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Language-independent prosodic featuresJacqueline Vaissière

To cite this version:Jacqueline Vaissière. Language-independent prosodic features. Prosody: Models and Measurements,Springer Verlag, pp.53-65, 1983. �halshs-00703571�

MlrrE9 Description acoustique

7 PRINCIPES DE COMPARAISON PROSODIQUE ENTRE LES LANGUES

7.I LANGUAGE.INDEPENDANT PROSODIC FEATURES (ARTICLE)

5.1 lntroduction

Tbe purpose of this contribulion is to investigate the similarities in form andfunction of prosody among diverse languages All speakers. regardless oftheir specific language. are equipped with the same produclion and percep-tion apparatus, and consequently have the same capabilities and must facethe same phvsiological constrâints. Such similarities should be reflected inthe acoustic productioD of any speaker. The first specific arm of this conlribu-tion is to review a number of striking acoustic similarities in the suprasegmen-tal aspects of neutral sentences in different languages. together wilh possiblephvsiological explanations for them.

Since the global function of speech (i.e. communicatron) is language inde-pendent. the type of information conveyed bv the speech signal should notvarv greatly among languages. The second purpose here is thus lo comparerhe linguistic functions assigned in several languages to similar suprasegmen'tal phenonena, such as lengthening. fundamental freguencv rises and falls.and intensity peaks.

Ahhough the usc of suprascgmental vanatron for paralinguistic functions(such as the expression of emotion) is also of prime importance in everydayconversation. the scope of this contrihution is restricted to the strictly Inguis-tic functions of prosodr,.

5.2 Language-Independenl Similarilies

5.2.1 Pauses

Acoustic analysis of speech production shows that speakers insen a largenumber of pauses while talking. Studies have indicated that the ratio ofaniculated sequences<o total speaking time does not differ significanrly fromonc languagc lo another : a t least . Grosican and Dcschamps l l975l havefound no difference lirr such a rati() hclwccn native speakers of English andof Frcnch in radio intcrvicus (rhout ll-11? lor both languases).

4 u \LANGUAGE-INDEPENDANT PROSODIC FEATI,]RES (ARTCLE) tt2

7i-

54 5. Language-lndependent Prosodic Features

The first language-independent primary function assigned to panses isthat of grouping. Speakers tend to draw breath at the end of large conceptualunits sncb as sentences and clauses. Pauses between sentences tend to belonger than pauses within sentences (Goldman-Eisler [1972) for English;Grosjean and Deschamps [1973] and Duel [1982] for French). The use ofpauses as a major boundary Marker between and within sentences seems tobe similar across those languages for which there are available data. Black etal. [1966] found no significant differences in the use or location of pauses byspeakers of English, Hindi, Japanese and Spanish. However, the length ofpauses and their distribution per number of syllables may differ slightly fromone language to another: Grosjean and Deschamps [1975] found that nativespeakers of French tend to pause less olten but for a longer time than nativespeakers of English.

There also exists another type of pause" generally not located at grammat-ical junctures, the so-caIled hesitation pause. The duration and frequency ofboth types of pauses seem to depend on a larger number of factors" such asspeech rate, speech mode, age and experienœ of the speaker, emotionalstate, and the pursuit of stylistic effects. At fast speech rates, pauses withinsentenœs tend to be suppressed [Gros jean and Collins" 1979); pauses aremore frequent in descriptions than in interviews [Gros jean and Deschamps,1973]; in political speeches, pause distribution tends to be more in agreementwith grammatical structure than it is in interviews [Duel" 1982]. German andEnglish adolescents make more ungrammatical pauses than adults whilereading [O'Connelland Kowal, 1972]. Advanced students make longer andmore judicious pauses in reading than inexperienced students [Oemmer etal., 1979). ln the sixth repetition of a spontaneous description, subjects madeonly half as many pauses as in the first repetition [Goldman-Eisler, 1968],and made fewer and shorter pauses when reading unusual stories as com-pared to ordinary ones [O'Connell et al., 1969]. Variations in semantic con-text can produce changes in the number of unfilled pauses in a situation inwhich syntactic and other variations are minimized, for bath German andEnglish speakers [O'Connell and Kowal, 1972]. Pauses also depend on theemotional state of the speaker [Fairbanks and Hoaglin, 1941], and are oltenused before words with low transition probability [Cowan and Blocb, 1948;Maclay and Osgood, 1959]. AIl such factors seem to be largely independentof lan~ge.

