THELAHBDAALPHA

JOURNALOF'

Volume 1, Number 1January 1969

Wichita state UniversityWichita, Kansas

The Alpha chapter of Lambda Alpha (anthropological honorary

society) was established at Wichita State University in March 1968 with

a charter membership of twenty-nine honor students and faculty. Since

that time two other chapters have been established at Ball State

University and at Alliance College. Other schools are in the process of

developing chapters. The society publishes a newsletter and this

semi-annual journal. The articles published in the journal are authored

by students and faculty who are members of Lambda Alpha chapters.

In this issue of the journal we have included information which

will be of assistance to those who wish to establish a Lambda Alpha

chapter on their campus.

Lowell D. Holmes

Executive Secretary and

Editor for this issue

CONTENTS

Dedication 1

Lambda Alpha Certificate of membership 2 Constitution of Wichita State University Lambda Alpha Chapter

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Chapter Establishment Qualifications 6 Anthropology, the Equitable Approach? by Edward L. Greenamyre 8 Civilization vs. Urbanism by B.K. Swartz, Jr. 24

The authors 28

Master’s thesis since 1963 29

This issue of the Lambda Alpha Journal of Man is dedicated to the memory of Dr. and Mrs. Marvin Munsell who passed away as a result of an automobile accident in September of 1967. Dr. Munsell was a graduate of the University of Oregon and an assistant professor in the Department of Anthropology at Wichita State University from 1965 to 1967. His wife, Judith, was a graduate of Wichita State Univer-sity, having received the baccalaureate degree (magna cum laude) in June 1967. She served as secretary for the Anthropology Department. We feel that it is fitting that the first issue of this scholarly journal be dedicated to these people who had so greatly inspired students in achieving academic excellence. Dr. Munsell served as ad-visor to the Anthropology Club in addition to carrying on a rigorous schedule of teaching, research and pub1ication. The science of an-thropology and Wichita State University suffered a tremendous loss with the deaths of these two fine young scholars.

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Constitution of the Lambda Alpha

Alpha Chapter State of Kansas

Article I (Name) The name of this organization shall be the national

chapters of the Lambda Alpha, originated and established at Wichita State University.

Article II (Purpose)

The purpose of this fraternity shall be to encourage scholarship and research in anthropology, by recognizing and honoring superior achievement in this field by students at this university.  

  Article III (Membership)Section 1.   Membership in this fraternity shall be restricted to

those students, who fulfill the following requirements:  

a.   Undergraduates must have been enrolled at this university for at least one semester prior to election to membership and be currently enrolled at this university. Graduate students may become members during their first semester of enrollment.  

b.  Undergraduates who have completed not less than twelve (12) semester hours of academic work in the Department of Anthropology at this university.  

c. Students of the upper 35°/ of anthropology undergraduates or a 3.25 grade point index as a Graduate student.  

Section 2.   

Faculty members in the Department of Anthropology who are not already members of Lambda Alpha may be invited to become Honorary Members by a majority vote of the members present at a regular business meeting.  

Section 3.   

New members shall be elected at business meetingsheld the first Monday in October and the first Monday in February of each year.

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 Section 4.   

New members shall be initiated at special functions held in their honor during the first and second semesters.  

 

Article IV (Officers)

Section 1.   The officers of this fraternity shall consist of a president, a vice-president, a secretary treasurer.

Section 2.  The officers shall be elected by a majority vote ofthe members present at the spring function.  

Section 3.  The President shall preside at meetings and assume executive responsibility for all business of the chapter. The president shall conduct the initiation of new members.

Section 4.  The vice-president shall preside in the absence of the president and shall succeed to the presidency should the president be unable to serve. 

Section 5.  The secretary-treasurer treasurer shall maintain full and complete records as follows:  

  Minutes of all meetings New members initiated All moneys received All moneys expended  

  The secretary treasurer shall receive and account for all dues and initiation fees, and upon authorization of the president, pay all legitimate bills. The secretary treasurer shall also be responsible for transmitting to new members all appropriate insignia and awards.  

  Article V (Election to Membership)  

Section 1.  At the beginning of each semester the president shall ascertain from the faculty sponsor which students are eligible for membership.  

Section 2.  The president shall then call a business meeting of the active members and present, for election, the names of all persons found to be eligible.  

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Section 3.  Those elected to membership shall be extended an invitation to become members and to attend the initiation function.  

