteria are specified by the Act for making
these decisions”.78 The Act contains provisions for the continuous working of mineral
leases. If, for any reason, a lease remains un-worked for three consecutive days in a
fortnight then the lease is subject to forfeiture. To guarantee the lease, the holder must
apply to the Warden giving reasonable ground why the lease was not worked. This
section is important because it was used by the Fraser Island Defenders Organisation
(FIDO) to frustrate mining companies on Fraser Island who were not operating their
leases.
In 1975, the National Parks and Wildlife Act (Queensland) was passed. This
legislation provided for the creation of National Parks in Queensland. Prior to this
Act, declarations of National Parks were covered under the Forestry Act 1959
(Queensland) and the lesser Environmental Park under the Land Act 1962
(Queensland).79 The creation of National Parks was often a goal for conservation
groups campaigning to end sandmining. The declaration of a National Park over an
area provides protection from mining because provisions of the Mines Act do not
77 Douglas E. Fisher, Natural Resources Law in Australia - a Macro-Legal System in Operation, (Sydney: Law Book Company, 1987), 443. 78 Ibid., 444. 79 Neville J. Cook and David Muir, “Committee of Inquiry - Future Land Use - Moreton Island,” (Brisbane: Queensland Government, 1977), 14.
17
apply to national and environmental parks. However, the Minister for Mines has a
right of veto over Park proposals where current mineral leases exist. Although
political will is necessary to declare a Park in the first instance, the veto given to the
Mines Minister is indicative of the lower priority given to the natural environment by
the Queensland Government. Huxley argues that this has in practice created a
situation where, “if land is of no other use it can be considered for park purposes”.80
The Commonwealth of Australia is limited in its legislative capacity to regulate
activities that fall under one or more of the heads of power outlined in s 51 of the
Commonwealth Constitution. The ‘environment’ or ‘natural resources’ are not
specifically mentioned in the Constitution, apart from one reference relating to water
use.81 Powers not specifically mentioned in the Constitution reside with the States,
thus it could have been interpreted that the Queensland Parliament had power over
environmental matters. However s 51 has been interpreted to give the Commonwealth
significant power over matters of national environment significance.82
Two powers have specific relevance for this thesis: s 51(i) allowing the
Commonwealth to control “trade and commerce with other countries”, and s 51(xxix)
the “external affairs” power. Section 51(i) has been interpreted to give the
Commonwealth power to “require that export and import approvals be obtained for
goods leaving and entering Australia”.83 Thus the government can choose to reject
export licences, thereby removing the overseas market for mineral sands. This power
was confirmed in a High Court challenge by Murphyores in 1976 which will be
discussed further in Chapter II.
The external affairs power of s 51(xxix) relates to the signing of binding international
treaties. When treaties are ratified by the government, “Australia thus takes on
international obligations under the treaty”.84 Environmental lawyer Gerry Bates
argues that legislation confirming the ratification of treaties makes up the majority of
80 Huxley, Sandmining Handbook, 2. 81 Commonwealth of Australia Constitution Act 1901, s 100. 82 Douglas E. Fisher, Australian Environmetal Law, (Sydney: Lawbook Co., 2003), 100. 83 Gerry Bates, Environmental Law in Australia, 6th ed, (Chatswood: LexisNexis Butterworths, 2006), 59. 84 Ibid., 62.
18
Commonwealth environmental legislation.85 One of the most significant international
treaties is the Convention for the Protection of World Cultural and National Heritage
(the World Heritage Convention), ratified by Australia in 1983. This Convention is
enacted under the World Heritage Properties Conservation Act 1983 and is the basis
for the protection of Fraser Island as a World Heritage Area.
The following chapters consider three conservation campaigns to protect ecologically
important sand islands from mining. Chapter II – The Fight of Fraser considers how
John Sinclair, a local Maryborough boy, became the spearhead of a national
conservation campaign to protect the now World Heritage Fraser Island. For the first
time, the Commonwealth challenged the State’s rights in order to protect this Island of
national significance. Chapter III details the campaign to protect Moreton Island
which obtained similar success. Chapter IV considers Stradbroke Island where,
despite the efforts of local residents and conservation groups, mining continues to this
day. The thesis concludes with a discussion of the factors that have led to the
continuation of mining on Stradbroke Island.
85 Ibid., 62.
Chapter II – Fighting for Fraser
Fraser Island is the largest sand island in the world, extending 123 kilometres along
the Queensland coast.1 The Island is part of a chain of sand islands and contains
distinct forest communities, ranging from dwarf coastal heathlands and lowlands
through to tall layered woodlands and rainforests, with height ranges from 3 to 50
meters.2 Vegetation on Fraser Island has established over a long geological history of
approximately 700,000 years and is relatively undisturbed. It has long been
recognised as a special place by both Indigenous Australians and European colonisers,
with calls for the protection of Fraser Island originating as early as 1893 when the
Australian Association for the Advancement of Science short-listed the Island along
with three other areas as sites for the establishment of National Parks.3
Today the Island is World Heritage listed for its complex natural ecology4 and is a
popular eco-tourist destination.5 However, in the relatively recent past, the Island was
subject to both sandmining and timber harvesting operations. This chapter focuses on
the sandmining operations by DM Minerals and Queensland Titanium Mines (QTM),
in particular the significant campaign by John Sinclair and the Fraser Island
Defenders Organisation (FIDO) to end mining on the Island. This chapter first
explores the cultural and historical background of the Island. The Cooloola campaign
is briefly discussed, as it was the first organised campaign against sandmining in
Queensland and was the genesis of the Fraser campaign. The chapter considers the
Fraser Island campaign, exploring the dynamics of a successful anti-sandmining
campaign. The successful Fraser Island campaign represents a landmark case study
and was an inspiration for conservationists campaigning to protect Moreton and
Stradbroke.
1 Fred Williams, Princess K'gari's Fraser Island - Fraser Island's Definitive History, (Brisbane: Self-published by author, 2002), xiii. 2 J. Walker and others, "Plant Succession and Soil Development in Coastal Sand Dunes of Subtropical Eastern Australia," in Forest Succession: Concepts and Application, ed. D.C. West, H.H. Shugart and D.B. Botkin (New York: Springer-Verlag, 1981), 108. 3 John Sinclair, Discovering Fraser Island, 2nd ed, (Surry Hills: Pacific Maps and Guides, 198*), 143. 4 John Sinclair, Fraser Island and Cooloola, (Sydney: Lansdowne Publishing, 1995), 40. 5 Frances Chan, Hervey Bay and the Fraser Coast, (Rockhampton: Central Queensland University Press, 1999), 1.
20
Originally home to the Butchalla people, part of the Kabi nation, Fraser had between
2000 and 3000 indigenous people when Cook sailed past in 1770.6 The history of the
indigenous people on the Island is one of dispossession and disrespect.7 In 1860, the
Island was gazetted as an Aboriginal reserve.8 However, the discovery of timber
resources in 1863 took precedence, and the reserve was not established until 1870.
The conditions for Aboriginal people in the reserve were appalling as Sinclair
describes they were akin to the Jewish concentration camps of World War II in which
“unknown dozens died of malnutrition, dysentery, syphilis, influenza, and
tuberculosis”.9 The mission was finally abandoned in 1904 and the remaining
indigenous population relocated miles from their homeland to missions such as
Yarrabah, Woodford and Cherbourg. The last known member of the Butchalla was
deported from the Island to Cherbourg in 1930.10
Logging was the first industry on Fraser Island beginning in 1893. From 1919 to 1925
the timber was milled on the Island. After 1925 it was carted by tramline to the coast
and shipped to Maryborough. The growth of the timber industry resulted in the
Queensland Forestry Department enjoying almost exclusive management of the Island
until 1963. During the next decade management became fragmented between the
Forestry, Lands, Mines, and Tourism Departments; the Beach Protection Authority;
the National Parks and Wildlife Service; the Maryborough City Council and the
Hervey Bay Town Council.11 Sinclair argues this management situation, purposefully
created by the Queensland Government, resulted in “a mutilated, accidently
developed ‘ad hoc; managed hotch potch”.12 This management framework created a
situation that complicated effective management and planning for the future of the
Island.
Cooloola Campaign
The genesis of the campaign to protect Fraser began with a campaign to protect the
coloured sands at Cooloola from mining. The Cooloola sands are part of the Great
6 Sinclair, Discovering Fraser Island, 14. 7 Williams, Princess K'gari's Fraser Island, 50. 8 Sinclair, Discovering Fraser Island, 15. 9 Ibid,, 15. 10 Sinclair, Fraser Island and Cooloola, 64. 11 Sinclair, Discovering Fraser Island, 149. 12 Ibid., 149.
21
Sandy Region which encompasses Fraser Island. The area was described in the tourist
magazine Walkabout in 1970 as, “a sacred beach to many people” lacking in
development it attracted “fishermen in their beach buggies, groups of field naturalists,
photographers, artists, spear fishermen and young surfies”.13 In 1963, QTM obtained
leases to mine at Inskip Point. Mining began in 1965.14 However concern from
conservationists mounted when, in 1970, the company planned to extend their
operations to the high dunes at Cooloola. On the 11th May 1970, the Gympie Mining
Warden met to decide the fate of Cooloola. Representatives of the Wildlife
Preservation Society (Caloundra Branch) and the Noosa Parks Development
Association filed objections to the mining lease applications from QTM and Cudgen
R.Z.15 With an imminent election, the state government was susceptible to pressure,
and the Cooloola Committee (formed from the groups represented at the Mining
Warden’s Court) targeted individual MPs with petitions from their local
constituents.16 The petitions, signed by over 24,000 people,17 were taken from leafy
Liberal electorates in Brisbane. In response Liberal MPs, concerned by the level of
community opposition in their electorates to mining Cooloola, coerced Bjelke-
Petersen to agree to a party room vote on the issue.18 “The vote went against mining
in the area and for a National Park”19. A National Park was finally declared for
Cooloola in 1975. Nonetheless the Cooloola Committee remained concerned that the
state government would renege on its decision and allow mining in the area.20
The Cooloola controversy, as it became known, demonstrated that should sufficient
pressure be applied, positive environmental outcomes were achievable. In fact, QTM
had no intention of mining the coloured sands, which were the main focus of
environmental outrage.21 The conservation campaign capitalised on the public
13 Vic McCristal, “Is This Worth Saving?” Walkabout May (1970), 18. 14 John Sinclair, Discovering Cooloola, (Sydney: Pacific Maps, 1978), 11. 15 Wildlife Preservation Society Queensland, "Fraser Island," Wildlife Newsletter, 29, (May/June 1970), 1. 16Wildlife Preservation Society Queensland, "Cooloola Sands Under Threat." Wildlife Newsletter, 34, (February/March 1971), 6. 17 Queensland Conservation Council, "Cooloola Sands." EcoInfo, 1:12, (April/May 1973), 38. 18 John Sinclair, “Personal Interview – FIDO President”, 17 April 2008. 19 Wildlife Preservation Society Queensland, "Coolola Sands Under Threat." Wildlife Newsletter, 34, (February/March 1971), 6. 20 Queensland Conservation Council, "Coolola Sands National Park." QCC Newsletter, (October 1977), 9. 21 Wildlife Preservation Society Queensland, "Coolola Saved?" Wildlife Newsletter, 42, (May/June 1972), 3.
22
awareness of the coloured sands to create concern about mining of the area in general.
Clearly both the mining companies and the state government underestimated the
ability of the conservationists to apply political pressure particularly during an
election campaign. There were positive and negative impacts of the Cooloola
Controversy for Fraser Island. Undoubtedly the campaign highlighted the urgency of
protecting Fraser and galvanised the efforts of conservationists to obtain its
protection.22 However, protection of Fraser would be hard fought – the sandmining
companies were now aware of the conservationists’ tactics and their sights were
firmly focused on the Island as a great resource of black sands. Furthermore Premier
Bjelke-Petersen was determined not to let a ‘disaster’ like Cooloola happen again.23
The Premier’s determination to pursue sandmining on Fraser Island is something
rarely questioned in the narrative of Fraser Island. In 1971, a report commissioned by
the Premier and compiled by four senior public servants including the Co-ordinator
General, Sir Charles Barton, recommended “[m]ineral sandmining should proceed in
leases already granted”.24 The outcome of the report was already a foregone
conclusion; journalist Hugh Lunn commenting on the makeup of the report
committee, noted it was comprised of “one from the Mines Department, which
naturally wants mining, and another from the Forestry Department which exists
because of tree-felling”.25 The determination of Bjelke-Petersen to mine Fraser is best
described by William Lines
Bjelke-Petersen and Camm were determined there would not be a second time.
These two men embodied the relentless, fundamentalist frenzy that drove
miners, developers, and governments…[An]…imperative to dig up, transform,
re-engineer, conquer, and control propelled the partisans of mining.26
22 Sinclair, Discovering Fraser Island, 145. 23 Drew Hutton and Libby Connors, A History of the Australian Environment Movement, (Melbourne: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 147. 24 Queensland Government, “Survey of Fraser Island and Round Hill Head,” (Brisbane: Queensland Government, 1971), 5. 25 Hugh Lunn, “Paper Duel over Fraser Island,” The Australian 8 November 1976. 26 William J. Lines, Patriots - Defending Australia's Natural Heritage, (Brisbane: University of Queensland Press, 2006), 96.
23
However it is now known that the Premier faced internal opposition over his
unwavering support of the industry. On September 15th 1969, the Member for Isis, Mr
Blake, wrote to the Minister for Labour and Tourism, Mr Herbert, to “indicate that I
share the concern expressed to you…with regards to the possible destruction of Fraser
Island by mining”.27 He believed that “[t]he Island’s great and long term future surely
rests on tourist development”.28 Further Blake displayed a lack of faith in the ability
of the mining companies to successfully rehabilitate the Island, “[n]one of these
natural assets can be restored after sandmining”.29 The 1968 Conference of the
Country Party provides further evidence that alternatives to mining were considered.
The Conference concluded, “that the needs of the Tourist Industry take precedence
over those of sandmining, and that the Country Party give priority to the preservation
of all areas of scenic value”.30 However this apparently strong motion was softened by
the statement that “it would seem to be necessary to determine each case on its
relative merits”.31 Clearly for Bjelke-Petersen, Fraser did not embody the necessary
scenic value.
27 Queensland State Archives: Labour and Tourism Department; Series ID 9187, Batch Files; Item ID 294327, General correspondence: Code 22 (G) - Sand mining and tourist development on Fraser Island, Letter from the Member of Isis J.R.H. Blake to the Minister for Labour and Tourism J.D. Herbert, 15 September 1969. 28 Ibid. 29 Ibid. 30 Queensland State Archives: Labour and Tourism Department; Series ID 9187, Batch Files; Item ID 294290, General correspondence: Code 22 (G) - Sand Mining at Cooloola, Australian Country Party Conference Labour and Tourism – Tourist Industry, 1968. 31 Ibid.
24
Figure 3 – Map of Fraser Island – Showing Sand-mined areas32
32 John Sinclair and Peter Corris, Fighting for Fraser Island - a Man and an Island, (Alexandria: Kerr Publishing Pty Ltd, 1994)
25
Fraser Island Sandmining
Two mining companies developed an interest in Fraser Island, QTM and a partnership
between Dillingham Constructions Ltd and Murphyores Holdings Ltd, DM Minerals.
In 1966, Murphyores obtained four leases over 8665 hectares to mine on Fraser.33
They undertook exploration work on these leases but lacked the capital to begin
operations. In fact the company was in a dire financial position, experiencing
significant losses in 1969 and 1970.34 The company sought a partnership with an
American company Dillingham Constructions, and on 5th October 1970 the option
was exercised for Dillingham to participate in a mining venture on the Island.35 The
Annual Report of 1970 remarks “[i]t now appears that the Murphyores,
Dillingham…faith in the Fraser Island potential has proven to be well founded”.36
Sinclair remarked that the partnership between the two companies was negotiated
when Dillingham approached Murphyores for the loan of a bulldozer for their
operations and the foreman jokingly asked if they wanted to buy the company.37
Exploration continued under the partnership with planning “directed towards the
commencement of mining operations on Fraser Island in April 1975”.38 However
operations did not go to plan due to “the harassment and constant attacks the
partnership has been subjected to by anti-mining interests”.39 Owing to the
campaigning efforts of the Fraser Island Defence Organisation, it was not until early
1976 that operations finally began on Fraser.40 DM Minerals became the major
mineral sands company on Fraser with leases totalling 12 000 hectares.41 QTM’s
interest in Fraser occurred as a consequence of the Cooloola Controversy. The
company was unable to expand their operations along the coast so focused their
interest in Fraser. In December 1971 the company began mining along the south-
33 Sinclair, Discovering Fraser Island, 143. 34 Murphyores Holidings Limited, “Annual Report,” (Brisbane, 1969, 1970), 1. 35 Murphyores Holidings Limited, “Annual Report,” (Brisbane, 1970), 1. 36 Ibid. 37 Sinclair, per. comm.. 38 Murphyores Holidings Limited, “Annual Report,” (Brisbane, 1974), 1. 39 Murphyores Holidings Limited, “Annual Report,” (Brisbane, 1975), 1. 40 Murphyores Holidings Limited, “Annual Report,” (Brisbane, 1976), 1. 41 Hutton and Connors, A History of the Australian Environment Movement, 146.