Speech is produced by modulating the airflow from the lungs. As a conse-quenœ, it is necessary for aIl speakers to insert a œrtain number of respira-tory pauses while speaking. Respiratory pauses, which represent ont y a partof aIl pauses, cao be considered physiological necessities. The constraints dueto the production apparatus explain the basic similarities in pausing betweenlanguages. The probability of occurrenœ of a pause during continuousspeech seems to depend on the amount of residual air in the lungs [Fujisakiand Sudo, 1971]. It bas been shown by Grosjean and Deschamps [1975) thatbreathing during speech exerts an influence at similar time intervals indepen-

75

5.2 Language-Independent Similarities 5S

dently of the language spoken (here English and French). The most strikingsimilarity between languages is that breathing (respiratory pausing) occurs atgrammatical junctures. At fast rates, the physioJogical need to breathe is thesole determinant of pausing [Gros jean and Collins, 1979). Fodor et al. [1974]have suggested that breathing is dependent on syntax: speakers will onlybreathe when allowed to do so, as it were, by the constituent structure of theutteranœ.

5.2.2 FundamentaJ Frequency Features

Figure 5.1 summarizes the general properties of F 0 curves in simple sentencespronounced in a single breath-group (that is, without pauses), as observed ina number of languages. We will review in turn the declination tendency of theFo curve, the resetting of the baseline, the contraI of Fo range, and Fo risingversos Fo falling movements.

'.

1

POStp8UNIlengthening

prèp Iengt'-,;,.g

-T-~ IREATH-GROUPt-

Fil. 5.1. General propenjes of Fo contours observed in unmarked .entences in a number oflanguages. The common tendencies are the foUowing: (i) a tendency for Fo values to fluctuatebetween two abstract 1ines: the plaiN" and the bas~l;II~. which delimit the speakers Ffi range:(ü) a tendency for the Fo rallge to diminish as a function of rime; (üi) a tendency to startsentences with a large .fellU/lCe-iIailiDJ Pise in Fo, klCated on one of the fust syUables, or spreadover the fust few syUables; (iv) a tendency to repeat a succession of Fo rises (R) and lowerings(L): a pair of opposing movements indicat~ a prosodic word (sec text); (v) a tendency for themG.tima1 valw of Fo to be located on the first prosodic ward of the .entence; (vi) a tendency tolengthen the duration of the last syUable at the end of the breath-group (prepausallellgthening),and of the fint pboneme at the beginnin, of the sentence (postpausaJ leIIgrhening)

a) Tbe Declination Tendency

ln relatively long stretches of continuous speech, there is a global tendencyfor the Fo curve to decline with time, despite successive local rises and falls

7;:6:

56 5. Language-Independent Prosodic Features

a) ENGlISH/,

_1Ii:~

18r~_jlri' ".L~~=::= = -j . ~ .

l b) SPANISH} -~,ln ria \

.. "..~~-~ L~l~ v~ _.~-~--a-- - -- - - -

"1

.t\ ~:.. \:-3 ~\ -..i ~ l.oie ~-~-

V'... "" -, \ """'\~'1 4 -,_\

~""" - {.. ti ":\J1. ~--on.-1'--n- 7- c) FRENCH] A_-~ :~;j 'Y- -""-1":-

-~ M ~ ~ 1 ~ w --~~J-"'I ---

1 J. . 0 la - 3 la - 10 --

~

fil. 5.2.-c. Fo oontours for the SaIne clause translated into three languages and pronounced bynative speakers: (a) "It bas oontributed a significant amount to the technical progress of the pasttwenty years,.. ."; (b) "Ha oontribuido a la mayoria de los progressos tecnicos en los uItimosveinte anos,. . ."; (c) "u a contribué à la majorité des progrès technologiques des vingt dernièresannées,. . .".The pauses and the rise-fall pairs in Fo combine to divide the three clauses into fourprosodic words (numbered 1 to 4)

(for Dutch, Cohen and 't Hart [1967]; for English. Maeda [1976]; for Italian,Magno-Caldognetto et al. [1978]; for Japanese, Fujisaki et al. [1979]; fortoRe languages, Hombert [1974». Figure 5.2, wmch shows the Fo contours ofthe same utterance translated into three different languages and spoken by anative speaker of each language, illustrates this tendency.