Section 4.  New members will be formally initiated at the semi-annual functions.  

Section 5.  Upon initiation and the payment of initiation fees, neophytes shall be recognized as active members.  

    

  Article VI (Dues and Initiation Fees) Section 1. Initiation fee shall be as specified by the National

Chapters of Lambda Alpha and payable prior to initiation. This initiation fee entitles the member to life membership in the National Fraternity of Lambda Alpha. The initiation fee also entitles the member to receive quarterly issues of the official publication of the fraternity for a period of two years. Thereafter, the quarterly may be obtained directly by payment of the regular subscription rate.  

Section 2.  Local chapter dues shall be $1.00 per semester for each active and honorary member payable at the business meetings in October and February.  

Section 3.  The lifetime membership fee is $10.00. The Logas Anthropon Newsletter & Journal fee is $1.00.

    

   Article VII (Meetings)

 Section 1.  Regular meetings shall consist of a business meeting

in October, an initiation function in November, a business meeting in February, and the Initiation function in April.  

Section 2.  The president with the advice of the other officials shall fix the time and place of all meetings.  

     

  Article VIII (Publications)  

Section 1.  The Logas Anthropon Newsletter & Journal shall at this

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time and all times future reserve 50 per cent of the space available for publication of student articles and papers.    

Section 2.  All such articles and papers shall be subject to review by the Academic advisor of each chapter.  

Section 3.  Faculty articles and papers shall be subject to review by the editor of the Newsletter  

    

  Article IX (Amendments)  

Section 3.  The National Constitution may be amended by a vote of 75 per cent of the members at a regular business meeting, provided the proposed amendment has been read at the last previous business meeting.

Section 3.  No chapter may amend the constitution, but amendments may be submitted to the National for action of amendment to the constitution.  

 

                              LAMBDA ALPHA Chapter Establishment Qualifications

The following is a simple list of conditions that must be

fulfilled for chapter membership:

MEMBERSHIP: The upper 35% of the Anthropology majors which may be interpreted as a 2.5 overall (based on a 4.00 scale) and a 3.00 in Anthropology. Anthropology undergraduates must have completed 12 hours in Anthropology. Graduate students must be in good departmental standing with a 3.25 overall. ORGANIZATION: Your local chapter shall have a duly elected President, Vice-President, and Secretary-Treasurer. The organization may have any number of members as long as they meet the above stated academic standards. A list of members and their qualifications along with the chapter establishment fee of $25.00 must be submitted prior to chartering your chapter. With the $25.00 establishment fee, your chapter receives the certificates of membership (these are fully printed), the charter, and a basic stationery kit.

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Individual membership fees are $13.00 for the first year; $10.00 of which is a life-time membership fee, $2.00 annual chapter dues, and $1.00 for the Journal. Five dollars of the life-time membership fee will be rebate to the national organization headquarters and the $1.00 Journal dues will also rebate. The balance of the funds collected is for the establishment of your treasury. Should future financial problems arise, you may call upon the national treasury for economic assistance.

PUBLICATIONS: The Lambda Alpha newsletter shall be published quarterly. The dates are not known at the present but our first issue was published in May. Our once annual M.A.N. Journal of the Lambda Alpha shall appear in November of each year. Fifty per cent of the total space of this Journal is reserved for student publication, the remaining 50% is for faculty publications. Once your chapter has been organized, please encourage your students and faculty to submit papers for our November publication.

KEYS AND PINS: Keys and pins will be available by the end of September. The cost will be between $7.50 and $12.00. The pin or key will be one inch in length and available in 10 carat white or yellow-gold filled. Included in this is a drawing of the key. ADDITIONAL ORGANIZATION REQUIREMENTS: Your school must offer a degree in Anthropology or a combined degree in Anthropology Sociology. We want a list of your faculty, their qualifications and a list of their professional publications. We also want a listing of your courses offered in Anthropology. Does your department offer a n M.A. or a Ph.D. in Anthropology? Please list the total number of majors declared in Anthropology, separated into graduate and undergraduate. Do you at the present time have an active Anthropology Club? If so, what is the number of members participating? Do you pledge to initiate only those members who fulfill all the academic qualifications of this organization? The listing of declared majors in your department is to be reviewed by your Lambda Alpha representative at the beginning of each semester to find new eligible members and invite them to join.