26
eastern coast of Fraser.42 By 1976, around 10% of the Island (13,000 hectares) was
under mineral lease.43
As DM Minerals applied for further leases over Fraser, conservationists decided to
form an organised opposition. FIDO was born in February 1971.44 The driving force
behind FIDO was President John Sinclair, a Maryborough resident who worked for
the Department of Education as an adult education officer. His connection with Fraser
began when his parents took their honeymoon on the Island in 1935.45 Sinclair was
passionate about conservation, despite his conservative upbringing. In 1967, he was
the foundation secretary of the Maryborough Field Naturalists Club, and a year later
he was instrumental in the Club becoming an active branch of the Queensland
Wildlife Protection Society (WPSQ). Before his involvement in FIDO, Sinclair was
president of the Maryborough branch of the Country Party and member of the party’s
State Management Committee.46 In his campaign to protect Fraser, Sinclair would
find himself persecuted by his former party.
The Campaign to Save Fraser
In the campaign to protect Fraser, FIDO employed a number of strategies. The
organisation decided against a direct action approach in which sand miners would be
frustrated by marches, blockades and sabotage. Instead a subtle campaign of legal
challenges, intensive lobbying and public persuasion was favoured to save Fraser.
Sinclair recalls this strategy was advised by Lou Wyville who worked on the Cooloola
campaign as the legal representative. He argued that the goal could be achieved
through the generation of public concern.47 The tactics of FIDO included the
involvement of unions in an attempt to institute a green ban on Fraser; legal
challenges in the Mining Warden’s Court; and intensive government and community
lobbying for the environmental values of Fraser.
42 Sinclair, Discovering Fraser Island, 145. 43 Tim Bonyhady, Places Worth Keeping - Conservationists, Politics and Law, (Sydney: Allen and Unwin, 1993), 9. 44 Sinclair, Discovering Fraser Island, 145. 45 Bonyhady, Places Worth Keeping, 4. 46 Bonyhady, Places Worth Keeping, 4. 47 Sinclair, per. comm..
27
FIDO’s strategy to persuade the Union movement to impose a ‘green ban’ on the
mining operations stemmed from the hope that progressive unionists would protect
Fraser. The ‘green ban’ movement emanated from the heyday of progressive
unionism within the NSW Builders Labours Federation (BLF).48 When approached by
concerned residents, the BLF issued ‘stop work’ orders to protect important buildings
or public spaces from unwelcome development. The local community was strongly
involved in this campaign and were involved in protecting what they considered
important to their heritage. However by the mid 1970s, the power of the NSW BLF
was waning as the right of the union movement had intervened to stop what they saw
as dangerous anti-development policies.
Despite the reluctance of the union movement to engage in ‘green bans’, FIDO was
able to gain the support of the Queensland Trades and Labour Council to issue a
ban.49 A number of factors combined to make the Council’s ‘green ban’ ineffectual.
First, by the time the ban was issued DM Minerals had already completed
construction of their plant on Fraser.50 Secondly, both the Australian Workers Union,
who covered mining workers on the Island, and the Australian Council of Trade
Unions did not support the ban. Thus the ban only affected the shipping of minerals
from the Port of Brisbane, and DM Minerals were able to bypass the ban by shipping
the minerals out of Sydney.51 FIDO had more success with the strategy of legal
challenges to mining leases.
The main tactic FIDO employed to challenge the mining operations was a series of
objections to lease applications and extensions in the Mining Warden’s Court.
Although it was unlikely the Warden would rule against the leases, Sinclair wanted to
focus public attention on Fraser Island. The first major challenge was an application
by DM Minerals for two new leases for 5400 hectares. In response to the persistent
challenges in the Court by conservationists during the Cooloola campaign, Mines
Minister Ron Camm amended regulations to allow costs to be awarded as an attempt
48 Meredith Burgmann and Verity Burgmann, Green Bans, Red Union : Environmental Activism and the New South Wales Builders Labourers' Federation, (Sydney: University of New South Wales Press, 1998), Chapter 1. 49 Hutton and Connors, A History of the Australian Environment Movement, 147. 50 Bonyhady, Places Worth Keeping, 2-3. 51 Ibid., 2-3.
28
to make the Court a less attractive forum for public debate.52 For future challenges
Sinclair arranged his affairs in such a manner as to protect him from incurring legal
costs.53
Wyville and Sinclair put immense effort into preparing their applications to the Court
calling on expert witnesses to corroborate their case. While the case was hard fought,
extending fourteen days, State Cabinet nonetheless approved the leases, even before
the Court had handed down its judgement.54 The case clearly raised the ire of DM
Minerals. Their 1971 Annual Report states, “[i]mmediately after the applications were
lodged a newly formed conservation group led an attack by conservationists on the
granting of these lease applications. The Court hearing…lasted some three weeks and
received much publicity”.55 Publicity was exactly what Sinclair was after; he wanted
the issue of Fraser to be kept in the public eye. In a decision designed to placate
public concern, the government declared a National Park on 24,800 hectares of the
Island (or one sixth of the Island). The declared area had already been discounted by
mineral sand companies as not worthy of exploitation.56 As a report from the
Geological Survey on the proposed park states, “the scenic and scientific merit of
much of the proposed National Park is regarded as debatable, and it is apparent that
the area has been designed to exclude economic…areas”.57
FIDO had their greatest success in opposing the application for QTM to extend their
operations on Fraser. As before, Sinclair objected to the applications from QTM for
two new leases stating that, “Until it can be shown that it is in the public interest to
grant a mineral lease over the area, no such lease should be recommended”.58 Sinclair
was relying on regulation 39(2)(a) of the Mining Regulations of 1971 that states,
If the warden is of opinion that the public interest or right will be prejudicially affected by the granting of an application for a mining lease, he shall, whether
52 Sinclair, per. comm.. 53 Ibid. 54 Bonyhady, Places Worth Keeping, 11. 55 Murphyores Holdings Ltd Annual Report 1971 56 Bonyhady, Places Worth Keeping, 11. 57 Queensland State Archives: Survey Office; Series ID 8566, Batch Files; Item ID 282197, Sand mining operations in Coastal areas, Geological Survey of Queensland National Park Proposals for Fraser Island, 15 December 1970. 58 Sinclair V Maryborough Mining Warden, 132 Commonwealth Law Report 473 (1975). Barwick C.J, 2(a).
29
a certificate of application has been issued or not, recommend to the Minister that such application be rejected.59
As expected, the Warden ruled in favour of QTM. However he made the mistake of
publishing his reasons. The Warden held that “Mr. Sinclair is representing the views
of a section of the public and I am unable to conclude from this evidence that the
interests of the public as a whole would be prejudicially affected by the granting of
the leases.”60 The publishing of the decision allowed Sinclair to appeal. The decision
was appealed to the High Court on the basis that the Warden failed to consider his
obligations under the Act to consider the public interest in mining applications. It was
the first case to come before the court on a matter of national environmental
significance.61
The appeal to the full bench of the High Court ruled in favour of Sinclair. High Court
Judge Sir Ninian Stephen ruled that the Warden had misunderstood his requirements
to weigh the benefits of mining against those of conservation due to QTM’s
admission of the poor mining prospects in part of these new leases. As the judgment
states, “it is perhaps difficult in these circumstances to see how any proper approach
to the question of public interest could lead to a recommendation favourable to the
respondent”.62 The case was seminal in defining ‘the public interest’. The High Court
judgement did not stop sandmining on Fraser as Murphyores leases were already
approved. To end mining on the Island it was necessary for FIDO to pursue the issue
to the federal government.
Enter the Whitlam Government
In 1972, a major change occurred in the national political landscape with the election
of the Whitlam Government. After twenty-three years of conservative government in
Australia, conservationists were hopeful that areas of environmental significance like
Fraser Island would receive protection. Sinclair worked hard lobbying Canberra
politicians to revoke export licences given to the sand miners. No federal government
had at that time made use of the power in pursuit of environmental protection. There 59 Queensland Government, Mining Regulations (Queensland) 1971, 39(2)(a). 60 Sinclair V Maryborough Mining Warden, 132 Commonwealth Law Report 473 (1975). Barwick C.J, 6. 61 Bonyhady, Places Worth Keeping, 3. 62 Sinclair V Maryborough Mining Warden, 132 Commonwealth Law Report 473 (1975). Stephen J, 8.
30
were promising signs in 1975. Whitlam passed the Australian Heritage Commission
Act which established the Register of the National Estate.63 The purpose of the
Register was to protect the heritage of Australia. The Act used the term place to
describe an area that could be listed, the definition of place was suitably broad, “a site,
area or region”64 and thus could be used to include a landscape or ecosystem.
Furthermore Moss Cass, Whitlam’s Environment Minster passed the Environment
Protection (Impact of Proposals) Act 1974. The Act enabled “the Minister to require
the supply of information for the purpose of consideration…of the necessity for
environmental impact statements or public environment reports”.65 This was a major
recognition by the government that environmental issues should be considered when
planning future development.
In November 1973, Whitlam and his wife Margaret visited Fraser on the invitation of
DM Minerals. Margaret commented in Woman’s Day that “for the most part it is a
barren wasteland.”66 That was the first that Sinclair had heard of their visit and it did
not bode well for Fraser’s protection.67 It would seem that the Whitlams’ failed to
appreciate the biodiversity of the Island. Environmental historian William Lines
comments that this attitude is common within ‘the cosmopolitan left’ as Whitlam was
more interested in the conceits and artifice of human civilisation than the living reality of Australia, he shared his urbane manner, internationalism, and facile cleverness with many left intellectuals. They admired him as indeed they admired themselves. Impressed by arrogance and overt intellectuality, by glamour over substance, they disdained the crass, barren wastelands of the Australian continent.68
Further evidence of Whitlam’s distaste for Fraser was the decision taken between
Whitlam and his Minister for Resources, Rex Connor. On the 13th of December, four
days before the Environment Protection (Impact of Proposals) Act became law,
Whitlam and Connor secretly agreed, without the knowledge of Cabinet, to approve
export licences for Fraser.69 This was a great blow to the campaign. Cass challenged
63 Australian Heritage Commission Act 1975. 64 Australian Heritage Commission Act 1975, 3(1)(a). 65 Environment Protection (Impact of Proposals) Act 1974, 6(2)(a). 66 Lines, Patriots - Defending Australia's Natural Heritage, 141. 67 Sinclair, per. comm.. 68 Lines, Patriots - Defending Australia's Natural Heritage, 141. 69 Hutton and Connors, A History of the Australian Environment Movement, 148; Lines, Patriots - Defending Australia's Natural Heritage, 141-2; Bonyhady, Places Worth Keeping, 2.
31
the decision at the next Cabinet meeting and when the vote was taken Cabinet sided
with Cass. However, when Connor threatened to resign “rather than ‘be dictated to by
the lunatic fringe of a pack of conservationists”70, Cabinet backed the approval.71 The
only course open to Cass was to establish the Fraser Island Environmental Inquiry.
Cass used the new powers under the Act that stated “the Minister may direct that an
inquiry be conducted in respect of all or any of the environmental aspects”72 to
convene the Inquiry. The Inquiry, set up in 1974, did not report until 1976, after the
Whitlam Government had been dismissed from office in the Constitutional Crisis of
1975.
Malcolm Fraser’s Decision
The Fraser Island Environmental Inquiry headed by Arthur Hicks and Dr John
Hookey took submissions from sand miners, conservation groups and the general
public. By mid 1975, concern mounted that the government was poised to extend DM
Minerals’ export licence. In response, the Inquiry Commissioners released a
preliminary report recommending that Fraser Island be recorded as part of the
National Estate and “any proposed approval as to whether to grant blanket approval
for the exportation of minerals…be deferred until after the Commission’s Final
Report”.73 When the final report was released in 1976, the Inquiry recommended that
“all exports of minerals (including minerals that have been subjected to processing or
treatment) extracted or which may hereafter be extracted from Fraser Island be
absolutely prohibited”.74 They further recommended that “the whole of Fraser Island
be recorded as part of the National Estate as soon as possible”.75 These
recommendations mark a milestone in Australian environmental protection. The next
step to ensure the Island’s protection was the enacting of these recommendations by
the federal government.
The Inquiry handed down its report when Malcolm Fraser’s Liberal/National Party
Coalition Government was in power. It was unknown whether Malcolm Fraser would
70 Bonyhady, Places Worth Keeping, 2. 71 Ibid., 2; Lines, Patriots - Defending Australia's Natural Heritage, 142. 72 Environment Protection (Impact of Proposals) Act 1974, 11(1). 73 Arthur Hicks and John Hookey, “Fraser Island Environmental Inquiry - Final Report,” (Canberra: Commonwealth Government, 1976), Appendix 4. 74 Ibid., 206. 75 Ibid.
32
take action to protect the Island. However in an extraordinary decision taken on 10th
November 1976, he decided that export licences would be cancelled, effective from
31st December 1976. This decision effectively ended mining on the Island, as the
major markets for the minerals existed overseas. The decision shocked
conservationists, sand miners, and the Queensland government. Murphyores in their
Annual Report for 1977 stated that the decision “renders your company’s major asset
valueless”.76 They presented a “factually documented and well researched” report to
government seeking $23 million in compensation, however were only offered the
‘token amount’ of $4 million by Fraser.77 Muryphores threatened to take their
compensation claim to the International Court of Justice78, however in 1984 settled
the claim for $1 million with the government.79 Urgent talks were held between
Bjelke-Petersen and Fraser with the Premier trying to persuade the Prime Minister to
change his decision. The Courier Mail reported, “[t]he Federal Government was
having second thoughts on the Fraser Island inquiry recommendation, the Premier
said last night”.80 Pressure to revoke the decision came from within the Coalition, as
Deputy Prime Minister Doug Anthony, stated that he believed the Government should
review its decision.81 However Malcolm Fraser stood firm and mining ended on the
Island.
Murphyores challenged the Commonwealth’s decision in the High Court. The case
was an important landmark in justifying the Commonwealth’s power to legislate for
environmental protection. Murphyores argued that the Environment Protection
(Impact of Proposals) Act of 1974 was constitutionally invalid and thus any Inquiry
constituted under the Act should not be considered when making determinations on
export licences.82 High Court Judge Sir Ninian Stephen ruled that “the plaintiffs’
attempt to prevent the Minister from taking into account, in the future, environmental
matters in considering applications for approval for the export of prohibited exports
must fail”.83 The full bench of the Court ruled that the Act was valid and findings of
76 Murphyores Holidings Limited, “Annual Report,” (Brisbane, 1977), 1. 77 Ibid. 78 Murphyores Holidings Limited, “Annual Report,” (Brisbane, 1979), 1. 79 Murphyores Holidings Limited, “Annual Report,” (Brisbane, 1984), 1. 80 “Joh's Mining Hopes for Fraser Island,” The Courier Mail 5 November 1976. 81 “Hint at Island Mining Again,” The Courier Mail 12 May 1977. 82 Murphyores Incorporated Pty Ltd V Commonwealth, 136 Commonwealth Law Report 1 (1976). 83 Ibid., Stephen J, 15
33
Inquiries constituted under it could be considered when determining export licences.
As Bonyhady remarks, the case is significant as it “was the first case in which the
High Court held that the powers of the Commonwealth extended to protecting the
environment”.84
The motivation behind Malcolm Fraser’s historic decision is not fully known. The
Inquiry was established by the former Whitlam Government and could have easily
been ignored by its successor. Sinclair believes that Malcolm Fraser’s association
with the establishment of the Australian Conservation Foundation (ACF) illustrates
the Prime Minister’s conservation ethic.85 It is important to recognise that post-
Whitlam the Commonwealth assumed the responsibility for protecting Australia’s
nationally significant environmental assets, of which Fraser Island is one.
Furthermore the Commonwealth derived no direct benefit from the sandmining
operations as the royalties went to the Queensland government and the profits to the
overseas shareholders of Dillingham’s. Perhaps seen in this light, Malcolm Fraser’s
decision to protect Fraser Island was simply an assertion of a Commonwealth
responsibility. A number of other theories are presented to explain Malcolm Fraser’s
motivations. One is that the decision was taken to placate environmentalists over his
later decision to allow uranium mining; another is because the market for mineral
sands was waning and it was not seen as an industry worthy of national support.86 The
Fraser Island campaign marked a number of firsts in the Australian political
landscape. The Government became “the first federal administration to stop a major
resource project…on environmental grounds”.87 Furthermore it was the first time the
export powers had been used to stop mining on environmental grounds, and the first
time a Commonwealth inquiry had been convened on an environmental matter.
Final Protection for Fraser
While Malcolm Fraser’s decision halted mining in 1976, final protection for Fraser
was not achieved until 1991 when the Island was proclaimed a World Heritage Area.
Until that time the Bjelke-Petersen Government promoted the continuation of logging
on the Island and refused to consider proposals from FIDO to preserve the Island as a 84 Bonyhady, Places Worth Keeping, 15. 85 Sinclair, per. comm.. 86 Hutton and Connors, A History of the Australian Environment Movement, 149. 87 Bonyhady, Places Worth Keeping, 15-6.