Several physiological explanations have been proposed. The Fo declina-tion could be mainly due to the decline in transglottal pressure (proposed bylieberman [1967] and partially refuted by Hixon et al. [1971], to a tracheapull [Maeda, 1976, p. 220ft.], or to a laziness principle (the rise supposedlybeing barder to produœ than the falls [Ohala and Ewan, 1973». The differ-ent explanations primarily invoke the production apparatus and are compat-ible with one another. The declination tendency bas also been proposed to bea by-product of the perceptual system [Pierrehumbert, 1979]. The rate ofdeclination bas been found to vary with a number of factors, but no cross-linguistic differences have yet been proved.

Declination is a general tendency easily detected from a visual inspectionof relatively long stretches of Fo curve, but calculation of the exact rate ofdeclination is a difficult task. For some speakers, the tendency seems to beadequately described by a constant rate of declination ("the declinationline"), while for others, there is a tendency for Fo to decrease more rapidly inthe first part of the sentence, and then to decrease less rapidly or even starfIat (exponential declination). The slope of declination is DOt entÎrely phy-

n

5.2 Language-lndependent Similarities 57

siologically detennined, but is partially controlled by the speaker. It has beenshown that the speaker olten adjusts the rate of declination with the length ofthe sentenœ, at least in isolated sentenœs: the shorter the sentenœ, themore rapid the declination. When the sentenœs are part of a text, the corre-lation between rate of declination and length of utteranœ is less obvious; inspontaneous speech, many sentenœs do Dot even display such a tendency.Furthermore, the declination tendency has been shown to be olten sup-pressed in interrogative sentenœs (both in spontaneous speech and in readsentenœs).

It may be suggested that the rate of declination contributes (together withother features) to the perœptjon of a sentenœ spoken in the declarativemode as an acoustic whole; its presenœ versus its absenœ contributes to thecontrast between declarative and interrogative sentenœs (for French, Con-tini and Boé [1975]; for Danish, Thorsen [1980a]; for Russian, Svetozarova[1975]; for a tone language, Ho [1977]; for a number of other languages,Lieberman [1967)).

We may conclude that as for pauses, the natural tendency for Fo todecline has been integrated into the linguistic code, in the form of controllingor entirely suppressing the Fo decline. However, its foIe is probably of minorimportanœ in spontaneous speech, even though it may contribute to natur-alness.

b) Resetting or the Baseline

A direct consequence of this tendency for Fa to decline is that Fa values tendto be lower near the end of breath-groups than at the beginning. After apause, they are generally reset. We may suppose that resetting of Fa valuesafter a respiratory pause is a natural physiological tendency, although therelation between resetting and breathing is DOt entirely clear.

Together with the declination tendency and pauses, the resetting of Famay contribute to characterizing sentences and clauses as acoustic entjties. Itbas been shown (by Maeda [1976] for English; by Carlson and Granstrôm[1973] for Swedish; and by Fujisaki et al. [1979] for Japanese) that resettingof the baseline can be simulated between two phrases, even in the absence ofa pause. The resetting is used as a boundaf)' marker, and the degree ofresetting indicates the importance of the boundary.

A stepping down of the baseline at major syntactic boundaries bas beenreported in a few languages [e.g. Ford, 1975]. To decide on the general use ofbaseline resetting, either upward or doWDward, acoustic data for a largernumber of languages, particularly tone languages, must be compared anddescribed within a common framework.

The physiological basis of the relations among pause, breathing, declina-tion and resetting is difficult to establish, since speakers may pause withoutbreathing, or reset the baseline without pausing; moreover, as noted above.

78

58 5. Language-Independent Prosodic Features

declination has also been seen as a by-product of the perceptual system.Despite these difficulties, the considerable cross-linguistic similarities suggesta physiological explanation.

c) Normal Frequency Range and the Control of Range

The range of Fa variation generally narrows as a function oftime (the range isoften widened at the very end of the breath-group with the realization of anoptional continuation rise). ln general, the local Fa maxima and minimadecrease from the beginning to the end in simple declarative sentenœs; thelocal maximal values tend to decrease more rapidly than the local minimalvalues (Fig. 5.1).

This diminution of Fa range seems to be a natural physiological tendency,sinœ it bas been attested in simple sentences in a large number of languages.Most of the physiological explanations for such a phenomenon relate to theproduction apparatus. It has been shown in singing that an upward pitchchange takes longer than a dowoward pitch change, suggesting that it iseasier to lower pitch than to raise it [Ohala and Ewan, 1973]. (Note that adifferenœ in difficuJty between the two opposite gestures bas also beenobserved in deaf people [Salles, 1980].) As a consequence of this tendency,the increase in amplitude of sucœssive Fa rises does Dot entirely compensatefor the decrease in falls, resulting in a narrowing of the Fa range. A percep-tuai explanation is sometimes advanced: it bas been argued that the speakertends ta keep the same number of octaves above the baseline.