Once your organization has been accepted for charter as an active chapter of Lambda Alpha, dues must be paid to the national organization within 15 days of the founding of your chapter. As to all future materials, such as stationery, these will be supplied to you at cost plus postage. All future certificates of membership will be supplied at no charge, fully printed. Once the chapter has been established on its twice yearly review of new student members, dues must be paid no later than October 15 and February 15.

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ANTHROPOLOGY the Equitable Approach?

By

Edward L.Greenamyre

The complaint is often voiced that when the layman hears the term "anthropology," he thinks only of the activities of the archaeologist. It is quite possible that even this unhappy viewpoint may be overly optimistic. Based on personal observation, it would appear that when one identifies himself to a member of society at large as an anthropologist, he often receives a response indicating that the person being addressed has not the remotest idea of what this involves. The announcement may well be met by a reaction which includes a murmured generalization indicating that the sound of the term has generated a certain amount of awe, a failure of the individual to meet the eyes of the informer directly, and then an awkward silence followed by indications of relief as the conversation turns to other and more familiar subjects. The reaction can be similar to the one received when a person has never heard of your home town or the university you attended, but doesn't want to embarrass either you or himself by saying so.

If this is not an overstatement, and if there is, in fact, a widespread lack of familiarity with the discipline, it is then appropriate to ponder why such a state of affairs exists. The fields of medicine, electronics, and physics, among others, have a core of arcane and highly specialized knowledge, but this has not kept the public from a general awareness of what they encompass.

One valid answer to our question is that anthropology has been a subject rarely encountered below the university level. Not only has the subject itself been absent, but also, until very recently, most information of the type anthropologists develop has also been missing. There is increasing evidence to indicate a belated recognition that teaching minority groups in urban society’s details of their ethnic and cultural inheritance is both important and necessary. Moreover, the historical accomplishments of such groups generally reach a high enough level that their revelation also furnishes enlightenment to those with a less than favorable attitude toward the particular peoples involved.

Another factor to be taken into account is the obvious 1ack of apparent evidence of the anthropologist's handiwork surrounding the average citizen. While hedge trimmers, decongestants, and the 1ike serve as constant reminders that other specialists are at work, few such monuments to the anthropologist exist in everyday life.

So far we have touched upon issues over which it may be legitimately said that the anthropologist has little control. Are there, however, contributing factors at work which have been encouraged, either

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deliberately or inadvertently, by the anthropologists themselves? There appears to be an aversion to "becoming involved" among numerous members of the discipline. The keystone of this attitude is the concept that involvement undermines objectivity. While such a position can be viewed as an admirable attempt to avoid intellectual contamination, it can also furnish a convenient excuse for circumventing the criticism which accompanies error. If one does not become a part of the dynamic issues of the day, he is quite safe from the problems that arise when contributions misfire or concepts founder in practice.

The wary eye for the critic is an understandable part of the anthropological personality. Even within the limited framework in which many anthropologists would like to operate, there is enough criticism to make one marvel at the resilience of both the discipline and its members. Much of it develops from the scope of the field itself. A respected Protestant minister, for example, would not normally suffer a decline in esteem if he were unfamiliar with the innermost facets of Brahmanism. The student or informed layman, however, often expects the anthropologist to field questions on such subjects as a matter of routine. The victim must then harken back to a remote graduate seminar on Religions of the World and hope that memory doesn't fail him. Any mistaken pronouncement or admission of ignorance will be taken as an indication that the individual who made it is not at the proper skill level. In addition to religion, the areas of human and nonhuman physical characteristics, evolution, animal behavior, prehistory, linguistics, psychology, and human cultural development are all subjects upon which the anthropologist i s expected to furnish instant erudition. If he points out that his field of interest is divorced from a particular area of inquiry, he often fails to experience the relief from suspicion that other specialists enjoy. Such pressures make it understandable that the anthropologist does not always seek the spotlight, though they have the favorable side effect of furnishing incentives to preserve a high level of general competence.