34
National Park.88 In fact even though the export licences were refused, sandmining
leases continued to be active on the Island until it became World Heritage Listed.89 In
1989, the Goss Labor Government was elected. During the campaign, Goss had
committed to protecting Fraser Island however Sinclair was concerned, believing that
Goss’ “conservation credentials were shaky”.90 However, instead of proclaiming the
area a National Park immediately, the state government decided to establish an
inquiry chaired by Fitzgerald, a move which angered FIDO who believed the
environmental values of Fraser had already been proven.91
The inquiry reported in 1991, recommending the protection of Fraser and the
establishment of a World Heritage Area. Sinclair argues the eighteen month delay
bought the new government valuable time to placate the Maryborough community,
which was part of a marginal electorate that voted Labor for the first time in the 1989
election.92 The final act was to take the nomination to the World Heritage Committee
administered by UNESCO in Paris for consideration on the World Heritage List. The
initial proposal included the whole of the Great Sandy Region, encompassing Fraser
Island and the Cooloola Coast, in the World Heritage submission.93 However only
Fraser Island was included because in the federal government’s submission Fraser
could be portrayed the most intact and continuous section representing the
landscape.94 Other areas of the Cooloola Coast had extensive pine plantations and less
intact natural habitat. At the World Heritage Committee’s meeting in December 1992
Fraser Island was inscribed on the World Heritage List95 marking an end to FIDO’s
twenty year campaign to protect the Island.
88 Sinclair, per comm. 89 Wildlife Preservation Society Queensland, " Ahern renews leases on Fraser Is.." WPSQ Newsletter, 115, (September 1989). 90 John Sinclair and Peter Corris, Fighting for Fraser Island - a Man and an Island, (Alexandria: Kerr Publishing Pty Ltd, 1994), 183. 91 Ibid., 184. 92 Sinclair, per. comm. 93 Fraser Island World Heritage Area Scientific Advisory Committee, “Fraser Island World Heritage Area : Review of Outstanding Universal Value,” (Brisbane: Queensland Government, Environmental Protection Agency, 2004), 9. 94 Sinclair, per. comm.. 95 Fraser Island World Heritage Area Scientific Advisory Committee, “Fraser Island World Heritage Area,” 9.
35
This chapter has provided an overview of the campaign to protect Fraser Island. The
success of the campaign can be attributed to a number of factors. First, there was a
growing public awareness of the significance of Australia’s natural environment and
its need of protection. Secondly, the campaign of FIDO harnessed this public
awareness though the passion and commitment of John Sinclair highlighting to a
nation the importance of protecting Fraser. Thirdly, DM Minerals arguably displayed
a lack of foresight by underestimating the appeal and tenacity of the conservation
campaign. Fourthly, the committed work of Moss Cass, the Environment Minister in
the Whitlam Government, who recognised the conservation value of Fraser and set up
the Inquiry that would recommend its protection. Finally, the political circumstances
of the day that led Malcolm Fraser to remove export licence approval. The World
Heritage status Fraser Island now enjoys is fitting not only for its natural qualities but
marking the success of the committed conservationist campaign. However Sinclair
stresses that “continual vigilance is necessary to ensure protection for these special
places”.96
Due to the success of the Fraser campaign it became a model for conservation battles
on Stradbroke and Moreton Island’s. As discussed in the following chapters,
conservationists sought to repeat the success of FIDO. Both the Moreton Island
Protection Committee (MIPC) and the Stradbroke Island Management Organisation
(SIMO) have sought to raise public awareness about the conservation value of the
sand islands. Furthermore, as Fraser set the precedent for federal government
intervention on matters of environmental significance, this encouraged
conservationists to campaign for Commonwealth intervention to secure their goals of
ending sand mining.
96 Sinclair, per. comm..
Chapter III – Saving Moreton
Moreton Island, located 35 kilometres east of Queensland’s capital is the only sand
island within the proximity of Brisbane to escape major development. As such it was
a good candidate for protection. Building on the success of Fraser Island conservation
groups, including Moreton Island Protection Committee (MIPC) and the Queensland
Conservation Council (QCC), undertook a committed campaign to persuade the state
government to declare Moreton a National Park. This was achieved in 1992. This
chapter discusses the factors that resulted in the protection of Moreton Island. It
examines state government proposals for the future development of the Island, and the
campaign by the MIPC to protect the Island. Furthermore, this chapter shows how the
mining operations on Stradbroke became a potent symbol for conservationists to
argue that Moreton should be protected.
Archaeological evidence of shell middens provides evidence of indigenous occupation
by the Nugui people on the Island for approximately 20,000 years.1 Due to the
proximity of Stradbroke Island, the indigenous populations of both Islands
intermingled and intermarried creating close bonds within their communities.2 It is
estimated that at the time of European arrival on Moreton, in 1824, there were around
one hundred people living on the Island.3 Moreton Island is significant for the
relatively undisturbed preservation of indigenous archaeological evidence. As Robins
states, Moreton “contains a pattern of archaeological evidence relating to a system of
Aboriginal settlement and subsistence over at least the last 2000 years.”4 Other
Islands, such as Stradbroke, are not so fortunate, having been subjected to mining and
urban development which has disturbed many of these significant sites.
The first European settlement on Moreton was a pilot station located at Bulwer, in the
north-west of the Island. The Bulwer Station had been previously located at Amity on
North Stradbroke but was moved in 1848 after the Sovereign was shipwrecked 1 Margaret Cook, Shifting Sands: Memories of Moreton Island, (Brisbane: Moreton Island Protection Committee, 2005), 23. 2 Ibid., 26; Margaret Iselin, “Personal Interview – Aboriginal Elder” 11 April 2008. 3 Cook, Shifting Sands: Memories of Moreton Island, 24 4 Richard Robins, “Cultural Resource Management in Practice: The Moreton Island Example,” in Focus on Stradbroke: New Information on North Stradbroke Island and Surrounding Areas, 1974-1984, eds. Roger J Coleman, Jeanette Covacevich and Peter Davie, (Point Lookout, North Stradbroke Island: Boolarong Publications, 1985), 39-40.
37
attempting to cross through the South Passage (the passage that separates North
Stradbroke and Moreton Islands).5 There were significant concerns about shipwrecks
on Moreton, which prompted the Navy to introduce horses, pigs and goats to the
Island in 1865 to provide sources of food for stranded sailors.6 These animals
continue to roam wild around the Island today.7 To further aid the navigation of ships,
a lighthouse was constructed from sandstone at Cape Moreton in 1857.8
Moreton’s resident population post-European settlement remained small, with a
community of four families settled around the area.9 The only major industry
established on Moreton, apart from sandmining, was a whaling station at Tangalooma
which opened in 1952. The whaling station on Moreton, which was situated in the
path of the annual migration of humpback whales, harvested up to 600 humpback
whales per season.10 Ex-whaler Bob Emmet recollects that “the water was so thick
with whales”.11 However the numbers decreased, due to an over-estimation of the size
of the whale population and an increased exploitation of whales in the Antarctic,12 and
in 1962 the station closed.13 The station site was bought in June 1963 and was
developed into a tourist resort. Although whales remained the attraction, interest
changed from harpooning to photography. Today Moreton Island attracts thousands of
tourists each year.
Moreton is the least developed of the sand islands discussed in this thesis, and as such
it represented a prime candidate for conservation. Historical circumstance, in
particular accessibility, has protected Moreton Island from development. Local
historian Margaret Cook states, “[t]he Island is relatively difficult to access and has
remained largely undisturbed by the encroachment of human activity.”14 This was
5 Cook, Shifting Sands: Memories of Moreton Island, 31. 6 Margaret McVey, “History,” in The Future of Moreton Island, eds. Gordon Claridge and Kerry Davies, (Brisbane: Queensland Conservation Council, 1977), 10. 7 Ibid., 10. 8 Cook, Shifting Sands: Memories of Moreton Island, 32; Anne Innis Dagg, Tangalooma and Moreton Island - History and Natural History, (Brisbane: Tangalooma Island Resort Ltd, 1987), 12; McVey, “History,” 10. 9 McVey, “History,” 10. 10 Dagg, Tangalooma and Moreton Island, 15. 11 Bob Emmet in Cook, Shifting Sands: Memories of Moreton Island, 72. 12 Rod Fisher, “The History of Moreton Bay: A Saga of Lost Dream,” in Brisbane: Moreton Bay Matters, ed. Murray Johnson (Brisbane: Brisbane History Group, 2002), 113. 13 Ibid., 113. 14 Cook, Shifting Sands: Memories of Moreton Island, 9.
38
confirmed by the finding in the state government commissioned Heath Report that,
“[m]ajor impacts of human land use up-to-date are confined almost entirely to within
500 metres of the beach.”15 The importance of the Island to conservationists is
primarily because it “represents the last opportunity in south-east Queensland to
preserve in a relatively pristine condition a large area containing samples of a range of
habitats and scenic attractions that were once characteristic of the Moreton Bay
region.”16 The wilderness value of the Island was a key reason why conservationists
argued for its protection. Slogans such as ‘Keep Moreton Natural’ and ‘Moreton
Island – Brisbane’s Wilderness’, used in the conservation campaigns of the MIPC
throughout the 1980s, to highlight the unique natural circumstances of the Island.17
Nonetheless sandmining enjoyed the support of the Bjelke-Petersen State Government
during the 1970s and 1980s, and environmental advocates had a difficult battle to
secure the Island’s protection.
Early Mineral Leases
Sandmining on Moreton was not undertaken consistently. Some early prospecting and
mining was completed in the early 1950s, however full scale mining was not proposed
until the 1970s. In 1947 Tangalooma Minerals was granted prospecting rights. The
following year the company was granted leases and mining commenced at
Tangalooma, in the south-west of the Island. According to Morely, no production was
recorded in the early operations on Moreton Island18. In 1955, a joint operation was
established with Titanium and Zirconium Industries (TAZI) who, already well
established on Stradbroke, this company was seeking to extend their mining
operations.19 This operation sought to mine at Eagers Swamp, on the central-eastern
shoreline, but by 1958, this small mining operation was concluded as economically
unviable, having only shipped 6,200 tonnes of rutile and zircon.20 This ended the first
attempt of mining on Moreton Island.
15 A. A. Heath and Partners Pty. Ltd, “Moreton Island - Environmental Impact Study and Strategic Plan,” (Brisbane: A. A. Heath and Partners, 1976), 1. 16 Cook, Shifting Sands: Memories of Moreton Island, 10-11. 17 Moreton Island Protection Committee, “Ephemera, [Manuscript],” ed. Don Henry, (Brisbane: Moreton Island Protection Committee, 1975-1983), held by Fryer Library. 18 Ian W. Morely, Black Sands - a History of the Mineral Sand Mining Industry in Eastern Australia, (Brisbane: University of Queensland Press, 1981), 83. 19 Ibid., 83. 20 M McVey, “History,” 11; A. A. Heath and Partners Pty. Ltd, “Moreton Island - Environmental Impact Study,” 104.
39
Historian Rod Fisher notes the Moreton operation “was very limited and hardly
profitable compared with Stradbroke where water supply and access were superior.”21
Moreton Island was fortunate that the early mining was only conducted on the
beaches thus leaving the ecologically valuable high dune areas undisturbed.22 Despite
the initial lack of profitability, by 1977 applications and granted leases covered 60%
of the Island.23 In the late 1970s, mining recommenced with the strong support of the
Bjelke-Petersen Government. In 1978 the Moreton Island Protection Committee
(MIPC) was formed with the objective to “facilitate public awareness and
appreciation of Moreton Island as a natural area and encourage support for its
preservation and management”.24
The Value of Moreton
At the time of the formation of the Moreton Island Protection Committee (MIPC) in
1978, the ecological values of Moreton were already widely recognised. In 1966, the
area around Mt Tempest covering 15% of the Island was declared a National Park;
this was later extended in 1971 to cover 42%.25 The Brisbane City Council (BCC)
acquired Moreton as part of its local government area in 1974.26 The BCC were quick
to realise the value of Moreton and rezoned the Island “Open Space” in 1975.27 These
early gains, coupled with the lack of development on Moreton, provided hope for
conservationists that a National Park might soon be declared. It further justified the
involvement of groups such as the Queensland Conservation Council (QCC) which,
having few resources was prudent to focus on ‘winnable campaigns’.28
The circumstances of the Moreton conservation campaign were significantly different
from that of Fraser. In particular, there were no established industries on Moreton
Island and therefore no local community dependent on them for employment. A
21 Fisher, “The History of Moreton Bay,” 112. 22 Cook, Shifting Sands: Memories of Moreton Island, 88. 23 McVey, “History,” 12. 24 Moreton Island Protection Committee, "Statement of Aims," MIPC Newsletter, 9:3, (May/June 1987), 2. 25 Moreton Island Protection Committee, “The Moreton Island Issue – An Information Summary” QCC Newsletter, (July 1981); Cook, Shifting Sands: Memories of Moreton Island, 89. 26 Cook, Shifting Sands: Memories of Moreton Island, 90; McVey, “History,” 12. 27 McVey, “History,” 12; Fisher, “The History of Moreton Bay,” 118. 28 Drew Hutton, “Personal Interview – Greens Party Leader and Author” 27 March 2008.
40
significant National Park declared in 1966 had already established the conservation
credentials of the Island.29 Furthermore, the BCC became an important advocate for
the protection of the Island. Despite the widespread recognition of Moreton’s
conservation value, the state government, as a consequence of the Fraser Island
decision, persisted with plans to establish sandmining operations on the Island. The
BCC was powerless to intervene as the Mining Act took precedence over the Local
Government Act.30 The Bjelke-Petersen Government reconfirmed this by passing
amendments to the Mining Act in 1979 to allow for the state government to veto the
jurisdiction of the City Council over Moreton.31
State Government Plans for Moreton
In order to justify renewed mining on Moreton, the state government commissioned a
number of reports relating to the natural significance and the viability of resource
extraction on the Island. The first was submitted to Cabinet by the Minister of Survey,
Valuation, Urban and Regional Affairs in 1975. The findings were widely leaked with
the report recommending only 5% of Moreton for mining.32 In November 1975, a
further environmental impact study was commissioned for the Co-ordinator General’s
Department. This report, known as the Heath Report, was presented in April 1976.33
The Heath Report presented two strategies for consideration: Strategy A aimed to
“maintain the island as almost wholly natural landscape”.34 This strategy responded
strongly to public concern expressed to the report committee and “provides for
recreational activity and tourist enjoyment”.35 Strategy B aimed to “maintain the
island predominately as a natural landscape while accommodating commercial
activities, including sandmining”.36 Sandmining is thus permitted “in areas of low
environmental value and particularly where the landscape is already degraded”.37 The
29 Moreton Island Protection Committee, “The Moreton Island Issue – An Information Summary” QCC Newsletter, (July 1981); Cook, Shifting Sands: Memories of Moreton Island, 89. 30 M. C. Challoner, “The Local Authority Role in Planning the Future of Stradbroke Island,” in Stradbroke Island Symposium, eds. N. C. Stevens and R. Monroe, (Point Lookout, Stradbroke Island: The Royal Society of Queensland, 1975), 121. 31 Morely, Black Sands, 205; Fisher, “The History of Moreton Bay,” 118. 32 Queensland Conservation Council, “Moreton Island,” EcoInfo, 3:1 (October 1975). 33 A. A. Heath and Partners Pty. Ltd, “Moreton Island - Environmental Impact Study,” i. 34 Ibid., 3/43. 35 Ibid. 36 Ibid. 37 Ibid.
41
report envisaged that 7% of the Island would be mined.38 Importantly, the report’s
authors state that both strategies complied “with the specification of the brief … to
preserve most of the island in accordance with the desires expressed in the Social
Attitudes Survey”.39 Given that the brief was from the Co-ordinator General’s
Department of the Queensland Government it appears possible the government never
considered full scale mining on Moreton a possibility.
In October 1976, a “Committee of Inquiry” was established, chaired by the Valuer-
General to determine the preferred strategy.40 The resulting report, the Cook Report,
recommended that mining be allowed on 6.4% of the Island.41 The area suggested was
along the east coast of the Island from Cape Moreton to Eagers Swamp, including the
area around the perched Blue Lagoon.42 While the report supported limited mining it
recommended that 91.2% of the Island be gazetted as a National Park. Furthermore it
accepted that “the future of Moreton Island in the long term be that of a National Park
providing recreation for the public”.43 Despite this recommendation, the National Park
would not be fully gazetted until 1985.
While the Bjelke-Petersen Government was keen to implement the Cook Report’s
proposal of mining 6.4% of Moreton, they moved slowly to implement its
recommendation to increase the National Park on the Island. In 1982, the National
Park was extended to cover 54% of the Island after Mineral Deposits Limited (MDL)
relinquished an authority to prospect over the area.44 However it was not until 1985
that the conservation recommendation of the Cook Report was fully implemented so
that the Park extended to 91.2% of the Island. As the MIPC recorded, it was “not
before time [given] it had taken 10 years to see this recommendation …
implemented.”45
38 Ibid.,1. 39 Ibid., 3/49. 40 Queensland Conservation Council, “Moreton Island Update,” EcoInfo, 3:4 (December 1976). 41 Neville J. Cook and David Muir, “Committee of Inquiry - Future Land Use - Moreton Island,” (Brisbane: Queensland Government, 1977), 14. 42 Moreton Island Protection Committee, “The Moreton Island Issue – An Information Summary” QCC Newsletter, (July 1981). 43 Cook and Muir, “Committee of Inquiry,” 14. 44 Moreton Island Protection Committee, "National Park Declaration," MIPC Newsletter, 4:9, (September 1982), 1. 45 Moreton Island Protection Committee, "Only 6.4% to go," MIPC Newsletter, 7:7, (October/November 1985).