The largest rise (and consequently the highest ,Fa value) is generallylocated in one of the first three or four syllables of the utterance (that is,within the fust lexical word). This seems to be common to the languages thathave been studied so fac. However, speakers are able to counteract thissupposed natural tendency to a certain extent, creating a local widening ornarrowing of the expected range. Sncb a strategy bas been attested in severallanguages for marking boundaries or emphasis in complex sentenœs.

Another observation is that speakers have a tendency to be at a lowfundamental frequency, generaUy the lowest in the sentenœ, when theyœase voicing. The final fall is often accompanied by a lower intensity and bya lengthening of the final elements, which all help to indicate to the listenerthat the utterance is ending. This tendency is sometimes interpreted as an(early) relaxation gesture [Lindblom, 1968]. Again, however, speakers Maycounteract this tendency in order to convey linguistic information. The termi-nal contour of the last syllable is the MOst important feature in distinguishingsimple declarative statements from yes/no questions in a number of languages(for Danish, Thorsen [1980b]; for Italian, Magno-Caldognetto et al. [1978];for French, Contini and Boé [1975]; for Japanese, Nishinuma [1979]; forRomanian, Dascàlu [1979]). When used for marking interrogation, a risingterminal contour is often accompanied by a suppression of the declination

C79-

5.2 Language-Independent SimiI~ties "tendency. It bas been noted, however, that this effect is language specific: insome languages interrogatives cao be characterized by a falling intonation,and in others a rising contour may be typical for declaratives. Even in yes/noquestions, where the interrogative mode is indicated by the syntax, and inwh-questions, a rising contour is optional.

The terminal contour inside a declarative sentenœ is also olten used tocontrast between terminal juncture (at the end of the sentenœ) and oon-terminal juncture (before a non-final pause). (See Delattre [1963] for a com-parative study of German, French, Spanish and English; Svetozarova [1975]for Russian and Nishinuma [1979] for Japanese.) We have ooticed that innon-terminal juncture, in contrast to yes/no questions, the declination ten-dency is maÎntained. The presenœ versus absenœ of the declination ten-

_dency may contribute to the perœptual differentiation between interrogationrise and continuation rise in a number of languages. Cross-linguistic perœp-tual experiments are needed to test this hypothesis.

d) Rising Versus Falling Fu Movements

Perhaps because a Fa rise is mainly realized by tensing the vocaJ folds, and aFa fall by relaxing the tension, an upward change of Fa between two succes-sive vowels seems to be associated with the notion of beginning and a down-ward movement with the notion of end. This tendency seems to be reflectedparticularly by the manDer in which lexical entities are acoustically combinedin spoken sentenœs to form a single acoustic entity. Such an acoustic entity isrelated to the notions of "stress group" as defioed by Thorsen [1980a] forDanish, the "hat-pattern" in Dutch [Collier and 't Hart, 1975] and in English[Maeda, 1974], the "rhythmic unit" [Lehiste, 1975] or the "prosodic word" inFrench [Vaissière, 1974, 1975]. and the "syntagma" in Russian [Kozhevnikovand Chistovich, 1965; Svetozarova, 1975]. The number of prosodic words forone sentenœ is Dot fixed; i.e. it is not entirely determined by grammaticalstructure. It depends on several factors, such as rate of speech and a speak-er's individual choiœ. However, in carefully spoken sentenœs, where thespeaker tends to stress every meaningful word (,,'enerally the lexical words as°Pposed to the function words), the number of prosodic words (comprisingessentially a sucœssive rise and fall) tends to be equal to the number oflexical words, or one fewer (the faU on the nextto last lexical word may besuppressed so that a larger fall, the sentenœ-final faU, is superimposed uponthe last word (for French, Vaissière (1975]; for Russian, Svetozarova [1975]).Sncb an observation is more easily made with sentenœs composed of mul-tisyUabic words, or sentenœs where one or more grammatical words occurbetween the monosyUabic words, that is, where it is possible to establishperœptual contrast between sucœssive stressed and unstressed syUables.This characteristic appears to be language independent.