Even more devastating than the external chiding is the intensity of abuse to which the anthropologist is subjected within his own discipline. It is altogether proper that any scholar operating at either the theoretical or applied level should expect his ideas or actions to receive the careful scrutiny of his peers. The thoughtful individual anticipates and, ideally, welcomes such criticism, finding in it the opportunity to test and reevaluate the validity of his concepts. It is probably also true that anyone whose work exhibits a sufficiently sparse degree of quality should expect to be dealt with rather harshly. It must be noted, however, that such criticism can, and in anthropology often does, reach a level of intensity which adds little to scholarship. Kroeber's (1947) dignified critique of Bacon's (1946) redefinition and discussion of Asian culture areas, for example, contrasts most favorably with other approaches currently in vogue. One often gets the impression that, not only is the critic questioning the concepts of a particular individual, but the

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legitimacy of his kinship ties and his mental health as well. Recently, this writer was directed to evaluate a theoretical treatise on religion which had been translated from the original German. It was found, after reading the work, that some concepts were agreeable, while others induced certain reservations. The scholarly level of the book, however, was both high and constant throughout. In order to get the reactions of others, a contemporary anthropological journal was consulted which features critiques of individual published works by a number of anthropologists, with the author then being given the opportunity to reply. The attempt to profit from the criticism was so lacking in value that it was abandoned. Aside from their vitriolic nature, many of the reviews conflicted to such an extent that a constant check had to be made to insure that no pages had been skipped which would result in one reading about an entirely different book. The content of the critiques could not be relied upon to rule out this possibility. The tone of many offerings was so uncompromising and authoritarian that one felt the particular reviewer would have sent his original copy down from Mount Sinai on stone tablets if the opportunity had presented itself. Replies by the author to the various remarks indicated that he was often as puzzled about the nature of particular points in contention as was this reader.

Steady academic emphasis on the personal bibliography undoubtedly fosters, as a by-product, the publication of ideas which merited additional formulation by the authors, or articles which are something less than definitive. Understandably, these offerings seldom receive favorable attention. It is also true that fame does not necessarily equate with capability any more than relative obscurity rules against it. It would seem, however, that scholarly ethics apply to critic as well as theoretician, and that the requirement for a competent and calm approach should weigh heavily on both.

Some anthropological critics lose little of their zeal when they leave the current scene and judge prominent figures of the past. Their task is made immeasurably easier by dealing with such individuals as contemporaries, a n application of the "ethnographic present" which is often difficult to understand. The racial ideas of nineteenth century anthropologists, such as Tylor and Morgan, are not in harmony with the concepts of today. The interpretation of their views runs into some semantic difficulty with regard to their use of such words as "race" and "inferior," and the consistency with which these terms were applied. Nevertheless, it appears obvious that they were in error when viewed from mid-twentieth century perspectives, and such errors should be duly noted. It is also equally obvious that they were more enlightened than most others of the period, and were probing for different factors which might explain cultural advancement. Thus, one wonders if there is much value at this time in applying to such individuals the term "racist," with all of its current malevolent overtones, and then holding forth on the matter through a number of pages in order to insure that the label sticks. If certain recent publications are taken into account, it would appear that some anthropologists tend to think so.

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Another pattern often observable in criticism is the tendency to take an observation to the outer 1imit is of applicability, limits for which it may not have been intended, and then to attack it from that "all-or-nothing" position. While Wissler's application of the culture area concept (1914; 1938:447-505), for example, Js far from a totally accurate and effective tool for the explanation of culture development, it is not without methodological value, and many aspects of it would not seem to deserve the "overkill," in the form of Volkswagens and soft drink bottles, that has been rained down by critics who insist upon dealing with Wissler's ideas as if they had been applied in a modern technological context.

Such attitudes become even more suspect when they are based upon the interpretations of others concerning individuals or points under consideration. Bohannan (1963:322) notes the latter tendency in the treatment accorded the ideas of Levy-Bruht, for whom this writer feels a certain affection as one who has been formulated into a left-handed anthropological equivalent of Maxwell's Demon (Ehrenberg 1967:103-10). Levy-Bruhl noted that primitives had no inherent incapacity with regard to reason and rational reflection (1966:-29-30). This general capability, he felt, was warped by ideas based on sensory perception and group concepts rooted in mysticism (431-32).. While this position is not as inherently evil as most interpretations have suggested, it is subject to serious challenge from a modern and more .informed viewpoint. It can be noted in passing, however, that many contemporary concepts which deal with the culturally defined "value," the possibly quite reasonable basis of which is either glossed over or disregarded, and the idea of limitless human plasticity, suggest a closer parallel with Levy-Bruhl than the authors might like to admit. This writer had a similar personal experience with the writings of Melville Herskovits. In the early part of his training he formed a strong negative reaction to the cultural relativism doctrine, based almost entirely on the criticisms leveled against it by dissenters of high stature within the discipline. Belatedly, he got around to reading the ideas of Herskovits for himself. What he found was a point of view which, in general, suggests objective study of cultural groups and mutual respect between peoples, questions the desirability of imposing alien cultural systems, and notes that the rights of the individual within the society to be disruptive to the majority must be limited in the interests of social safety (1955:348-66). one does not have to accept the entire doctrine or overlook the occasionally blurred line between morals and methodology in order to realize that tolerance for the police state and Nazism is no more implicit in it than is total cultural isolation, both of which have been suggested. It is primarily an argument against the application of preconceived ideas by an outside observer and, while it may be subject to dispute, it is mainly by overextension of reasonably, mild initial contentions that one can develop something about which to become truly incensed.