42
A probable reason why this recommendation was not implemented earlier was
concern that the mining companies would press for compensation. This concern was
highlighted by the Heath Report. Commenting on a situation where no sandmining is
permitted the report states, “[t]his could lead to problems in determining and meeting
claims for compensation.”46 Murphyores, who obtained leases in 1969,47 was one
company keen to assert their right to compensation. In their 1981 Annual Report they
detailed that “substantial amounts have been spent”48 on prospecting their Moreton
leases and they were keen for “the matter … to be resolved with the Queensland
Government.”49 As the company was seeking compensation, the government
negotiated, in March 1984, to swap the Moreton Island leases of Murphyores and
MDL for leases on Inskip Point south of Fraser Island.50 This agreement facilitated
the further extension of the National Park.
While the government publically supported the Cook Report, in 1988 a leaked
consultants’ report, the Cameron McNamara Report written two years earlier,
revealed the full extent of government’s plans for Moreton. The Cameron McNamara
Report proposed that Moreton Island should be developed to expand the number of
settlements and increase the resident population, and that these towns should be
supported through the expansion of industries such as sandmining and tourism.51 It
further recommended that a number of artificial islands be created near Moreton with
the opportunity for resort development.52 The Report revealed that, while the
government publically favoured limited mining and a National Park for Moreton,
privately they were evaluating options for extensive development of the Island which
would have been incompatible with its National Park status.
46 A. A. Heath and Partners Pty. Ltd, “Moreton Island - Environmental Impact Study,” 1. 47 Wildlife Preservation Society Queensland, “Moreton Island Threat,” WPSQ Newsletter,19 (January/February 1969). 48 Murphyores Holidings Limited, “Annual Report,” (Brisbane, 1981), 2. 49 Murphyores Holidings Limited, “Annual Report,” (Brisbane, 1982), 1. 50 Moreton Island Protection Committee, "Mining Lease Swap," MIPC Newsletter, 6:5, (1984). 51 Moreton Island Protection Committee, "Moreton Bay Improvement Plan," MIPC Newsletter, 11:4, (September/October 1988), 1. 52 Queensland Conservation Council, “Moreton Island Mining,” QCC Newsletter, 9:3 (September 1988).
43
53
53 Moreton Island Protection Committee, “Ephemera, [Manuscript],” ed. Don Henry, (Brisbane: Moreton Island Protection Committee, 1975-1983), held by Fryer Library.
Figure 4 – Map of Moreton Island - Prepared by MIPC
44
Campaigning for Moreton
The MIPC’s campaign to protect Moreton used a number of the strategies that had
proven successful in the Fraser Island campaign. The first was to gain public attention
and support for the Island; secondly, challenges were made in the Mining Warden’s
Court to lease applications; and thirdly politicians were lobbied in an effort to obtain
their support for protecting the Island. MIPC presented a plausible alternative to
mining on Moreton Island, assisted by their charismatic President Don Henry, who
like John Sinclair was committed and energetic in the pursuit of the protection of the
Island.
One of the initial strategies of the MIPC was to educate and inform the community
about the value of Moreton. A programme of public meetings was organised in 1980
accompanied by necessary publicity to promote the values of Moreton.54 An MIPC
pamphlet boasts
Moreton Island, Brisbane’s Wilderness is situated just 35 kilometres from the city centre. It is part of Brisbane, but it offers a complete contrast to the urban environment; windswept giant sand dunes, sparkling lakes, unique wildflowers and unpolluted beaches. Moreton Island is natural … a sanctuary where we can take a break from the pressures of living.55
To provide evidence of the public support for the protection of Moreton, the QCC
undertook a survey sampling 300 individuals, with results showing that 68%
supported conserving the Island’s natural amenity.56 Despite this campaign, in June
1981 the government announced it had accepted the findings of the Cook Report,
announcing that 6.4% of the Island would be mined.57
In 1982, MDL applied for three leases on Moreton within the 6.4% of the Island
recommended for mining.58 The area under application included a number of
54 Moreton Island Protection Committee, "Don’t Mine Moreton," MIPC Newsletter, 2:8, (July 1980). 55 Moreton Island Protection Committee, “Ephemera, [Manuscript],” held by Fryer Library. 56 Moreton Island Protection Committee, “The Moreton Island Issue – An Information Summary” QCC Newsletter, (July 1981). 57 Moreton Island Protection Committee, “The Moreton Island Issue – An Information Summary” QCC Newsletter, (July 1981); Moreton Island Protection Committee, "City Council Elections," MIPC Newsletter, 4:3, (March 1982), 1. 58 Moreton Island Protection Committee, "New Mining Scores for Moreton Island," MIPC Newsletter, 4:6, (June 1982), 1.
45
important indigenous archaeological sites and was located close to Blue Lagoon.59
The MIPC challenged these leases in the Mining Warden’s Court.60 The MIPC’s
objection received support from the QCC, the Wildlife Preservation Society of
Queensland (WPSQ), the BCC and the Australian Labor Party which is likely to have
bolstered the credibility of the case.61 Over 90 objections were received by the Mining
Warden demonstrating that the “value of Moreton Island to our lifestyle is now
appreciated by a large number of people.”62 The MIPC’s evidence asserted that the
economic benefits of mining would be negligible compared to the potential economic
gain from developing nature (or “eco”) tourism, especially considering that visitor
numbers had already increased in excess of predictions.63
Important information had become known about dune formations and significant
indigenous archaeological sites located on the Island since the Cook Report was
published. These indigenous sites situated within the lease boundary risked disruption
from mining. Furthermore, the ‘degraded dune formations’ which in the Cook Report
formed “[t]o a large extent the case for sand mining”64 were in fact found to be both
natural and ecologically significant dune formations.65 MDL planned to mine using
dredge concentrators which would have caused widespread disturbance of vegetation
and dunes. Also the company wished to construct an airstrip near Blue Lagoon.66
In response to the objections received by the Mining Warden, a hearing took place
between October and December 1982 to determine the future of sandmining on
Moreton Island. It was not until May 1983 that the Warden presented his report. In an
historic decision the Warden recommended against granting the leases, resulting in
“the first major sandmining lease applications in Queensland to be rejected by a
59 Moreton Island Protection Committee, "Moreton Island Mining Lease Application," MIPC Newsletter, 4:7, (July 1982), 2. 60 Moreton Island Protection Committee, "Here We Go Again," MIPC Newsletter, 4:6 Supp, (June 1982), 1. 61 Moreton Island Protection Committee, "Moreton Island Mining Lease Application," MIPC Newsletter, 4:7, (July 1982), 2. 62 Moreton Island Protection Committee, "Update on Mining Lease Objections," MIPC Newsletter, 4:8, (August 1982), 1-2. 63 Ibid. 64 Cook and Muir, “Committee of Inquiry,” 46, 65 Moreton Island Protection Committee, "Federal Government Still Considering Future of Moreton Island," MIPC Newsletter, 5:1, (January 1983), 1. 66 Moreton Island Protection Committee, "Latest Developments in Mining Warden’s Court" MIPC Newsletter, 4:10, (October 1982), 1.
46
Mining Warden.”67 In his decision the Warden recognised that the economic benefits
of tourism would at least equal the mining operations while causing less
environmental impact. However, in August 1984, the Mines Minister Ivan Gibbs
overturned the ruling and granted the leases.68
Hawke’s Intervention
Despite the Bjelke-Petersen Government’s support of mining on Moreton Island, the
hope remained that the Fraser Federal Government would reject the export licences.
The MIPC became heavily involved in lobbying federal politicians to support the
protection of Moreton. In September 1982, the then Federal Environment Minister
Tom McVeigh visited Moreton and remarked, “Queensland is the home of three
pieces of heaven. They are the Darling Downs, Stradbroke Island and Moreton
Island.”69 The next month the MIPC learned that Associated Minerals Consolidated
(AMC) had applied to the federal government for export licences for minerals.70 The
Fraser Government was still considering the export licences when, in the 1983
election, the Hawke Labor Government came to power. The new government
continued to deliberate over the issue until February 1984 when Hawke’s Government
rejected AMC’s application for export licences.71 Whilst this suggested the end of
mining on Moreton, the state government continued to support mining proposals and,
in 1987, announced that mining would soon begin on Moreton.
The Hawke Federal Government and the Liberal controlled BCC could not persuade
Bjelke-Petersen and the National Party to accept the protection of Moreton; despite
the BCC being the primary land holder, the state government controlled mining
leases.72 In February 1987, the government announced that mining would soon begin
on AMC’s leases from Cape Moreton to Blue Lagoon. The mining would circumvent
67 Moreton Island Protection Committee, "Reprieve," MIPC Newsletter, 5:5, (May 1983), 2. 68 Moreton Island Protection Committee, "Mining Warden’s Recommendations Overturned," MIPC Newsletter, 6:6, (October/November 1984). 69 Moreton Island Protection Committee, "National Park Declaration," MIPC Newsletter, 4:9, (September 1982), 1. 70 Moreton Island Protection Committee, "Latest Developments in Mining Warden’s Court" MIPC Newsletter, 4:10, (October 1982), 1. 71 Moreton Island Protection Committee, "Background Notes on the Mining of Moreton Island," MIPC Newsletter, 6:2, (February 1984), 1. 72 Challoner, “The Local Authority Role in Planning,” 121.
47
the Federal export ban because the minerals would be used in the domestic market.73
Two days before the July election, Hawke visited Moreton and pledged that no
mining would commence on the Island.74 Hawke’s strong stance on Moreton can
partially be attributed to the rise in public environmental consciousness during the
1980s. This public concern saw Hawke use Commonwealth powers to protect the
Franklin River in Tasmania; in this case “what was right was also popular”.75 The
threat of mining finally abated in December 1987 when the new Queensland Premier
Mike Ahern announced that he was moving to ban mining on the Island.76 It took the
end of the Bjelke-Petersen Government for the value of Moreton to be recognised.
However it was not until 1992 that the Goss Labor Government paid $5 million in
compensation to MDL and AMC, allowing for National Park status to be declared
over the former leases.77
The sandmining operations occurring on Stradbroke Island were seen to represent a
possible future for Moreton. The contrast between the two islands is best summarised
by Don Henry,
Looking to the South, a large sandmining scar graces Amity Point, North Stradbroke Island, an island divided by exploration tracks, exploited by sandmining and threatened with large scale residential development and even a bridge to the mainland. To the North stretches an untouched Moreton Island with its glistening ocean beaches, she-oak graced foredunes, tall forests, lakes and sand dunes … For how long will we have a natural Moreton Island?”78
Clearly rather than trying to end mining on Stradbroke, its key value was its potential
to protect Moreton. Don Henry comments in The Courier Mail, “[w]hat has happened
on North Stradbroke is so terribly sad. But some good might come from it if the
73 Moreton Island Protection Committee, "Moreton Mining Gets Go Ahead," MIPC Newsletter, 9:2, (March/April 1987), 1. 74 Moreton Island Protection Committee, "PM Pledges No Mining," MIPC Newsletter, 9:5, (September/October 1987), 1. 75 Graham Richardson in Drew Hutton and Libby Connors, A History of the Australian Environment Movement, (Melbourne: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 237. 76 Moreton Island Protection Committee, "Moreton Mining to End?" MIPC Newsletter, 10:1, (January/February 1988), 1. 77 Moreton Island Protection Committee, "Best News of 1992," MIPC Newsletter, 14:4, (November 1992), 1. 78 Moreton Island Protection Committee, "City Council Elections," MIPC Newsletter, 4:3, (March 1982), 1.
48
government recognises what has happened and what is at stake on Moreton and is
prepared to do something about it.”79
The declaration of a National Park for Moreton in 1992 was the end of a fourteen year
campaign for the protection of the Island. The relatively undisturbed condition of the
Island was an important factor in its declaration. The success of the campaign can be
predominantly attributed to the dedication of Don Henry and the MIPC who worked
to foster and demonstrate public support for the Island and convinced both federal and
state politicians of the need for its protection. The BCC was another important
advocate for Moreton. The Council applied pressure to the Bjelke-Petersen State
Government not to mine the Island. The Liberal Lord Major from 1985 to 1991,
Sallyanne Atkinson, stated
I am committed to the preservation of Moreton Island’s natural environment. Those of us who share this view must be unashamedly vigilant in our commitment and must be prepared to express our views in a forthright manner when required.80
In interviews, a number of people suggested that an agreement existed between the
conservationists and the state government to protect Moreton in exchange for
unimpeded mining on Stradbroke. Ellie Durbidge from the Stradbroke Management
Organisation (SIMO) believes that “a deal was done and Stradbroke was sacrificed to
the mining companies”.81 Durbidge believes the agreement occurred in the mid 1970s
before the MIPC was formed. However, Drew Hutton, former leader of The
Queensland Greens, is more cautious, believing that “if it happened at all, it would
have happened in the early 1980s. If there was one, it would have been a ‘wink-wink,
nudge-nudge’ type of agreement”.82 Hutton believes that it is more likely that lack of
resources meant conservation groups had to campaign for what they saw as the most
likely win: “maybe they decided they just didn’t have the resources to fight for
Stradbroke”.83
79 Don Peterson, “Historic Sites Destroyed on Stradbroke,” The Courier Mail 11 March 1982. 80 Moreton Island Protection Committee, "Lord Mayor’s Letter to MIPC," MIPC Newsletter, 4:3, (September/October 1988), 2. 81 Ellie Durbidge, “Personal Interview – SIMO Secretary” 11 April 2008. 82 Hutton per. comm. 83 Ibid.
49
The speculation that an agreement existed to protect Moreton in exchange for mining
on Stradbroke could partially explain the success of the MIPC campaign to protect
Moreton. While conservationists were concerned about state government intentions
for Moreton, it appears mining was never contemplated except on the small area
recommended by the Cook Report. The long-term plan was that the whole Island
would be constituted as a National Park. Given that Moreton represents “the last great
resources of black sand available on the east coast of Australia”84 it seems
inconsistent that the Bjelke-Petersen Government would promote conservation when
it conflicted with such a valuable resource of mineral sands. While it could be argued
the state government was persuaded by the conservationist campaign and public
support for protection ultimately Bjelke-Petersen may have needed a compromise
agreement to protect the Island. While it appears that an informal agreement may have
existed between the state government and voluble conservation interests to protect
Moreton from mining the evidence is circumstantial.
It appears that the key reason for the protection of Moreton was the concerted
conservation campaign. The campaign benefited from an increasing public concern
for environmental protection in the 1980s. This increasing concern enabled the Hawke
Government to justify intervention on matters of national environmental significance.
Moreton Island acquired this significance through the lobbying work of Don Henry
While the federal government was supportive of Moreton it took the ousting of
Premier Bjelke-Petersen for the state government to protect Moreton. The new
Ahearn Government in Queensland was willing to forgo such a valuable resource of
mineral sands in favour of ceasing further legal, public opinion, and federal
government battles. The factors that have resulted in the continuation of sandmining
on Stradbroke will be considered in the next chapter.
84 Morely, Black Sands, 205.
Chapter IV – Sacrificing Stradbroke
North Stradbroke Island, situated approximately 40 kilometres east of Brisbane, is one
of the closest sand islands to the State’s capital. The ecology of Stradbroke is
described as containing “a complex mosaic of microhabitats … each with its
distinctive suite of plants and animals”.1 Today, the Island represents a popular
getaway for Brisbane residents and tourists.2 However, it is also the location of
industrial sandmining operations. These dual land-uses have caused tension between
local residents and environmental groups. This tension forms an important theme of
this chapter which explores some of the reasons why mining has continued on the
Island.
The sandmining industry on Stradbroke Island grew from modest beginnings, from
hand mining using shovels and trucks which developed over time to large-scale
dredging operations. Today mineral leases cover approximately 60% of the Island.3
CRL argue that these leases have protected the Island from unwanted tourist
development.4 However many local residents view the situation differently and
strongly oppose the mining operations. In a public meeting at the Point Lookout Hall
in July 1978, the Stradbroke Island Management Organisation (SIMO) was formed.
This group quickly became the focal point for opposition to increased mining on the
Island. While there has been a strong local campaign against mining, supported by
Brisbane-based conservation groups, mining on the Island continues. Historical
circumstances in part have influenced and supported the continuation of mining; the
sandmining legacy has been strengthened by its early development on the Island
which resulted in a significant resident population dependent on employment by the
sandmining industry.
1 R. L. Specht, "Stradbroke Island: A Place for Teaching Biology," in Stradbroke Island Symposium, ed. N. C. Stevens and R. Monroe, (Point Lookout, Stradbroke Island: The Royal Society of Queensland, 1975), 81. 2 Jennifer Craik, “Natural Tourism! Options for North Stradbroke Island,” In Whose Island? The Past and Future of North Stradbroke, ed. Regina Ganter, (Brisbane: Queensland Studies Centre - Griffith University, 1992), 5.3 3 Ann Ferguson, “Sand Mining on North Stradbroke Island,” in Stradbroke Island: Facilitating Change - Proceedings of a Public Seminar held by the Queensland Studies Centre with Quandamooka Land Council, ed. Regina Ganter, (Brisbane: Queensland Studies Centre - Griffith University, 1997), 35. 4 Steve Rodenberg, “Mine Tour” 13 March 2008.