80

fi) 5. Language-independent Prosodic Features

Many languages seem to use suprasegmental variation to achieve acousticgrouping of semantically related words such as a noun and an adjective whichpreœdes or foUows it. (See the above references and, for Chinese, Zee andMaddieson [1979]). This is done firstly by reducing the number of Fo move-ments that would be attached to the words if they were spoken separately:the regrouped words tend to receive the Fo pattern of a single word. Sec-ondly, grouping requires that there be no more than one lise and no morethan one faU in the phrasai group; if bath accur, the rise has to preœde thefaU. Figure 5.2 illustra tes some regroupings comprising a Fo rise in the firstlexical ward and a Fo faU in the last ward: "to the technical progress", "of thepast twenty years" (English), "des progrès technologiques" (French), "en losultimos veinte anos" (Spanish).

5.2.3 Durational Features and Intensity Phenomena

a) Final Lengthening

There is a tendency to lengthen the final elements in an utterance, particu-tarly the last vowel, before a pause (see illustrations of prepausallengtheningfor French, English, German and Spanish [Dela~tre, 1966]; for Italian [Mar-œl, 1971]; for Russian [Zlatoustova, 1954]; for Swedish [Lindblom. 1968]).However, there seem to be languages in which there is tittle (if any) finallengthening, e.g. Finnish [Lehiste, 1965], Estonian [Lehiste, 1965] andJapanese [Han. 1961].

It bas been suggested that slowing down at the end is a natural tendencycharacterizing aIl motor sequences or planning units: similar patterns havebeen found irl music, in birdsongs, in insect chirps and of course in speech[Cooper, 1976]. The lengthening of final elements in words, phrases andsentences in speech is an intriguing phenomenon. It seems that lengthening,like Fo faIl, is associated mainly with the notion of termination.

Lindblom [1968] refers to Chman's [1967] model of word and sentenceintonation, in which there is a "general relaxation of speech gestures towardthe end of the utterances". Making the assumption that the same amount ofphysiological energy is expended for each syllable (excluding stress varia-tions), Lindblom concludes that the increased duration of final syllables com-pensates for the lower intensity per unit of time. However, OlIer and Smith[1977], who approached the issue from a developmental perspective bystudying the linguistic production of infants, concluded that final-syllablelengthening constitutes a leamed behavior, since infant speech does Dot dis-play such a tendency.

Lengthening a final element without a pause helps to mark the end of aword or phrase (for English, Delattre [1966] and OlIer [1973]; for French,Delattre [1966]; for German, Zingle [1974]; for Russian, Zlatoustova [1954];for Spanish, Delattre [1966]; for Swedish, Lindblom [1968]). It bas been

81

5.2 Language-Independent Similarities 61

observed that phrase-final lengthening bas a larger range than word-finallengthening. CoOper [1976] bas noted a related tendency in music. Variationsin relative Jengthening of different elements, if perœived, contribute to therecovery of syntactic structure by the listener: the greater the lengthening,the more important the syntactic break (see the experiment by O'Malley etal. [1973] on the recovery of the syntactic structure of algebraic expressions).

ln addition to Jengthening of the very last syllable in a word or phrase,there may be three other kinds of lengthening phenomena: first, Jengtheningof the Jast stressed syllable in a phrase, even if it is followed by one or moreunstressed syllabJes; second, lengthening of the entire Jast word in a phrase[Umeda and Quinn, 1981]; and third, lengthening of the last sentenœ in aread paragraph [Lehiste, 1975].

The buJk of final-syllable lengthening (which may be used as a rightbound~' marker) SUffiS to be carried mainly by the vowels [OlIer, 1973]. Bycontrast, word-initial consonant lengthening bas generally been attested as aleft boundary marker, a function associated with rising Fo (for English,Lehiste [19ro]; for Italian, Nespor [1977]; for Swedish, Carlson and Gran-strôm [1973)).

b) Other Lengthening Phenomena

While Jengthening of the final eJement seems to have essentiaJJy a demarca-tive fonction, Jengthening in a non-final context is JargeJy used for emphasismarking. The lengthening of a single syUabJe is commonJy used to markemphasis and contrastive stress (Coker and Umeda, 1973]; deceJeration inspeaking rate is a strategy that may be used by some speakers to emphasize aword, an entire sentence or a clause [KJoker, 1975].