One of the central problems in formulating theory is that the individual is often attempting to develop laws relating to broad areas of human activity or interest, generally in the proverbial "twenty

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five words or less." Two stumbling blocks arise in this undertaking. One is the attempt to isolate all needed facts bearing on the subject. This obviously depends on the state of the art relating to the particular problem involved. A n historical interdisciplinary examination of theoretical activity reveals that knowledge gaps consistently are present which one has to bypass, assuming he even knows they exist. The result, almost inevitable in wide scale undertakings, is that theory has to be modified, or perhaps even discarded, as more evidence is uncovered, even though it may have had useful applicability at previous levels of analysis. Ptolmey's concept of the earth centered universe was overhauled by Copernicus to give the sun a central position around which rotating planets moved in a circular pattern, and was further modified by Kepler and others to allow for elliptical planetary orbits (Gillispie 1960:16-53). Newton's "dated" corpuscular theory of 1ight was replaced in the nineteenth century by the wave concept, only to be given new validity, by quantum and relativity investigations (Darrow 1952:48-50). In anthropology, concepts of cultural evolution, diffusionism, and various forms of determinism have undergone steady revision as new data became available.

The second stumbling block is the way in which phenomena and events tend to defy the simplistic explanation despite a general scientific predisposition to think in terms of basic or central principles. This is especially true in the broad areas of human endeavor dealt with by the anthropologist. When one attempts to develop ideas which deal with even the known contingencies, he is eventually confronted by data indicating that somewhere, in some group, "things aren't done that way." The anthropologist's vast fund of knowledge concerning exceptions to the rule has often made him the bane of his academic fellows, especially other members of interdisciplinary teams (Luszki 1958:54-9).

Theory, then, is as hard to come by as it is necessary. While the explanations themselves, as originally formulated, have often tended to be temporary or threshold positions, the paper upon which they are written is uncomfortably permanent, and does not disappear along with the validity of the particular concept. As the individual bibliography mounts, the inconsistency element is also introduced. With this comes the opportunity for the diligent critic to find isolated sentences here and there which can be used as justification for the claim that the particular person was contradictory in his approach.

Some members of the field handle these problems by avoiding the arena. They speak o€ anthropology as a "young" discipline, implying that it is too early for generalizations. While one can scarcely fault Boas for such a n attitude under then existing circumstances, the position becomes more tenuous as vast amounts of unknown, unassimilated, and forgotten data continue to pile up from fieldwork experiences.

Another outcome of the currently existing situation is that anthropologists have become among the most skit-led of academic

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counterpunchers. Presumably aware that few avenues of graceful retreat are available once they have committed themselves to a position, many become adept reinterpreters of the "exception" data accumulated by their brother investigators. Then the unfortunate polarizing can take place in which the critic contends that the exception invalidates an entire idea, while the theorist undertakes to hammer each point into his conceptual mold. Differences in the relative polemic skills of the individuals involved can cause an essentially sound idea to be obscured or, conversely, a questionable one either to take hold or to exist beyond its utilitarian life span.