51
In addressing the question of why sandmining has ceased on all sand islands in
Queensland except for Stradbroke, this chapter first considers the Island’s history and
pre-mining development with a specific focus on the indigenous community. It
explores the early history of sandmining and the associated development that
sandmining brought to the Island. The chapter then details the opposition to
sandmining, charting the important moments in the campaign against mining on the
Island. The focus of the chapter is an exploration of the three central factors that have
contributed to the continuation of sandmining on Stradbroke Island: first, the
Queensland Government’s strong support for mining; secondly, the less active support
from conservation groups; finally the division within the local community over
sandmining on Stradbroke.
Stradbroke Early History
North Stradbroke Island has a long and rich indigenous history. Indigenous
occupation of the Island dates back to the Pleistocene Era.5 There are two tribes on the
Island, the Noonucle in the north and the Goenpul in the south. The main evidence of
indigenous settlement are middens or food dumps. One site at Wallen Wallen Creek,
south of Dunwich, dates back 40,000 years.6 However few, if any, important
archaeological sites remain on the island, owing to approximately 50 years of
sandmining. As Durbidge states, “Dredges working the length of the ocean beach
frontal dunes destroyed all middens in their path”.7 The arrival of Europeans at
Moreton Bay was devastating for the indigenous people of the region. In particular it
was devastating for Stradbroke Aborigines, as the Island was the first to be colonised
by Europeans8 when the settlement at Moreton Bay was established in 1824. As
Fisher states,
5 Ellie Durbidge, “Land of Kabool the Carpet Snake,” in Historic North Stradbroke Island, eds. Paddy Carter, Ellie Durbidge and Jenny Cooke-Bramley, (Dunwich: North Stradbroke Island Historical Museum Inc, 1994), 9. 6 Margaret Iselin and Ellie Durbidge, “The Shellfish Gatherers,” in Historic North Stradbroke Island, eds. Paddy Carter, Ellie Durbidge and Jenny Cooke-Bramley, (Dunwich: North Stradbroke Island Historical Museum Inc, 1994), 24. 7 Ellie Durbidge, “Aboriginal Middens, North Stradbroke Island,” in Focus on Stradbroke: New Information on North Stradbroke Island and Surrounding Areas, 1974-1984, eds. Roger J Coleman, Jeanette Covacevich and Peter Davie, (Point Lookout, North Stradbroke Island: Boolarong Publications, 1984), 10. 8 M. O’Keefe, “Some Aspects of the History of Stradbroke Island,” in Stradbroke Island Symposium, eds. N. C. Stevens and R. Monroe, (Point Lookout, Stradbroke Island: The Royal Society of Queensland, 1975), 89.
52
The Aborigines were almost annihilated by a deadly cultural cocktail: disease, especially smallpox, alcoholism and venereal disease; conflict, including armed confrontation on Stradbroke Island between 1831 and 1833, … usurpation of land, prime sites and resources; relocation, willingly or otherwise, to an alien environment; and assimilation, including the attraction of European commodities and employment as dugong fisherman, oystermen, boatmen, servants and rouseabouts.9
In 1839, when Moreton Bay became a free settlement, settlers began to arrive and
consequently a site was required for a quarantine station to protect the colony from
disease outbreaks. Stradbroke was recommended due to its relative isolation, and the
Island became a Quarantine station in 1850.10 However, this land-use was short-lived
and in 1864 the station was moved to Peel Island, making way for another
government institution to be established on the site. The Dunwich Benevolent Asylum
provided employment for many of the Island’s residents.11 Lawson, writing in 1973,
suggested that Stradbroke had been chosen as it “removed a social nuisance out of
sight and therefore out of mind”.12 The closing of the Asylum in 1947, marked the end
of 120 years of government controlled institutions on the Island. In the words of
Durbidge and Covacevich, “the removal … of the Dunwich Benevolent Asylum
closed a chapter in the history of Stradbroke. It was the end of an institutionalised
island.” 13
The Myora Mission at Moongalba was established on the Island in 1892.14 While
government policies directed towards the removal of indigenous people from their
traditional lands into missions was undoubtedly harsh, the indigenous people of
Stradbroke, through a quirk of fate, were able to retain “uninterrupted occupancy of
tribal lands throughout the history of contact and colonisation.”15 This situation may
9 Rod Fisher, “The History of Moreton Bay: A Saga of Lost Dream,” in Brisbane: Moreton Bay Matters, ed. Murray Johnson (Brisbane: Brisbane History Group, 2002), 101. 10 Ellie Durbidge and Jeanette Covacevich, North Stradbroke Island, 2nd ed, (Point Lookout: Stradbroke Island Management Organisation, 2004), 83. 11 Ibid., 84. 12 Jenny Cooke-Bramley and Ellie Durbidge, “Dunwich Benevolent Institution,” in Historic North Stradbroke Island, eds. Paddy Carter, Ellie Durbidge and Jenny Cooke-Bramley (Dunwich: North Stradbroke Island Historical Museum Inc, 1994), 51. 13 Durbidge and Covacevich, North Stradbroke Island, 86. 14 Ellie Durbidge, "The Myora/Moongalba Mission," in Historic North Stradbroke Island, eds. Paddy Carter, Ellie Durbidge and Jenny Cooke-Bramley, (Dunwich: North Stradbroke Island Historical Museum Inc, 1994), 12. 15 Regina Ganter, “Facilitating Change - an Introduction,” in Stradbroke Island: Facilitating Change - Proceedings of a Public Seminar held by the Queensland Studies Centre with Quandamooka Land Council, ed. Regina Ganter, (Brisbane: Queensland Studies Centre - Griffith University, 1997), 3.
53
probably account for the fond memories that many Stradbroke indigenous people hold
toward the Mission. For Stradbroke indigenous people the Mission represented “much
more than a place of learning. It was the seat of authority, the centre of social events
and … the grandpa, grannies and the aunties were no more than a stone’s throw
away”.16 This close connection between the generations enabled indigenous people to
pass on knowledge. In 1947 the mission closed. This, coupled with the closure of the
asylum in the same year, left the indigenous people on the Island without employment
or support. Indigenous Elder Margaret Iselin recalls, “our fathers were out of a job
and the Aboriginal people had to fend for themselves.”17
The creation of the Mission on the Island had significant impact on the social
dynamics within the indigenous community. Indigenous people from around the State
were brought to the Mission at Stradbroke. This created complexities within the
community as traditional tribal relations were disturbed. The consequences of both the
institutions and the settlement of peoples from outside of Stradbroke contributed to
the current division within the indigenous community over sandmining.18 These
divisions will be discussed later in this chapter.
Early Mining
Just as the Benevolent Asylum and Mission closed and the ‘institutionalised’ Island
came to an end, a new institution on the Island was beginning – sandmining. Mineral
sandmining companies began their operations on Stradbroke in August 1946.19 Iselin
recalls that for the indigenous community the mining companies came at a time of
severe unemployment and depression within the community: “the mining came, and
what a Godsend. Jobs for our husbands, fathers, sons, and daughters”.20
16 Fiona Walker, “A Very Different Mission: Myora Aboriginal Mission on Stradbroke Island, 1892-1940,” in Stradbroke Island: Facilitating Change - Proceedings of a Public Seminar held by the Queensland Studies Centre with Quandamooka Land Council, ed. Regina Ganter, (Brisbane: Queensland Studies Centre - Griffith University, 1997), 14. 17 Margaret Iselin, “Growing up at One Mile,” in Stradbroke Island: Facilitating Change - Proceedings of a Public Seminar held by the Queensland Studies Centre with Quandamooka Land Council, ed. Regina Ganter, (Brisbane: Queensland Studies Centre - Griffith University, 1997), 7. 18 Dale Ruska, “Personal Interview – Indigenous Activist” 11 April 2008.; Ellie Durbidge, “Personal Interview – SIMO Secretary,” 11 April 2008. 19 Ian W. Morely, Black Sands - a History of the Mineral Sand Mining Industry in Eastern Australia, (Brisbane: University of Queensland Press, 1981), 83. 20 Iselin, “Growing up at One Mile,” 7.
54
Small-scale beach mining began with contractors employed by Titanium and
Zirconium Industries (TAZI). Between twenty-five and thirty men were employed in
beach mining at any one time.21 In these early days of mining, minerals were readily
accessible on the beach and foredunes. As miner Noel Surawski explains: “[y]ou
might only have to scrape four foot of white sand for three inches of eighty to ninety
percent mineral”.22 Miners worked in teams of two; one man shovelling the minerals
into a pile on the beach ready for the truck, and the second man driving the truck. As
Frank Candile recalls, often the digger “stayed on the beach behind the dunes in tents
… they would at least have a load of mineral ready for when the vehicles could get
down on the beach”.23 As the early beach mining took place without the use of heavy
machinery its impact on the environment was minimal when compared to later
operations.
These small-scale operations were short-lived. TAZI quickly saw the lucrative
opportunity that the Stradbroke sands presented. Mechanisation of the industry began
in 1956 when TAZI opened an aerial ropeway designed to transport mineral sand
quickly across the Island. By the 1950s, TAZI was looking to expand its operations
further. Confident in the industry’s future, the company moved away from beach
mining. TAZI constructed dredge concentrators to mine the foredunes. As part of this
plan, the sand was pumped to central station to undergo first stage processing. It was
then bagged and transported via the ropeway to Dunwich to undergo second stage
separation.24 The sandmining industry was firmly established on Stradbroke and about
to expand with another company, Stradbroke Rutile, which acquired eight leases on
the high dunes in 1963.25 As George Khan, who worked for both TAZI and
Consolidated Rutile Limited (CRL), states, “suddenly Consolidated Rutile was on the
Island and they started a plant. So you could see, then, that it was going to affect the
Island’s economy. It was going to grow”.26
And grow it did. The new company, CRL, formed in 1965 to take over the interests of
Stradbroke Rutile, quickly established sandmining operations. Production commenced 21 Fred Tuffs, “North Stradbroke Island Oral History Project 61 – Sand miner” 13 September 2003. 22 Noel Surawski, “North Stradbroke Island Oral History Project 25 – Sand miner” 10 April 2003. 23 Frank Candile, “North Stradbroke Island Oral History Project 102 – Sand miner” 7 April 2006. 24 Morely, Black Sands, 101-2. 25 Ibid. 26 George Khan, “North Stradbroke Island Oral History Project 52 – Sand miner” 29 August 2003.
55
in June 1967.27 Dry mining was conducted on leases on the high dunes using
bulldozers. The company saw long-term potential in its operations, demonstrated by
its commitment to build twenty-five houses for staff on the Island.28 However in 1969
a downturn in the industry forced CRL to sack sixty workers.29 The downturn was
more serious for TAZI whose parent company, Conzinc Riotinto, decided to pull out
of the industry.30 On the 31st March 1969, TAZI’s leases were sold to the Gold Coast
mining company, Associated Minerals Consolidated (AMC).31 The acquisition of
TAZI’s leases was seen as a positive move by AMC as it “provide[d] the Company
with a complete mining and processing complex and substantial reserves on North
Stradbroke Island”.32 In February 1970, AMC concluded operations on its dredge at
South Stradbroke and moved the structure to its newly acquired lease at Swan Bay on
North Stradbroke.33
After several years of a depressed market for mineral sands during the 1970s and
lower profits in 1977, CRL concluded that their dry mining process was becoming
unsustainable.34 Khan explains: “we wouldn’t survive dry mining because fuel prices
had gone up and we were using around about two hundred thousand gallons of diesel
fuel a week”.35 The solution to this problem was technically ambitious for the
industry. CRL decided to dredge mine on its high dune leases. The process
“increase[d] ore yield and decrease[d] the area disturbed by mining. It … also
allow[ed] for lower grade ore to be mined.”36
George Khan explains “we were the first company to actually put a dredge into the
high dunes anywhere in the world. It was quite unique”.37 This process was essentially
experimental, with the directors making an ambitious gamble that might have cost
them their company. It cost $18 million to build the Bayside dredge plant, but in its
27 Consolidated Rutile Limited, “Annual Report,” (Brisbane, 1967), 1. 28 Consolidated Rutile Limited, “Annual Report,” (Brisbane, 1966), 1. 29 Khan, per. comm. 30 Morely, Black Sands, 113. 31 Associated Minerals Consolidated Limited, “Annual Report,” (Southport, 1969), 4. 32 Ibid. 33 Associated Minerals Consolidated Limited, “Annual Report,” (Southport, 1970), 11. 34 Consolidated Rutile Limited, “Annual Report,” (Brisbane, 1977), 1. 35 Khan, per. comm. 36 Consolidated Rutile Limited, “Annual Report,” (Brisbane, 1977), 1. 37 Khan, per. comm.
56
first full year of operation CRL’s profits increased.38 Khan explains “the rewards were
there. We paid the debt off in two years”.39 The dredge mining operations had severe
environmental consequences for Stradbroke. However, after CRL began dredge
mining operations in 1978, the company established a profitable base for its
operations.
When the miners came to the Island, the only substantial infrastructure was that left
by the Myora Mission and Benevolent Asylum. Margaret Iselin describes how the
indigenous population used kerosene lamps and candles as there was no electricity,
and there were only two telephones on the Island.40 According to miner George Khan
the infrastructure on the Island was ‘fairly primitive’ without any medical services
and little accommodation for visitors.41 For the success of the industry it was
necessary for the mining companies to upgrade the facilities on the Island. TAZI
constructed a trans-island road to transport their mineral sands, while CRL, TAZI and
AMC upgraded the electricity supply and built housing for their workers. AMC
boasted that “power lines commissioned by the Company, provide power to
communities which would otherwise remain without this service”.42 CRL’s
construction of twenty-five staff houses was supported by the Queensland Housing
Commission to promote mining interests on the Island.43
CRL prides itself on being a strong supporter of the North Stradbroke Island
community. This community support – for example, funding a medical officer in
1973;44 providing a new boat for the Air and Sea Rescue Service in 1988,45 supporting
the upgrade of the University of Queensland’s Moreton Bay Research Station in
1998,46 -- is often used to justify the continuing benefit of mining operations.
However while these projects have generated some benefits for residents on the
Island, they were not entirely altruistic and have generally had a direct benefit to the
mining companies. The Redlands Shire Council disagrees with CRL’s assertion that it
38 Consolidated Rutile Limited, “Annual Report,” (Brisbane, 1977), 1. 39 Khan, per. comm. 40 Margaret Iselin, “Personal Interview – Aboriginal Elder” 11 April 2008. 41 Khan, per. comm. 42 Associated Minerals Consolidated Limited, “Annual Report,” (Southport, 1970), 12. 43 Consolidated Rutile Limited, “Annual Report,” (Brisbane, 1966), 2. 44 Consolidated Rutile Limited, “Annual Report,” (Brisbane, 1973), 2. 45 Consolidated Rutile Limited, “Annual Report,” (Brisbane, 1988), 3. 46 Consolidated Rutile Limited, “Annual Report,” (Brisbane, 1998), 9.
57
has “helped local government authorities deliver extensive physical and social
infrastructure and education services on North Stradbroke Island”.47 The then
Chairman of Redlands Shire Council, Councillor Wood, wrote in 1974 that many of
the facilities the mining companies use have been provided by Council, such as the
maintenance of roads and the reticulated water supply. In other words, “the mining
companies which contribute very little in rates, have not provided all of these
[facilities] and have done very little for the well-being of the island community.”48
One significant benefit that mining brought to Stradbroke is employment for the
Island’s residents. The mining operations were a major reason why many people
settled on Stradbroke in houses provided by the mining companies. CRL states that
out of its current workforce of 250 employees, 50% are Island residents, and that
mining represents 49% of the Gross Regional Product of Stradbroke’s economy.49
Thus CRL argues that the “[g]rowth of the North Stradbroke Island economy and the
mineral sands industry would appear to be inextricably linked for the immediate
future”.50 Many indigenous people on the Island are also employed as a result of the
mining operations. The reliance on the mine for steady employment for many of the
Island’s residents contributes to continued support for mining on the Island.
Furthermore the level of indigenous employment in the mine has meant the
community has faced difficult choices between supporting their culture and protecting
their livelihoods.
The State Government under Premier Bjelke-Petersen strongly supported sandmining
on Stradbroke Island. In 1979 then Mines Minister, Ron Camm, visited Stradbroke at
the invitation of AMC and CRL to ‘inspect’ their operations. After speaking to mining
company representatives he concluded, “From what I saw. I am convinced
sandmining brings only good to an island. I do not see what these conservationists are
screaming about”.51 In response to this, SIMO Secretary Ellie Durbidge questioned
whether the Minister had seen any of the areas affected by mining that are often “not
47 Consolidated Rutile Limited, “Consolidated Rutile Limited - Mineral Potential, Sustainability, Environment,” (Brisbane: Consolidated Rutile Limited, nd). 48 E.G.W. Wood, “Stradbroke Is ‘Mutilated’,” The Courier Mail 3 May 1974. 49 Consolidated Rutile Limited, “Consolidated Rutile Limited”. 50 Consolidated Rutile Limited, “Annual Report,” (Brisbane, 1985), 7. 51 Linda Smith, “Miners Say They Have Game “Sewn Up”,” The Redland Times 23 May 1979.
58
included in conducted tours to impress the public and the Minister.”52 There were
further statements from Bjelke-Petersen Ministers strongly supporting the
continuation of mining. Martin Tenni, Mines Minister in 1988, reaffirmed this
commitment stating that, “his government was firmly committed to ensuring a
continuation of sandmining”.53 Clearly if SIMO and others who wished to see
Stradbroke protected they would not find support from the Bjelke-Petersen
Government.