5.2.4 Intensit) and the Syllahle

Prosodic phenomena such as tone, stress and accent are customarily consid-ered qualifies of a syllable. The syllable is the minimal unit for Fo, durationand intensity contrasts. Even the mora, which may be more adequate thanthe syllable for describing the suprasegmental system of languages likeAncient Greek [Garde, 1968], is defined relative to the syllable. Despitelanguage-specific rules for grouping phonemes into syllables, there is a uni-versaI tendency to bTing the structure of the syllable as close as possible to theideal described by de Saussure [1916] and Jespersen [1933}.

A common definition of the syllable is that it corresponds to a peak ofintensity. Intensity bas a demarcative function at different levels. First, thepresenœ versus absenœ of intensity over a period of time signaIs pauses anddivjdes speech from non-speech sequenœs. Second, during articulated se-quenœs, the gross variations in intensity and the location of local peaks and

82

62 5. Language-Independent Prosodic Features

valleys chunk the continuum into syllable-like segments. The peaks generallycorrespond to syllable nuclei (vowels) and the valleys to consonants.

The linguistic function of the relative intensity of syllables in continuousspeech is Dot easy to determine. As mentioned by Sorin [1981], intensity hasbeen less well studied in the past than the two other prosodic parameters, Foand duration. There is very little information on the specific contribution ofintensity to perception. Intensity seems to share some of the functions ofbath Fo variation and durational variation. The interrelation between inten-sity and fundamental frequency bas a physiological basis. Intensity and fun-damental frequency are reguiated by the same mechanisms (increase in pul-monary effort and in subglottal pressure, tension of the vocal folds, etc.),and, as may be expected, higher fundamental frequency is generally corre-lated with an increase in intensity (see an illustration of this tendency inFig. 5.2). Similarly, the Fo decrease at the end of sentences is matched by anintensity decrease. Higher intensity of a syllable is also olten correlated withlonger duration. An increase in global articulatory effort to produce percep-tuai prominenœ via intensity may also require additional time, and conse~quently may result in a lengtheoing of the underlying phoneme. For example,emphasis is olten marked by bath an increase in intensity and a lengtheningof the underlying segments.

Generally speaking, higher Fo, higher intensity and longer duration natur-ally tend to characterize the same segments in a sentence. Such a tendeDcy isparticularly obvious in emphasis and prominenœ marking. However, differ-ent languages have counteracted this Datural tendeDcy to a greater or fesserdegree in establishing their specific suprasegmental code. We will see in thenext section that a particular relationship between intensity, Fo and durationmay in fact be a characteristic of a language.

5.3 Prosodic DitTerences Among Languages

The broad similarities among languages should not mask the considerablevariations indicated by cross-linguistic comparison of prosodic systems[Ladd, 1981]. There seem to be three basic princip les which guide the com-parison and description of such differences.

5.3.1 Differences in Timing

ln Engiish [Maeda, 1974], ltalian [Magno-Caldognetto et al., 1978] andDutch [Cohen and't Hart, 1967], pitch movements (either upward ordown-ward) are mainly limited to the so-called stressed syllables (with an optionalcontinuation rise on the last unstressed syllable). Together with higher ioten-

8B

5.3 Prosodic Diffcrcnœ5 Among Languages 63

sity and longer duration, they help to assign prominence to stressed syllablesrelative to the surrounding syllables. The position of the stressed syllable in aword is largely predictable trom the phonological and morpbological struc-ture of the word. ln Frencb, Fo movements occur in relation to word bound-aries: a rise is superimposed on the beginning of the word, and the word-finalsyllable carnes a large variety of accentuaI contrasts (large rise, rise, level,fall, large fall). ln the former tbree languages, Fo, duration and intensityvariations are mainly "timed" wjth the stressed syllables, while in French,they are bound to the first and last syllable of the word.

Moreover, the exact position of rises and falls in so-calIed stress languagesvaries from one language to anotber. The movements are DOt always simul-taneous witb the stressed syllable. ln Danisb, for example, a stressed syllablein neutral speech is relatively low, and is followed by a higb-falling taïl on thefollowjng unstressed syllable, a pattern whicb is DOt common in EngIish. Thestressed syllable(s) may be associated in Danish with two different accents,whicb are mainly distinguished by the presence or absence of a kind of glonalstop (called stod), ratber tban by a Fo movement [Gârding, 1977).