Clearly refuting the attitudes of those who belabor the "young discipline" approach has been the increasing need for specialization in the anthropological subdivisions, with the concomitant requirement for a certain amount of neglect by the individual of subjects outside his area of interest. The benefits of this condition are apparent in that concentration on the smaller area affords opportunities for a more rapid accumulation of knowledge relating to it. However, it has equally obvious debilitating side effects. It promotes the human tendency for one to view his own area as the only one which really matters. The specialist may then dismiss or be unaware of work in other sub disciplines that has a bearing on his own research. The situation also gives rise to capsule comments of summation for the various branches of anthropological study. This becomes dangerous when one notes that current students develop many of their attitudes from an increasing amount of commentary and written synopses by others, rather than on their own contact with original material. Considering the amount of data at hand, this is unavoidable, but the problems involved are clear. It is also questionable if any anthropological specialty has, at this time, developed answers which are so totally valid and highly definitive that they completely undermine the value of other current avenues of investigation, though such a statement will undoubtedly evoke unfavorable reactions from those who have given total commitment to particular areas of inquiry or developmental schemes. One may hear that the search for origins, which can be a relative undertaking, is a waste of time due to the impossibility of finding initial incidence. An investigator of historical bent might then react by saying that such an attitude is typical of the social anthropologist who looks at everything with a synchronic myopia, the erroneous implication being that all social anthropologists retain a lack of appreciation for anything outside the "in-being" situation, or that the synchronic approach is consistently without value.

The area of psychological anthropology has received its full measure of criticism from other members of the profession. Much of it is based on the opinion that those involved are doing something that members of other disciplines can do better, a comment that could be applied to most branches of anthropology if the field is reduced to small enough segments and the inherent synthesizing function is ignored. A, great deal of attention in psycho logical anthropology is given to culturally defined patterns of child rearing. Part of the feeling against this specialty is engendered by the suspicion that attempts

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are made to explain too much of the adult personality in terms of early childhood experiences. It is also questioned whether people conform to cultural patterns because of a strongly conditioned psychological orientation toward local standards of behavioral propriety, or because, in a homogeneous group, it may be the "only game in town." Thus, practical as well as psychological discomfort can accompany pronounced deviance. Those taking a position at either extreme would seem to oversimplify an essentially complex area of inquiry. The psychological anthropologist has also been criticized for a tendency to use borrowed or dated concepts and culture bound testing tools.

The psychological investigators are beset by severe and not easily soluble methodological problems. The isolated human mind is a difficult instrument with which to deal. When one attempts to establish generalizations concerning the behavior of a large group, one which contains wide ranges of individual variability, the undertaking becomes infinitely more complicated. It is much easier to criticize the culture-bound nature of testing devices, an observation that is not exactly a bulletin to many psychological anthropologists, than it is to devise testing procedures free from cultural influences. Those involved in culture and personality studies do not present as united a front as some might suppose, and there is enough internal debate to insure that the methodological pot will continue to boil (See Cohen 1966).

The most significant fact promoting longevity for, the psychological anthropologist is that one can scarcely divorce the human mind, perhaps individually and certainly collectively, from the development of culture. This remains true despite what one may think of a particular culture and personality approach. Even those who voice highly critical opinions of the area often, themselves, analyze cultural tendencies and reactions in psychological terms. Perhaps many critics have hoped for more from this field than the members have been able to produce. Spiro (1961) has pointed out the inadvisability of becoming overly oriented toward factors which develop the individual personality, and has suggested increased emphasis on psychological mechanisms related to cultural system maintenance and to the social change process. Researchers such as Aber le (1963, 1967) and Gardner (1966) have given effective examples of how informative studies can be when psychological factors are integrated into cultural analyses.

Similar prejudices to the ones noted above have existed with regard to those from many branches of anthropology working in cross-cultural investigations of the type reflected in the Human Relations Area Files studies. While part of this may be a reaction to what might be termed "cybernetic" anthropology, a more basic evaluative error seems to be the tendency to confuse methodology with machinery. One then feels that because the computer is a modern and complex instrument, those using the instrument will possess an equal level of sophistication in their initial efforts. Just as this has not been true in other anthropological areas, it is not accurate when applied to the

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statistical approach either. Identification of significant areas to which a method can be applied, evaluation of information for both appropriateness and quality, and discovery of unknown built-in hazards are problems which face all anthropologists, and ones from which none have escaped unscarred. There are, however, problems peculiar to the field, such as the difficulties involved in transferring abstract and variable attitudes into discrete marks on a punch card or statistical chart, and the obstacles encountered when moving from the gross category to detailed specifics. Articles by Ford (1967) and Moore (1961) again point out that those involved with the area are clearly aware of the hazards and the continuous need for refinement of techniques. Swanson, in his work on primitive religion (1964:1 79-82 ), openly acknowledges the possibility of misinterpretation and the failure of many groups to fit into designated categories, indicating that qualitative improvement in all phases of the approach must receive continuing emphasis. Such candor is unusual and refreshing in any anthropological area, and is especially impressive in those of a statistical orientation, who are much maligned for a supposed blind allegiance to figures.