Opposition to Mining
During the early development of sandmining on the Island, concern was expressed
over the Island’s future. This concern was expressed not by environmental groups, but
by councillors of the Redland Shire Council. Councillor Dickson, writing in 1964,
believed that in the interests of tourism, no further mining leases should be granted on
the foredunes of the Island. While he did not oppose mining outright, he believed that
more income would be generated for the government by opening up the beachfront to
development than from mining royalties.54 A cost benefit analysis by Fitzgibbons in
1975 similarly concluded that national income could be increased by reducing
sandmining operations on Stradbroke, paving the way for tourist developments.55
Nonetheless, sandmining operations continued and Brisbane-based environmental
groups, such as the Wildlife Preservation Society of Queensland (WPSQ), became
concerned over the sandmining operations on Stradbroke during the 1970s.
Unfortunately for Stradbroke conservationists, this concern quickly shifted to the
Cooloola Sands and Fraser Island campaigns, leaving Stradbroke to the sand-miners.
In June 1978, at a public meeting held at the community hall at Point Lookout, the
SIMO was formed.56 Secretary Ellie Durbidge states SIMO wanted to redress the
balance which saw Stradbroke “subjected to whatever the other two great sand islands
52 Ellie Durbidge, “The Other Side of Sandmining,” The Redland Times 6 June 1979. 53 “Tenni Firm on Sand Mining,” The Sun Brisbane 22 September 1988. 54 Dickson, “Sand Mining Could Ruin Stradbroke Island,” Wynnum Herald 9 September 1964. 55 A. Fitzgibbons, “The Economics of Sand-Mining and Other Island Industries,” in Stradbroke Island Symposium, eds. N. C. Stevens and R. Monroe, (Point Lookout, Stradbroke Island: The Royal Society of Queensland, 1975), 105. 56 Durbidge, per. comm.
59
of Fraser and Moreton don’t want”.57 The original objective of the group was to
oppose a proposed bridge to Stradbroke. SIMO believed that “[p]ublic opinion is
overwhelmingly against the proposed bridge … [and] … [n]ot one shred of research
has been published in support of the proposal”.58 Locals believed that for too long
decisions concerning the Island had been made without regard to the interests of
residents. To express this concern the aim of SIMO was “to ensure that government
environmental impact studies are open to all interested individuals and
organisations”.59
It was not long before the group extended their concern to mining and by their first
Annual Report of 1979/1980, members had submitted an unsuccessful objection to the
granting of a mining lease over Native Companion Lagoon, which became the Gordon
mine, in the south of North Stradbroke Island.60 The organisation is concerned with
advocating appropriate development for Stradbroke, including tourism. In 1988,
SIMO defined themselves as:
“shar[ing] a common vision of Straddie as a tourist destination with a difference. The character of the Island would lend itself to a low-key, inexpensive, semi-wilderness experience whilst affording comparative comfort and close proximity to Brisbane.”61
SIMO has continued to promote this vision which has included support for curtailing
of mining on the Island.
Mining Warden’s Court – An Early Success
SIMO had some early success in 1984 campaigning against mining lease ML1180.
The lease was sought by AMC to mine the dunes at Point Lookout. This area
contained the last frontal dunes on the Island that were not covered by mining leases.
SIMO and indigenous groups were involved in an objection lodged with the Mining
Warden. Prominent poet and Aboriginal activist Oodgeroo (Kath Walker) was deeply
concerned that important indigenous sites would be disturbed if the lease was granted.
57 Ellie Durbidge, “The Changing Face of Stradbroke,” in Whose Island? The Past and Future of North Stradbroke, ed. Regina Ganter, (Brisbane: Queensland Studies Centre - Griffith University, 1992), 12. 58 Queensland Conservation Council, “Stradbroke Island,” QCC Newsletter, 4:3 (April 1983). 59 Stradbroke Island Management Organisation, “Objectives” SIMO Newsletter 1 (August 1978). 60 Stradbroke Island Management Organisation, “Annual Report 1979-80,” SIMO Newsletter (July 1980). 61 Stradbroke Island Management Organisation, “President’s Report,” SIMO Newsletter (August 1988).
60
The QCC provided overall support and coordination for the conservationists’ case,
recognising the importance “that this is the last unmined dune area on North
Stradbroke Island.”62
The hearing began in 1974 with 500 objections lodged. However it was surprisingly
adjourned, at the mining company’s request, for nearly ten years,63 by which time
SIMO had formed. In an unexpected decision, the Mining Warden recommended that
the leases not be granted.64 He cited reasons of protecting valuable indigenous cultural
sites, conservation and the public interest.65 Nonetheless, “[u]nfortunately but not
unpredictably, the Minister for Mines, Mr. Ivan Gibbs, by granting Associated
Minerals Consolidated a mining lease, reversed the Warden’s recommendations”.66
Giving reasons for his decision, the Minister stated, “[n]ow that export licences are
refused for Moreton Island it must continue on Stradbroke.”67 This statement provides
support for the view that achieving protection for Fraser and Moreton Islands made
the protection of Stradbroke more difficult. Furthermore members of SIMO felt
betrayed as they had withdrawn opposition for another lease at Amity on the
understanding that Point Lookout would be protected.68 As mining commenced at
Point Lookout in August 1984, SIMO vowed they would learn from their tactical
mistake.
The actions of Oodgeroo, in opposing ML1180 because of the indigenous significance
of the area, opened an important avenue for the anti-sandmining campaign. With the
growing recognition of the importance of Aboriginal heritage, the Commonwealth had
enacted the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Heritage (Interim Protection) Act in
1984. This created new potential for Commonwealth intervention to protect
Stradbroke. However to be successful the indigenous community on the Island had to
present a convincing case that their heritage was under threat from mining.
Dissatisfied at the decision of the Minister to grant mining on Point Lookout,
62 David Call, “The Battle for Stradbroke Continues,” The Redland Times 3 March 1984. 63 Bill Ord, “Mine Hearing - after 9 Years,” The Courier Mail 14 September 1983 64 Stradbroke Island Management Organisation, “M.L. 1180,” SIMO Newsletter (September 1984). 65 Jan Martin, “Island Mine Causes Upset over Relics,” The Redland Times 10 July 1984. 66 Stradbroke Island Management Organisation, “M.L. 1180 Point Lookout,” SIMO Newsletter (November 1984). 67 Martin, “Island Mine Causes Upset over Relics”. 68 Durbidge, per. comm.
61
Oodgeroo approached the federal government, urging them to put their new law into
practice.69 Her actions exposed deep divisions within the indigenous community on
the Island over sandmining.
Oodgeroo’s campaign was undermined by this division with some members of the
community speaking out in favour of mining. After a meeting of indigenous people in
1984, Rose Borey spoke out against Oodgeroo’s stand. She stated that the community
depended on the mining company for their livelihoods and claimed “there is not one
Aboriginal family here that has not money from the mining company at one time or
another”.70 The State Government capitalised on this public division with Redlands
Minister John Goleby gloating, “the real voice of Aboriginal people on Stradbroke
Island has at last been heard”.71 Shortly afterwards the Federal Government
announced its 1984 decision not to intervene. One benefit that came from this setback
was the formation of the Quandamooka Land Council (QLC).72 Despite the public
tension in the community, Oodgeroo was nominated to serve on the Council. The
Land Council would give the Island’s indigenous community greater power in
representing their views on the future of the Island.
69 “Feds to Look at Stradbroke Mine,” Redland News 13 July 1984. 70 Jan Martin, “Island Families Back Sand Mining,” The Redland Times 10 August 1984. 71 “Stradbroke Aborigines Support Sand Mining And... Kath Walks Out!,” The Local News 18 July 1984. 72 Dan Lape, “Kath Loses Battle but Wins Acclaim,” The Redland Times 17 August 1984.
62
Figure 5 – Map of Stradbroke Island – Showing CRL’s Sandmining Operations.73
73 Consolidated Rutile Limited, “Annual Report,” (Brisbane, 1985).
63
Stradbroke’s Environment Suffers
The significance of Stradbroke’s environment has been acknowledged through a
listing on the Register of the National Estate. In January 1984, SIMO submitted to the
Australian Heritage Commission that environmentally significant areas of the Island
should be listed on the Register. Their submission attempted to avoid areas under
mining lease, however some “outstanding landscape features conflicted with mining
interests”.74 In February 1988, the Commission nominated 10,000 hectares of the
27,520 hectare Island as deserving of listing.75 Both CRL and the Redlands Shire
Council objected to the proposal. The Council was concerned that the listing would
threaten the water extraction programme on the Island. The Chief Executive Officer
of CRL, John Scott, stated in the company’s Annual Report, “it is considered that it
would not be in the best interests of the company and Australia as a whole, should the
listing take place in its originally proposed form.”76 The response of CRL and Council
was an overreaction given that the listing had no legal effect, with control over land
use remaining with the Council and State Government. In 1991, after objections from
mining companies were resolved, four sections of Stradbroke totalling 17,300
hectares were nominated on the interim list of the Register of the National Estate,77
vindicating conservationists’ claims about Stradbroke’s environmental significance.
Nevertheless, many of the areas listed remained threatened by sandmining.
Sandmining on Stradbroke has generated significant environmental consequences.
The scale of operations, and associated environmental impacts, increased markedly
when CRL began dredge mining on the high dunes in 1979. In March 1980, soon after
dredging operations started, concern was expressed by Ellie Durbidge and SIMO to
the Department of Mines and Energy (DME) about the dumping of tailings near the
boundary of ML1001 (Bayside). Their concern was justified, as evidenced by a sand-
slide that displaced four hectares of vegetation, disrupted fish habitats and reformed
the coastline of the Island. The slide occurred despite CRL’s activities complying with
74 Stradbroke Island Management Organisation, “Submission to the Australian Heritage Commission Register National Estate,” SIMO Newsletter (February1986). 75 “Listing Bid for 4 Sites on Straddie,” The Courier Mail 12 February 1988;Cameron McNamara, “North Stradbroke Island Development Strategy - a Report Prepared for the Premier's Department,” (Brisbane: Premier's Department - Queensland Government, 1983), 4. 76 Consolidated Rutile Limited, “Annual Report,” (Brisbane, 1988), 2. 77 Ben Robertson, “Island Nets Four Berths in Aust Heritage Listings,” The Courier Mail 14 May 1991.
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the Mine Plan approved by the DME in March 1982. Soon after the sand-slide, CRL
created a boating recreation area for public use on the site.78
Unfortunately for Stradbroke, environmental ‘incidents’ resulting from CRL’s
operations continued. In 1987 at Bayside, perched Lake Kounpee was partially
drained after the mining operations breached the impervious layer. By 1998, CRL had
spent over $300,000 in rehabilitating the area, attempting to fill the damage with
Bentonite.79 However the Lake “has never recovered, turning a clear freshwater lake
into the reedy waterhole it is today”.80 CRL have admitted that they cannot repair the
damage to the Lake.81 A Freedom of Information (FOI) request, by Courier Mail
journalist Wayne Sanderson, revealed that Condition 24 of CRL’s original lease for
ML1001 required that it “shall not … permanently disturb or damage those features
known as Lake Kounpee, Blaksley Lagoon and Black Snake Lagoon”.82 However,
when the lease was renewed only months after the incident, this former DME
condition was “replaced with a less onerous clause requiring the lessee to ‘cause all
steps and things to be taken and done’ to prevent damage and giving the Mines
Minister discretion over whether to act against the company”.83
Renewed hope for improvements in CRL’s environmental performance came in 1989
when the company acknowledged as one of its key objectives, “operating in a manner
compatible with the highest standards of environmental management”.84 However two
years later up to 100,000 litres of diesel spilled into Amity Swamp. The incident was
not reported to the DME until 1994. In response, a rather sympathetic letter was sent
to CRL on 19th May 1994 stating that “while the environment branch appreciates
being recently notified of this accidental spill, it is preferable that the branch be
notified immediately such an event occurs”.85 It was not until 1997 that the incident
was acknowledged in CRL’s Annual Report which merely stated that the spill was
78 Consolidated Rutile Limited, “Annual Report,” (Brisbane, 1983), 2. 79 Consolidated Rutile Limited, “Annual Report,” (Brisbane, 1998), 2. 80 Wayne Sanderson, “Shifting Sand,” The Courier Mail 9 April 1997, 13. 81 Susan Martin, “Should Sand Mining continue on North Stradbroke Island,” SIMO Newsletter 8:2 (July 2004). 82 Qtd in Sanderson, “Shifting Sand,” 13. 83 Sanderson, “Shifting Sand,” 13. 84 Consolidated Rutile Limited, “Annual Report,” (Brisbane, 1989), 1. 85 Qtd in Sanderson, “Shifting Sand,” 13.
65
expected to be cleared by 1999 – eight years after it occurred.86 In 1994, CRL was
awarded a commendation in the inaugural State Government Award for
Environmental Excellence, casting further doubts on the competency of government
regulators.87
With these continuing environmental ‘incidents’, conservation groups expected that
the Government regulator would become involved. The only time that CRL faced
possible sanctions was in October 1996 when uncontrolled seepage from the Gordon
mine, at the Native Companion Lagoon site, inundated several low-lying areas outside
of the lease boundary. The incident was described in the CRL Annual Report as
having caused “material environmental harm”.88 Prompted in part by the public
campaigning of conservation groups, the DME took its strongest action ever against
CRL, issuing them with a ‘show-cause’ notice to explain why their lease should not
be revoked.89
Nonetheless, no fine was imposed after CRL produced a Groundwater Management
Program for the affected area.90 The only action the DME took was to increase CRL’s
security deposit.91 The overall lack of action can be attributed to the organisational
culture within the Mines Department. A leaked departmental report in 1993 gives
some insight into this culture. The report states that “in an appeasement approach we
politely request the industry to comply but not insist”.92 Thus it became clear to many
conservationists that the Department was not going to actively regulate the industry.
The lack of effective sanctions against CRL has prompted Hutton and Leggate to
comment that “the CRL operation was certainly a useful case study in how mining
companies could act irresponsibly and get away with it”.93 The combination of the
environmental damage occurring to the Island and lack of action by the DME
86 Consolidated Rutile Limited, “Annual Report,” (Brisbane, 1997), 3. 87 Consolidated Rutile Limited, “Annual Report,” (Brisbane, 1994), 1. 88 Consolidated Rutile Limited, “Annual Report,” (Brisbane, 1998), 3. 89 Brian Williams, “Mine Pollutes Stradbroke Island,” The Courier Mail 13 November 1996. 90 Consolidated Rutile Limited, “Annual Report,” (Brisbane, 1997), 2. 91 Wayne Sanderson, “Pollution Fear Sparks Call to Suspend Mining,” The Courier Mail 28 April 1997, 5. 92 Stradbroke Island Management Organisation, “The ‘Mission’ of the Mines Department!” SIMO Newsletter (February 1993). 93 Drew Hutton and Jim Legatte, “Unpublished Manuscript,” 2008.
66
prompted conservation groups to intensify their campaign when CRL announced the
commissioning of a new mine.
‘Campaign Heats Up’
In 1997 CRL commissioned a new mine at the Ibis-Alpha ore-body. The new mine
became a focal point for the anti-mining campaign. Conservation groups were
concerned as the new mine was located near to the environmentally sensitive Ibis
Lagoon – interim-listed on The Register of the National Estate – which included the
last undisturbed high dunes on the Island.94 CRL’s previous environmental record
concerned conservationists; and when a hydrology report on the Gordon seepage
warned of a similar situation at Ibis, these fears grew.95 For this campaign Brisbane-
based conservation groups, including the QCC and the Greens, formed the Stradbroke
Island Action Coalition (SIAC) which also included the QLC, now strongly opposed
to mining. The group produced a leaflet highlighting their concerns and asking why
Stradbroke did not enjoy the same level of conservation as Fraser and Moreton
Islands: “Fraser Island … World Heritage. Moreton Island … National Park. Straddie
… 60% mining lease”.96 SIAC member Ann Ferguson clearly affirms the groups
rational.
SIAC calls for an end to mining on the grounds that the process of sand mining is ecologically destructive, … the spectacular lakes and lagoons must be kept intact for future generations to know and enjoy. The mining is destroying areas of great significance to the Aboriginal people, many of whom … have renewed their struggle to end the mining in the current campaign.97
The SIAC organised a number of protests on the Island to highlight their concern
including a public rally, held in August 1996,98 followed by a blockade of the road to
the new mine site which caused delays in the commissioning of the mine.
The blockade continued for over a month; however the campaign ended after
disagreements developed within the QLC, compounded by a lack of community
support.99 While the campaign re-focused important public attention on poor mining
94 Queensland Conservation Council, “Ibis Lagoon,” Ecosphere, 17:2 (June 1996), 6. 95 Sanderson, “Pollution Fear Sparks Call to Suspend Mining,” 5. 96 Stradbroke Island Action Coalition, “Sand Mining Stradbroke Island,” [leaflet], Stradbroke Island Action Coalition, 1998. 97 Ferguson, “Sand Mining on North Stradbroke Island,” 41-2. 98 Anthony Marx, “Protestors Attack Straddie Mine Bid,” The Courier Mail 19 August 1996, 5. 99 Drew Hutton, “Personal Interview – Greens Party Leader and Author” 27 March 2008;Ruska, per. comm.; Rachael Templeton, “Island Mining Protect Digs In,” Bayside Bulletin 3 June 1997, 3.