The direction of the pitcb change, either rising or falling, is determined bylanguage-specific factors. We bave noted that in French, the imponanœ ofthe juncture followjng the word determines the "accentual pattern" (rising,fa1ling or level) of the word-final syllable. The Fo pattern superimposed on aword in that language is mainly determined by the sentenœ context. lnSwedish, by contrast, one syllable in the word may receive primary stress (theposition of whicb is predictable trom the phonological and morpbologicalstructure of the word), and one syllable with primary stress may carry one oftwo typical accents [Gârding, 1977). Syntactic struCture aIso seems to play arole in Swedisb in determining the aCtual Fo pattern realized upon a wardembedded in a sentenœ, but to a lesser degree than in French. ln atonelanguage [Pike, 1945], where there is a lexica1ly significant tone on eacbsyUable, the syntactic structure may be expected to play an even smaller miein determining the fundamental frequency contour tban in Swedisb.

As a consequence, ward boundaries, morphological and phonologicalward structure. and juncture phenomena may aIl contribute to the determi-nation of Fo contour in sucb languages. The relative importance of eacbfactor is language specific.

Differences in the timing of the same movements are also one way ofexplaining dialectal varieties in a given language. The best demonstration isprobably given by the work of Bruce and Gârding on Swedish [Bruce andGârding. 1978; Gârding. 1975 a): Fo peaks may occur more or less early in thestressed syllable, or even in the post-stressed syllable, depending on thedialect spoken (see also Fujisaki and Sugito [1976) for Japanese).

A different timing rule bas also been attested for speakers of the samecommunity. It has been shawn, for example, that native speakers of Frenchmay stan a continuation rise at the onset of the syllable, or later, in the vowel[Vaissière, 1975).

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64 5. Language-Independent Prosodic Features

5.3.2 Different Orders of Priorities

As the notion of differing orders of priorities is relatively new, we shallillustrate it thrOUgh examples.

a) Due to the physical constraints imposed by the vocal apparatus pro-ducing Fo curves, and to the limitation of the Fo range, it is necessary forupward and dowoward Fo movements to be produced altemately, so that alarge fall is preceded by a rise, and vice versa. ln English and in French, a risemay serve different purposes: it may indicate a non-terminal juncture (con-tinuation rise) in bath languages, and/or be used to mark a stressed syUable(in English) or the beginning of a word (in French). ln a language likeEnglish, a lowering of Fo occurs on the last stressed syllable in a phrase. If thelast stressed syllable is the final syllable of that phrase, and if this phrase isfollowed by a non-final pause, either a fall may occur on that syllable to markthe last stressed syllable of the phrase, or a rise may occur to mark that thephrase is non-terminal: data clearly show that priority is given to the fall(stress marking), and that the fall is followed by an optional continuationrise. ln French, the continuation rise has higher priority than the fall. which isa usual tUe for a right word boundary inside the phrase. As a consequence ofthis, the fall is overridden by the continuation rise.

b) Both English and French tend to spow lengthening of word-final syl-lables. ln English. the acoustic correlates of word boundaries are only traœs:marking of word boundaries competes with lexical stress marking, and prior-ity is given to the latter. For example, the longest syUable in the word isgenerally the stressed syllable, despite a lengthening of the word-final syl-lable. ln French. the marking of word boundaries is DOt in competition withstress marking: the lengthening of final syllables is "reinforœd". The differ-entes between these two originally related languages may be considered ahistorically different choiœ of which feature to assign priority: stress orboundary .

Slight differences in priority may also explain dialectal differences. lnFrench, for example, bath right and left word boundaries tan be perœptuaUymarked. At a normal rate of conversation, however, it is DOt possible to putprominenœ on two successive syllables: the prominence assigned to onesyUable is achieved at the expense of the syllables immediately preceding andfollowing. ln dissyUabic words, native speakers of Southem French givemore perœptual prominence to the word ending, while Parisian speakerstend to give almost equal weight to the two syllables. Some speakers, particu-larly politicians and radio announœrs, tend more frequently to "stress" theword beginnings. ln words of more than two syllables, it is possible to con-trast the two extreme syllables relative to the intermediate syllable(s): thedialectal and individual differences are smaller.