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practices and community concerns, it failed in its overall objective of ending mining
and this was largely due to divisions within the community. It did not help that SIMO,
long involved in keeping the mining companies accountable, was not involved in the
direct action campaign. Their newsletter stated, “[b]ecause the aim of the groups is to
stop sandmining, SIMO did not participate. While SIMO does not condone
sandmining, this organisation feels that sandmining is too firmly entrenched to
stop”.100 SIMO’s conciliatory viewpoint was further expressed in The Redland Times,
“SIMO members are keen to point out that the miners and conservationists [are]
happy to meet in the middle and try to compromise.”101 Drew Hutton suggested that
the campaign was too confrontational for the conservative SIMO.102 As SIMO had
been a strong advocate against sandmining, their acceptance of the Ibis mine
undermined the campaign to end mining on Stradbroke.
The QCC was a strong supporter of the Ibis mine campaign, allocating a portion of
their funding to employ a Project Officer to help promote the campaign. In March
1995, Frances Herbert was employed as the Project Officer with responsibilities for
coordinating the QCC’s mining campaign.103 By June 1997, however, the QCC
‘Gossip Column’ reported that Herbert had obtained a job with the mining
company.104 She had become CRL’s Public Policy Officer. Hutton commented that,
“apparently Frances finished the week at QCC and then on Monday morning she’d
got the job with CRL. There was no indication of what she was planning”.105 Despite
what was a clear setback, the QCC maintained in 1997 that “[t]he Straddie campaign
will remain an important one”.106 An article in the same issue entitled Stop
Sandmining Straddie Campaign Heats Up states, “[t]he campaign to put a permanent
end to sandmining on North Stradbroke Island is intensifying”.107 However the focus
of the QCC mining campaign changed to pressing for the establishment of an
100 Stradbroke Island Management Organisation. “Consolidated Rutile Limited Sandmining Operations.” SIMO Newsletter 1:1 (May 1997). 101 Miriam Lowe, “Bridge Gap on Island Environment,” The Redland Times 20 October 1991. 102 Hutton, per. comm. 103 Queensland Conservation Council, Ecosphere 16:1 (March 1995), 11. 104 Queensland Conservation Council, “QCC Gossip Column,” Ecosphere 18:2 (June 1997), 2. 105 Hutton, per. comm. 106 Queensland Conservation Council, “QCC Gossip Column,” Ecosphere 18:2 (June 1997), 2. 107 Queensland Conservation Council “Stop Sandmining Straddie Campaign Heats Up,” Ecosphere 18:2 (June 1997), 6.
68
environment protection authority to effectively regulate the industry.108 While the
failure of the Ibis campaign cannot solely be attributed to the defection of Herbert, it
nonetheless removed a significant amount of momentum from campaign.
The fears of conservationists were confirmed when, in 2000, an environmental
incident occurred at the new Ibis mine. In similar circumstances to the incident on the
Gordon lease, uncontrolled seepage was occurring from the dredge site into nearby
Ibis Lagoon.109 The Lagoon, interim-listed on the Register of the National Estate, was
extensively damaged. In August 2000, CRL was again issued with a notice to ‘show
cause’ by the DME. CRL stated that “the problems were addressed quickly”110 and in
response “the Minister imposed a fine and advised that his department would take no
further action”.111
Mining Regulation
The Ibis campaign was part of a larger project by conservationists to call the mining
industry and the State Government to account for the environmental degradation
caused by the industry. Hutton states, “we thought Stradbroke was a good target, it’s
close to Brisbane and easily identifiable, something people can relate to.” However
the purpose was to “highlight the actions of the mining industry throughout
Queensland and develop a broader anti-mining campaign”.112 The crux of the
campaign was the poor regulation of environmental impacts by the State Government.
The poor regulation and compliance of the mining industry under Premier Bjelke-
Petersen was shown by the Government’s attitude to reforming the Mining Act of
1968. Reform of the Mining Act had been a goal of conservation groups since the
1960s, when the Cooloola Sands were threatened. In a submission to the Mines
Minister in 1967, the South East Queensland Federation of Progress Associations
stated, “[w]e seek recognition under revised Mining Acts of the requirements of our
108 Queensland Conservation Council Spinifex (September 2003), 17-8. 109 Stradbroke Island Management Organisation, “CRL ‘Show Cause’ Notice for Ibis Seepage,” SIMO Newsletter 4:4 (November 2000). 110 Consolidated Rutile Limited, “Annual Report,” (Brisbane, 2000), 4. 111 Ibid. 112 Hutton, per. comm.
69
natural landscape and … the preservation of parts of the coast line intact without
interference by mining”.113 Unfortunately these concerns fell on deaf ears. The only
substantial amendments to the Act were proposed in 1987 to remove the Mining
Warden’s Court and transfer the power to a Registrar.114 This was a significant change
for conservationists as it removed the opportunity to publically oppose mining leases
and “avoid[ed] government embarrassment when a Warden has recommended against
an application”.115 Conservationists were thus hopeful that the election of the first
Labor Government in Queensland for thirty-two years in 1989 would offer
improvement in environmental regulation.116
In 1989, Wayne Goss became the Labor Premier of Queensland ending thirty-two
years of National Party rule. The QCC stated, “[t]he election of the Labor
Government … should herald a new deal for conservation in Queensland”.117 One
reason for this optimism was that conservation groups had extracted commitments
from Labor to reform mining legislation. However two years later, concern was
mounting that the Government was not living up to expectations and that “genuine
fundamental reforms remain elusive”.118 Hutton and Leggate argue that Goss never
intended to make the substantial reforms to mining regulation, arguing that Goss was
instead instructing senior public servants to ‘back off’ from enforcing regulations.119
Nevertheless, conservation groups continued to press for an improved regulatory
framework.
The persistent campaigning of Hutton and Leggate led, in 1994, to the Criminal
Justice Commission (CJC) holding an Inquiry into the Improper Disposal of Liquid
Waste. The Inquiry devoted three days to consider evidence of environmental damage
caused by the mining industry. The hearing was described by one senior figure in the
mining industry as “the worst three days in the history of Queensland mining”.120
113 South East Queensland Federation of Progress Associations, "Submissions to the Honourable R.E. Camm, Minister for Development, Mines, Main Roads and Electricity, Regarding the Proposed Revision and Consolidation of the Mining Acts," Nambour, 1967, 2. 114 Wildlife Preservation Society Queensland WPSQ Newsletter, 109 (June 1987), 4. 115 Queensland Conservation Council, QCC Newsletter 8:3 (June 1987), 4. 116 Queensland Conservation Council, QCC Newsletter 12:2 (June 1991), 6. 117 Queensland Conservation Council, QCC Newsletter 10:3 (December 1989). 118 Queensland Conservation Council, QCC Newsletter 12:2 (June 1991), 6. 119 Hutton and Legatte, “Unpublished Manuscript,”. 120 Hutton, per. comm.
70
Evidence on environmental damage caused by a number of mining companies, as well
as inadequate rehabilitation provisions, was presented at the hearing. CRL’s
operations were not considered relevant to the Inquiry as there was contention over
whether they generated liquid waste. The CJC Inquiry highlighted the inability of the
DME to regulate an industry that it “devotes the bulk of its energy and resources to
the facilitation of”.121 A key recommendation of the Inquiry was the “establishment of
an independent statutory Environmental Authority”.122 In 2000, this recommendation
was enacted.
The recommendation of the CJC Inquiry that an Environmental Authority be
established was a strong signal that the DME was failing in its regulation of the
mining industry. Hope was renewed that such an agency would be established when,
on May 10th 1999; Cabinet approved the creation of an Environmental Protection
Agency with responsibility for “environmental enforcement of all mining tenements
and environmental authorisation for exploration permits, mineral development
licences and mining leases”.123 Unfortunately the new body was to be an Agency not
an Authority; the key difference is that an Authority would have been independent
from direct government interference.124
However it appeared that the powers of the Agency would be watered down. As
Shannon Burns from the QCC commented, “the alchemists in the bureaucracy may
have managed to turn political and environmental gold into worthless base metal”.125
It appears that the Government had made contradictory promises to conservationists
and the mining industry over the creation of the EPA. Hutton and Leggate claim that
“the trust placed in Premier Beattie had been betrayed”.126 The subsequent series of
political decisions led Hutton to argue that, “if anything, mining regulation may have
actually got worse under the EPA, everything is now presented with an environmental
121 Criminal Justice Commission, “Report by the Criminal Justice Commission on Its Public Hearings Conducted by the Honourable R H Matthews Q.C. Into the Improper Disposal of Liquid Waste in South-East Queensland - Volume 1 Report Regarding Evidence Received on Mining Issues,” (Brisbane: Criminal Justice Commission, 1994), 25. 122 Ibid. 123 Queensland Conservation Council, Spinifex (June 1999), 4. 124 Shannon Burns, “Personal Interview – QCC Research Officer” 14 April 2008. 125 Queensland Conservation Council, Spinifex (December 1999), 27. 126 Hutton and Legatte, “Unpublished Manuscript,”.
71
spin”.127 However, Burns is more optimistic, believing that there has been overall
improvement in mining regulation in Queensland.128
CRL was resistant to the development of more stringent environmental requirements
of the Beattie and Goss Governments. In 1991, a letter written from CRL’s CEO John
Scott to the Director General of the DME suggested that the company was having
difficulty in accepting environmental responsibilities.129 In 1991, the company was
drafting a new Plan of Operation which was rejected by the Department. In response
John Scott wrote,
The tone of the letter [from the Department] is, I believe, a direct attack on the professionalism and integrity of Senior Executives of this company, and consequently, the contents of the attached letter are totally rejected … As demonstrated in the past, and hopefully in the future, CRL will continue to co-operate with the Officers in your Department, but we will not be "messed around with". (their emphasis)130
As Hutton and Leggate comment, this is “clearly not the tone of a mining executive
who was used to dealing with an assertive regulator”.131
Considering the evidence of the failure of both the DME and the EPA to effectively
regulate the operations of CRL an argument can be made for regulatory capture. This
concept, originating from political science, is applied to situations where the regulator
becomes ‘captured’ by the industry they are responsible for. Regulatory capture can
occur when an agency is weak or under-resourced or when a relationship is
established where “the regulator … make[s] judgements and exercise[s] discretion
about whether to enforce rules, or whether to negotiate compliance”.132 Hutton and
Legatte conclude “the EPA, is mired in a culture of non-enforcement, receiving no
pro-regulation signals from its bureaucratic or political leadership and the safety net
of public participation rights is being quietly pulled away”.133 Their argument finds
support in a Queensland Public Sector Union survey of EPA staff undertaken in 2005.
Over 40% of staff stated they believed the EPA had an organisational culture of
127 Hutton, per. comm. 128 Burns, per. comm. 129 Letter from John Scott, Chief Executive Officer, CRL to P. Breslin, 26 July 1991. qtd in. Hutton and Legatte, “Unpublished Manuscript”. 130 Ibid. 131 Hutton and Legatte, “Unpublished Manuscript”. 132 Neil Carter, The Politics of the Environment - Ideas, Activism, Policy, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 290. 133 Hutton and Legatte, “Unpublished Manuscript”.
72
unethical or unprofessional practices, and 34% believed they had received political
pressure to achieve unreasonable objectives.134 It appears possible that the EPA may
have become a victim of regulatory capture and would require comprehensive reform
to uphold mandated obligations to regulate the mining industry. Conservationists
aware of the poor regulation of the sandmining industry are concerned that this puts
effective rehabilitation of mined areas in jeopardy.
Mining Rehabilitation
The effective rehabilitation of mined dunes is a contentious issue. Mining companies
claim they can effectively rehabilitate the high dunes of Stradbroke and return them to
a pre-mined state, while conservationists argue that the rehabilitation programmes are
inadequate. Rehabilitation of mine sites became a criterion written into mining leases
when the Mines Act came into force in 1968.135 Rehabilitation requires that “all
mining areas must be restored to a condition similar to that existing before mining”.136
Mining companies were under no obligation to rehabilitate areas mined before 1968.
However many frontal dunes were re-mined after the Mines Act, at which time they
required rehabilitation.137 In 1971, four years after CRL commenced mining on the
Island, the company claimed to have successfully restored frontal dunes up to 400 feet
high.138 In 1976 CRL stated, “[t]he company is proud of its excellent rehabilitation
work in the high dune areas, the results of which are becoming increasingly more
evident each year”.139 Initially the goal of many rehabilitation programmes was to
‘improve’ the land. The AMC programme states, “[t]he basic approach to
rehabilitation on the frontal dunes of North Stradbroke Island was to create a natural,
varied landscape which was aesthetically pleasing”.140
134 Moreton Island Protection Committee, MIPC Newsletter 27:2 (April/June 2005), 4-5. 135 Alan Fouche, “Careful Planning Does Bring Landscape Restoration – C.R.L.,” Queensland Government Mining Journal 89 August (1988): 330. 136 Consolidated Rutile, “Consolidated Rutile,” Mining Magazine August (1986): 87. 137 R. McMillan, J. Scott, and D. E. Moore, “Mining on North Stradbroke Island - Past, Present and Future,” in Focus on Stradbroke: New Information on North Stradbroke Island and Surrounding Areas, 1974-1984, eds. Roger J Coleman, Jeanette Covacevich and Peter Davie, (Point Lookout, North Stradbroke Island: Boolarong Publications, 1984), 110. 138 Consolidated Rutile Limited, “Annual Report,” (Brisbane, 1971), 3. 139 Consolidated Rutile Limited, “Annual Report,” (Brisbane, 1976), 9. 140 Dennis R. Brooks, “Frontal Dune Rehabilitation: Sand Miners near the End of a Project over 45 Km,” Queensland Government Mining Journal 81 (1980): 220-222.
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Figure 6 – An example of the detailed rehabilitation inspections conducted by Mines Minister Ron
Camm under Bejekie-Petersons Government.141
The sandmining companies have promoted their rehabilitation schemes as ‘world’s
best practice’. In 1975, the Australian Mining Industry Council sponsored botany
Professor Bradshaw from Liverpool University to visit Australia. He stated that he
was ‘impressed’ with the rehabilitation on North Stradbroke and that he “did not
know of anywhere else in the world where a mining company was more concerned
with rehabilitation than on North Stradbroke”.142 Today CRL argues that it has
maintained ‘world’s best practice’ in its rehabilitation programme, “[o]ne of CRL’s
key environmental management differentiators is our expertise in immediately
rehabilitating our mine sites”.143 However company commentary during the authors
mine visit casts doubt on that claim, as it appears that CRL’s rehabilitation
programme is considerably behind schedule due to staffing cutbacks.144
When mining began on Stradbroke, there was little professional knowledge about how
to rehabilitate sand islands. In consequence, “experimentation had to be carried out
141 “Replanting Nature,” The Courier Mail 18 August 1973 142 “Mining Rehabilitation “The Best”,” The Courier Mail 19 July 1975. 143 Consolidated Rutile Limited, “Consolidated Rutile Limited”. 144 Rodenberg, per. comm.
74
thereby vastly increasing knowledge of rehabilitation techniques in such areas”.145
However as Dr Errol Stock of Griffith University’s Australian Environmental Studies
School states, “the end result … [of rehabilitation] … is nothing like the topography
that was there before”.146 Stradbroke has become a testing ground for experiments on
rehabilitation techniques. As Durbidge states, “Stradbroke was sacrificed to the
mining companies who had no accurate knowledge of how to rehabilitate the Island,
[and] unfortunately a lot of irreparable mistakes have been made.”147
Unfortunately many of these rehabilitation ‘experiments’ have proved disastrous for
the ecology of the Island. In early attempts to rehabilitate the high dunes, exotic grass
species were introduced upsetting the ecology of the area.148 Furthermore CRL’s
Amity lease was extensively rehabilitated using Acacia shrubs. It was expected that
the Acacias would act to stabilise the sand while native species established. However
instead the Acacias dominated and a monoculture was created.149 Problems such as
these have been acknowledged by CRL, who argue it has learnt from past mistakes
and its rehabilitation programme is now successful. Alan Hayter claims,
“[e]nvironmental best practice and rehabilitation needs are integrated into every step
of our mining operation right from the start”.150
A key question posed by this discussion is whether the rehabilitation requirements set
down by the lease conditions are realistic for CRL to achieve on Stradbroke’s high
dunes. The company argues that it is not technically feasible for them to recreate the
pre-mined dune structures. Perhaps, it is a question of cost. Burns believes that if the
rehabilitation requirements were enforced to their fullest extent then the cost of
rehabilitation could send mining companies bankrupt.151 Furthermore it is likely that
the cost of rehabilitating former mining leases would be a significant cost for the State
Government. The DME rejects the assertion from conservationists that mining
rehabilitation is a ‘worst case scenario’ where the State covers the cost of inadequate
145 McMillan, Scott, and Moore, “Mining on North Stradbroke Island,” 110. 146 Bob Wilson, “Dilemma of the Dunes," The Sun 31 May 1989. 147 Durbidge, per. comm. 148 Consolidated Rutile, “Consolidated Rutile,” 89. 149 Durbidge, per. comm; Stradbroke Island Management Organisation, “Meeting with Consolidated Rutile,” SIMO Newsletter 1:3 (October 1997). 150 Sanderson, “Shifting Sand,” 13. 151 Burns, per. comm.
75
rehabilitation.152 However while the DME denies that incomplete rehabilitation is a
concern, the issue remains. According to SIMO leases on Stradbroke are not being
returned to their pre-mined state as required by the lease conditions. SIMO remains
concerned that future generations will inherit “a Stradbroke with a flattened
profile”.153 Rehabilitation is poorly enforced because the costs of compliance with the
mining conditions are too high. From these experiences, it seems that the effective
rehabilitation of high dunes is not being achieved, with Stradbroke’s ancient
undulating dunes being changed into flat featureless hills.
One Island Many Visions
The absence of community consultation with Stradbroke residents on the future
development of the Island was one of the key motivating factors for the formation of
SIMO. Since 1978, when SIMO was formed to stop a bridge from the mainland,
“members have engaged in many campaigns to protect Stradbroke Island’s special
environment and to lobby for conservation, sustainability and wise development.”154
Town planners Kozlowski and McGowan state that in the case of Stradbroke planning
decisions are “derived from economic and rather short-term considerations”.155
Instead they argue planning decisions should be based on “a comprehensive analysis
of all aspects which might be affected … – social, economic and ecological”.156
The potential for inappropriate development was identified in a 1984 report by
Cameron McNamara, The North Stradbroke Development Strategy.157 The Report
identified how community viewpoints were ignored in development proposals. The
Report projected an expansion of the Island’s population to 32,000 by 2006 with the
creation of two to three new townships.158 These areas would cover former mining
leases and it was suggested that “new lease conditions could require lessees to … 152 Department of Mines and Energy, “Mining and the Environment Facts,” Queensland Government, http://www.dme.qld.gov.au/mines/environmental_facts.cfm. epartment of Mines and Energy, “Mining and the Environment Facts,” Queensland Government, http://www.dme.qld.gov.au/mines/environmental_facts.cfm. 154 Stradbroke Island Management Organisation, “Objective of SIMO” SIMO Newsletter (Spring 2007). 155 J. Kozlwski and S. McGowan, “North Stradbroke Island - the Case for Rational Environmental Planning,” in Focus on Stradbroke: New Information on North Stradbroke Island and Surrounding Areas, 1974-1984, eds. Roger J Coleman, Jeanette Covacevich and Peter Davie, (Point Lookout, North Stradbroke Island: Boolarong Publications, 1985), 393. 156 Ibid., 393. 157 Stradbroke Island Management Organisation, “North Stradbroke Development Strategy,” SIMO Newsletter (September 1984). 158 Cameron McNamara, “North Stradbroke Island Development Strategy, 20.
76
rehabilitate land to a form suitable for residential use”.159 Furthermore, the Report
assumed the construction of the bridge would take place without posing alternative
scenarios, “[t]he location of the proposed bridge … [has] … not been investigated
further”.160
SIMO would prefer to see the Island become an ecologically responsible tourist
destination as “[t]he character of the island would lend itself to a low-key,
inexpensive, semi-wilderness experience whilst affording comparative comfort and
close proximity to Brisbane”.161 While appropriate tourist development is welcomed
by SIMO as population pressures in south-east Queensland increase “the development
potential of Stradbroke looks ever more attractive”.162 However this vision of the
Island was not shared by the then politicians and planners who saw the Island’s future
tied to sandmining or large-scale development.
The QLC however had an alternative vision for the Island. When the historic Native
Title Act was passed by the Commonwealth in 1993, Indigenous people could claim
rights over their traditional land. The indigenous people on Stradbroke were among
the first to lodge a claim under the new legislation and were considered to have a
strong case, the strength of which derived “from our continuous connection to our
traditional lands and seas”.163 Dale Ruska, one of the traditional owners of North
Stradbroke, states that “Indigenous people should have the right to determine what
activity takes place on their traditional lands”.164 CRL was concerned about the
impact of native title. While their current leases were secure, a successful judgement
would threaten future operations. However the claim has not since progressed, despite
time and legal resources given to the QLC by other indigenous groups. It seems that
factors related to the division within the indigenous community have caused the claim
to stagnate.165 If such a claim was successfully established, it could give indigenous
159 Ibid., 6/38/9. 160 Cameron McNamara, “North Stradbroke Island Development Strategy, 4. 161Stradbroke Island Management Organisation, “President’s Report,” SIMO Newsletter (August 1988). 162 Craik, “Natural Tourism! Options for North Stradbroke Island,” 53. 163 Penny Tripcony, "The Native Title Mediation Process in Relation to Quandamooka: An Overview," in Stradbroke Island: Facilitating Change - Proceedings of a Public Seminar held by the Queensland Studies Centre with Quandamooka Land Council, ed. Regina Ganter, (Brisbane: Queensland Studies Centre - Griffith University, 1997), 61. 164 Ruska, per. comm. 165 Ibid.
77
people on the Island more power to determine what activities would be permitted and
thus create an alternative future for the Island.
During early mining operations, mining companies failed to recognise the value of
consulting with indigenous people on the Island. Concern over the passage of the
Native Title Act initially created a difficult relationship. However in 1994, as native
title became an issue for the mining operations, CRL stated that they believed the
company had a “well established relationship” with the Aboriginal community.166 In
1998 they signed a Memorandum of Understanding with the QLC aimed at securing
the future of their mining operations.167 Margaret Iselin believes that the mining
companies now “consult with the Elders because they know [the Elders] know the
land. They also get Aboriginal people to help with the rehabilitation programme”.168
However Dale Ruska believes that the mining companies only consult with the
indigenous people who already agree with their operations. As Ruska says, “[t]hey
only talk to a few of us who already support them, to say they consult with indigenous
people”.169 For instance in 2001, CRL gave a total of $80,000 to community groups.
Some of this money was given to indigenous groups under a Goodwill Agreement
developed in that year.170 It is likely that a united indigenous community could be a
powerful force in keeping the mining operations accountable; however the current
divisions within the community, coupled with the apparent selective consultation by
CRL, have resulted in division within the community and ineffective representation of
their concerns.
Future in the Balance
As the minerals on the Island are depleting, CRL have applied to the Bligh Labor
Government for permission to sell ‘excess’ sand to the building industry for the
production of concrete.171 If permission is granted, the mining company could
indefinitely extend their operations; otherwise mining is expected to finish in twenty
166 Consolidated Rutile Limited, “Annual Report,” (Brisbane, 1994), 7. 167 Consolidated Rutile Limited, “Annual Report,” (Brisbane, 1998), 11. 168 Iselin, per. comm. 169 Ruska, per. comm. 170 Consolidated Rutile Limited, “Annual Report,” (Brisbane, 2001), 5. 171 Stradbroke Island Management Organisation,“Is it the beginning of the end for the island’s sand heart?” SIMO Newsletter (Autumn 2006); Brian Williams, “Concern over Sand Sell-Off,” The Courier Mail 17 March 2008.
78
years with rehabilitation continuing for a number of years thereafter.172 There is a
shadow of uncertainty over the future of Stradbroke. Shannon Burns believes that the
Government is waiting for the leases to expire, at which time much more of the Island
will finally be gazetted National Park.173 Ellie Durbidge, together with other members
of SIMO, are less trusting of the Government’s intentions towards Stradbroke.174
Their concern appears reasonable as approval of CRL’s plan currently rests with the
EPA and it is possible that the plan has already been approved. SIMO is currently
considering legal action against the EPA for non-enforcement of mining regulations
against CRL.175 If this case progresses, it will have important ramifications for the
mining industry in Queensland as a whole.
The focus of this thesis has been on three key conservation campaigns to protect
Queensland’s sand islands from sandmining. The Fraser Island campaign,
spearheaded by the charismatic campaigner John Sinclair, was a defining moment in
the history of the conservation movement. For the first time the Federal Government
intervened to protect an area of international environmental significance under the
aegis of its submission to the World Heritage Committee. Protection of Moreton
Island came at a heavy cost to Stradbroke Island. Moreton remained the focus for
conservation interests as it represented the ‘last great opportunity to secure wilderness
close to Brisbane for future generations’. While the claim of SIMO members that
Stradbroke was sacrificed to protect Moreton cannot be proved, it does seem likely
that Moreton was favoured over Stradbroke as a superior candidate for protection.
When the miners came to Stradbroke in the 1940s the Island was already partially
developed, having played host to various Government institutions for the preceding
120 years. The mining industry quickly established itself as an essential component to
the Island’s community by providing much need employment and infrastructure. This
interdependence continues to this day and is a key factor in the continuation of mining
on the Island. This interdependence is particularly significant within Stradbroke’s
172 Rodenberg, per. comm. 173 Burns, per. comm. 174 Durbidge, per. comm. 175 Jennie Truman, “The continuing saga of the disorientated Ibis dune, or what EPA did next,” SIMO Newsletter (Spring 2007).
79
indigenous community as their support for sandmining has conflicted with attempts to
establish native title over the Island. Without alternative employment opportunities
elements of the Stradbroke community will continue to rely on and support the mining
operations on the Island.
The Bjelke-Petersen Government never wavered in its championing of sandmining on
Stradbroke. It was an enthusiastic advocate for the continued expansion of the
industry resulting in 60% of the Island being covered by mineral leases. This
enthusiasm also encouraged a lax regulatory environment that contributed to many of
the environmental disasters catalogued in this thesis. It is clear that state government
support for sandmining on Stradbroke continued into the Labor administration of
Wayne Goss, but Goss was susceptible to conservationist pressure. While the DME
did issue two ‘show cause’ notices to CRL, they were merely to placate
conservationist concern. The Department meanwhile accepted the mitigation strategy
proposed by CRL, and the environment continued to be irreparably damaged by the
mining operations.
SIMO became an important advocate for the concerns of Island residents. They
quickly became a prominent force in keeping the mining companies accountable. The
Stradbroke campaign employed similar tactics to Fraser, such as generating public
awareness and appealing for Federal Government intervention, but with no success.
While SIMO undoubtedly worked tirelessly to protect Stradbroke, they lacked the
inspiration and focus of a John Sinclair or Don Henry to propel the campaign. The
commissioning of CRL’s Ibis mine was one of the few moments when momentum
was behind the campaign and there was a chance of success. At this time Brisbane-
based conservation groups, and anti-mining interests within the indigenous
community were strongly advocating the end of mining on the Island. But at this key
period SIMO did not participate, preferring instead to maintain a dialogue with the
mining company. This stance has given SIMO a confused identity, on one hand
arguing that sandmining is destroying the environment of Stradbroke, while on the
other hand maintaining a dialogue with the mining company. The result is that
opposition to sandmining has been compromised.
80
Stradbroke Island is the last major sandmining operation on the east coast of
Australia. However while sandmining on the Island has been a constant feature since
the 1940s, it is unlikely to continue for much longer. SIMO will undoubtedly play an
important role in this transition, as they have been encouraging the development of a
sustainable tourism industry. The future of the Island is currently in the balance. CRL
could continue on the Island indefinitely if they are permitted to export sand to the
building industry. Or in the next few years we will see whether there is sufficient
public awareness and environmental understanding of the importance of Stradbroke
for the bulk of the Island to be gazetted a National Park and, like Fraser and Moreton
Islands, protected for future generations.
81
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Henry. Brisbane: Moreton Island Protection Committee, 1975-1983, held by Fryer Library.
———. “Newsletter.” North Quay, Brisbane: Moreton Island Protection Committee,
1985-2007. Queensland Conservation Council. “Eco Info.” Brisbane: Queensland Conservation
Council, 1973-1976. ———. “Eco Sphere.” Brisbane: Queensland Conservation Council, 1992-1997. ———. “Newsletter.” Brisbane: Queensland Conservation Council, 1975-1992. ———. “Spinifex.” Brisbane: Queensland Conservation Council, 1997-2007. South East Queensland Federation of Progress Associations. “Rehabilitation Vs.
Restoration.” Noosaville, 1968. ———. “Submissions to the Honourable R.E. Camm, Minister for Development,
Mines, Main Roads and Electricity, Regarding the Proposed Revision and Consolidation of the Mining Acts.” Nambour, 1967.
Stradbroke Island Action Coalition. “Sand Mining Stradbroke Island.” Stradbroke
Island Action Coalition, leaflet 1998. Stradbroke Island Management Organisation. “Newsletter.” Point Lookout,
Queensland: Stradbroke Island Management Organisation, 1978-2007. Wildlife Preservation Society - Queensland. “Newsletter.” Brisbane: Wildlife
Preservation Society - Queensland, 1966-1980. ———. “W.P.S.Q. News.” Brisbane: Wildlife Preservation Society - Queensland,
1987-1990. ———. “Wildlife Newsletter.” Brisbane: Wildlife Preservation Society - Queensland,
1980-1987.
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Mining Industry Sources Associated Minerals Consolidated Limited. “Annual Report.” Southport, 1966-1980. ———. “Project for Schools Brochure.” Southport: Associated Minerals
Consolidated Limited, nd. ———. The Titanium Age and Its Minerals. Southport: Associated Minerals
Consolidated Limited, 1957. Consolidated Rutile Limited. "Annual Report." Brisbane, 1966-2007. ———. “Consolidated Rutile Limited - Mineral Potential, Sustainability,
Environment.” Brisbane: Consolidated Rutile Limited, nd. Department of Mines and Energy. “Mining and the Environment Facts.” Queensland
Government, http://www.dme.qld.gov.au/mines/environmental_facts.cfm. ———. “Queensland Mining Industries - the Economic Significance of Mining and
Mineral Processing to Queensland.” Brisbane: Queensland Government, 2007. Mineral Deposits Limited. “Annual Report.” Sydney, 1968-1976. ———. “Mineral Deposits Limited 50th Year Review.” Suppliment to Australia's
Mining Monthly (1990). Murphyores Holidings Limited. “Annual Report.” Brisbane, 1968-1985. Newspaper Articles “Feds to Look at Stradbroke Mine.” Redland News 13 July 1984. “Hint at Island Mining Again.” The Courier Mail 12 May 1977. “Joh's Mining Hopes for Fraser Island.” The Courier Mail 5 November 1976. “Listing Bid for 4 Sites on Straddie.” The Courier Mail 12 February 1988. “Mining Rehabilitation "The Best".” The Courier Mail 19 July 1975. “Stradbroke Aborigines Support Sand Mining And... Kath Walks Out!” The Local
News 18 July 1984. “Tenni Firm on Sand Mining.” The Sun Brisbane 22 September 1988. Call, David. “The Battle for Stradbroke Continues.” The Redland Times 3 March
1984. Dickson. “Sand Mining Could Ruin Stradbroke Island.” Wynnum Herald 9 September
1964.
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Durbidge, Ellie. “The Other Side of Sandmining.” The Redland Times 6 June 1979. Lape, Dan. “Kath Loses Battle but Wins Acclaim.” The Redland Times 17 August
1984. Lowe, Miriam. “Bridge Gap on Island Environment.” The Redland Times 20 October
1991. Lunn, Hugh. “Paper Duel over Fraser Island.” The Australian 8 November 1976. Lunn, Jack. “Our Sand Makes the New Jet Age Possible.” The Courier Mail 27
January 1970. Martin, Jan. “Island Families Back Sand Mining.” The Redland Times 10 August
1984. ———. “Island Mine Causes Upset over Relics.” The Redland Times 10 July 1984. Marx, Anthony. “Protestors Attack Straddie Mine Bid.” The Courier Mail 19 August
1996. Ord, Bill. “Mine Hearing - after 9 Years.” The Courier Mail 14 September 1983. Peterson, Don. “Historic Sites Destroyed on Stradbroke.” The Courier Mail 11 March
1982. Robertson, Ben. “Island Nets Four Berths in Aust Heritage Listings.” The Courier
Mail 14 May 1991. Sanderson, Wayne. “Pollution Fear Sparks Call to Suspend Mining.” The Courier
Mail 28 April 1997. ———. “Shifting Sand.” The Courier Mail 9 April 1997. Smith, Linda. “Miners Say They Have Game "Sewn Up".” The Redland Times 23
May 1979. Stewart, Doug. “Resort 'Grew' after Mining.” The Courier Mail 8 July 1981. Templeton, Rachael. “Island Mining Protect Digs In.” Bayside Bulletin 3 June 1997. Williams, Brian. “Concern over Sand Sell-Off.” The Courier Mail 17 March 2008. ———. “Mine Pollutes Stradbroke Island.” The Courier Mail 13 November 1996. Wilson, Bob. “Dilemma of the Dunes.” The Sun 31 May 1989. Wood, E.G.W. “Stradbroke Is 'Mutilated'.” The Courier Mail 3 May 1974.
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Interviews and Personal Communication Burns, Shannon. “Personal Interview – QCC Research Officer” 14 April 2008. Candile, Frank. “North Stradbroke Island Oral History Project 102 – Sand miner” 7 April 2006. Durbidge, Ellie. “Personal Interview – SIMO Secretary” 11 April 2008. Hutton, Drew. “Personal Interview – Greens Party Leader and Author” 27 March
2008. Iselin, Margaret. “Personal Interview – Aboriginal Elder” 11 April 2008. Khan, George. “North Stradbroke Island Oral History Project 52 – Sand miner” 29 August 2003. Neumann, Peter. “Personal Interview – Director Currumbin Minerals” 25 March
2008. Rodenberg, Steve. “CRL Employee Conducted Mine Tour” 13 March 2008. Ruska, Dale. “Personal Interview – Indigenous Activist” 11 April 2008. Sinclair, John. “Personal Interview – FIDO President” 17 April 2008. Surawski, Noel. “North Stradbroke Island Oral History Project 25 – Sand miner” 10 April 2003. Tuffs, Fred. “North Stradbroke Island Oral History Project 61 – Sand miner” 13 September 2003.