~5

5.3 Prosodic Differences Among Languages 6S

S.3.3 Different Relationships Between F 0, Duration and Intensity

As was noted in the fust part of this contribution, intrinsic fundamentalfrequency, duration and intensity of individual sounds reflect the nature ofthe speech mechanism in general, and the same intrinsic tendencies seem toexist across languages [Chen, 1970; House and Fairbanks, 1953; Delattre,1962]; ceteris paribus, for example, higher vowels tend to be uttered with ahigher fundamentaI frequency. Extrinsic variations, which are not due tosegment identity, but rather to lexical stress position, accent pattern, orsyntactic boundary position, show correlations between the three parameterswhich may be more or less intima te. ln English, the syllables which bear pitchmovements (the stressed syllables) are also usuaUy more intense and longer.ln French, the last syllable, which cames a variety of Fo contours, is also thelongest syllable in the word; it is Dot clear whether it is more intense, particu-larly in level or falling Fo contours. ln that language speakers tend to give amore equal intensity to sequences of sounds than do speakers of English. Thethree suprasegmentaI parameters seem to be less systematically correlated inFrench than in English. ln bath languages, a longer duration characterizesthe syIlables carrying pitch movements. But again, such a correlationbetween Fo change and duration may Dot hold equaUy for aU other languages.It has been shown that in Japanese, accent placement bas a sm aller effectupon segment duration than it does in English [Hirose et al.. 1978; Mitsuyaand Sugito, 1978].

It is difficult to evaluate the mutual influence of suprasegmental andsegmentai aspects of one language. Rising fundamental frequency with asuprasegmental origin, for example, is mainJy achieved by a tensing of thevocal folds. But the tense consonants, tao, are uttered with more tense vocalfolds than the lu consonants. An upward change of pitch seems to befavored by the presence of a tense consonant, in comparison with otherenVÎrooments, e.g. lu consonants or vowels. ln French, the Fo maximumalter the word-initial rise is located on the word-initial syllable if the wordbegins with a voiceless consonant; but it may be delayed to the secondsyllable if the word-initial phoneme is a vowel or voiced consonant; i.e. theposition of the tuming point in the Fo curve is determined by a combinationof suprasegmental and segmentaI features. ln English, a Fo rise (stress-mark-ing rise) results in aspiration of tense consonants beginning the syllable onwhich it is realized. Both phenomena, rising fundamental frequency andaspiration, correspond to a tensing of the vocal cords, and they are generallyconcomitant in this language. ln French, by contrast, a Fo rise in the onset ofa word may or may not be acoompanied by aspiration, depending on whetheror Dot the speaker wants to put emphasis on that word.

Suprasegmental aspects of each syllable affect the segmentaI characteris-tics of the nucleus. Delattre's comparative study of vowel reductionphenomena in French, English, German and Spanish [Delattre, 1963] illus-trates important cross-linguistic differences.

86

66 5. Language-Independeot Prosodie Futures

It is possible that the specific interrelations betWeen the three supraseg-mental features (Fo, dotation and intensity), and the relation between seg-mentai and suprasegmental aspects, rather than each feature taken individu-ally, are the most salient characteristics differentiating between languages,dialects, and individual ways of speaking. If this is true, most of the existingdescriptions of prosodic systems (including our own work on French) areincomplete, sinœ they describe only one parameter at a tilDe. Compensatoryeffects between the three parameters bave occasionally been notiœd. Wehave leamed from our experiments on automatic speech recognition thatwith some speakers, the longer duration of final syllables is a reliable cue forautomatic segmentation of speech into prosodic word-like units, wbile witb'other speakers, Fo variations are more efficiently used.

5.4 Conclusion

This contribution bas been based on the bypothesis tbat the suprasegmentalsimilarities between languages are most likely due to identical contraintsexercised by the production and perœptioD apparatus. Ils aim was to showbow a number of related and unrelated languages have tended to assign thesame primary functions to physiologically related phenomena: the neœssityof pausing for breatb while speaking is commonly used for grouping, thenatural tendency for Fo values to decline with rime serves to cbaracterizeneutral declarative sentenœs, and Fo movements corresponding to a tensingof the vocal folds (resetting of the baseline and local Fo rises) are associatedwith the notion of beginning, white faIls are associated with ending. We bavementioned examples of bow the natural, pbysiologica1ly conditioned tenden-cies are controUed in position and amplitude, suppressed, counteracted orsimulated to carry linguistic information whicb is similar in a number oflanguages: non-respiratory pauses serve as juncture phenomena, the lengthof pauses is adjusted according to the importanœ of the juncture, the rate ofFo declination is adapted to the lengtb of the sentence, the tendency todecline and to end speaking with a Fo faIl are counteracted to provide acontrast between declarative and interrogative modes, and so on.

On the otber band, considerable cross-linguistic differences exist. Webave proposed tbree basic sources of these: different timing of essentiallycomparable phenomena, different orders of priority for the realization ofcomparable conflicts between prosodic pbenomena, and different relation-sbips between or different mutual effects of Fo, duration and intensity.

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A!f'~

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