Responsibility for many of the errors in some surveys has to be shouldered to some degree by traditional ethnographers upon whose data the particular investigator may have relied. Individual misunderstanding of cultural characteristics, even if minor, can assume significant proportions in an analysis encompassing a large number of groups. Also, such conventional studies often show that excessive selectivity and oversimplification of information are not lapses confined to the statistical researcher alone. It would appear that, despite possible limitations in application, the statistical method is a valuable cross-cultural tool that can be applied to a wide range of problems in which the scope of the inquiry and the fund of information available renders individual assimilation of data either impractical or impossible.

Linguistics is another anthropological sub discipline in which strong feelings can be evoked. Since inception it has been a difficult area with which to come to grips. From a structural aspect the increments and symbolism are as complicated as the social anthropologist's kinship chart is wearying. Attempts to find an "easy read" print-out of the Sapir-Whorf hypothesis bear little fruit. Thus, linguistics contains many features which might inspire one to avoid it if possible, and to “entertain the perverse hope that it is a blind alley. One hears comments of veiled optimism from nonpractitioners stating that perhaps glottochronology isn't working out too well. They may also note that Sapir's remarks concerning the "tyrannical hold" language has on orientation (1931:578) do not seem totally applicable, and that the less theoretically disturbing ideas regarding general expandability of all languages to encompass any concept (Boas 1964:19) may hold sway.

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It seems certain, however, that linguistics will remain too scientifically valid an area of inquiry to be ignored by other branches of anthropology. Its intrinsic value and applicability to other sub disciplines can be seen from the example of the language situation in Nigeria, as reflected in the fieldwork documentation of Wolff (1959). The possibility is suggested that intergroup linguistic communication becomes involved with prestige, status, and self view in such a way that ability to learn certain new languages, even when closely related to the individual’s mother tongue, can be blocked, perhaps below the conscious level. Linguistic problems, the answers to which would be of great assistance to anthropologists, are varied. Works by Conklin, (1955), Good enough (1957 ), and others reflect increasing evidence of the correlation between language and culture, as well as the importance of putting appropriate linguistic information in terms that do not require the background of the specialist for understanding.

Applied anthropology, this writer's primary field of interest, is also capable of invoking mild discomfiture among certain members of the discipline, though feelings probably run no higher than those inspired in the Sioux by a cavalry uniform. Exposure to such attitudes is not necessarily pleasant, but conservative positions on this subject can be well understood. If one makes the assumption that there are certain regularities relating to culture and behavior which induce a factor of predictability, he must still, in honesty, admit that many of them remain mysterious. It must also be acknowledged that courses of action in change projects, once chosen, can have repercussions unforeseen by the most thoughtful of planners. Further, it is a valid observation that mistakes are made and that, in spite of numerous lists of rules to follow, none guarantee future protection from error. In fact, it is a likely prospect. Then there is the possibility that if applied endeavor is encouraged, anthropology might develop an overzealous and misguided arm which could, by activity and error, lower the stature of the discipline. This attitude cannot be dismissed as simple stodginess, as the forgotten sage who noted that "ignorance in action is terrifying," voiced one of the world's great truths. In view of such formidable obstacles, it seems proper to question the soundness of any idea relating to the increased development of applied anthropology.

It was fashionable and probably even justifiable at one time, to question the right of the anthropologist, or anyone else, to "interfere" in the lives of peoples in other cultural settings. It was noted that even the most primitive groups had generally worked out an accommodation with their environment and, as they understood it, lived full lives. While the overt humanitarian may have recoiled from the deprivation present in terms of his own cultural conditioning, the anthropologist was aware of the relativity factor which could allow the scientifically limited aborigine to live thirty-five rich and meaningful years, while his more "fortunate" would-be benefactors represented cultures in which individuals could spend seventy empty ones. The anthropologist also realized that one would have to possess

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a peculiar perspective indeed to believe that aboriginal peoples had elicited a profit from contacts with outsiders.

While this "hands-off" attitude may have been appropriate at one time, it no longer seems applicable today. It must be obvious by now that primitive and traditional cultures are not destined to be allowed to exist free from outside interference, the government official, military man, or technician is everywhere. Whether by direct intervention of governments, or by the indirect influence of a processing plant built on a nearby island, traditional groups are consistently swept into culture change situations in which relatively little attention is given to their welfare. It seems accurate to assume that the anthropologist, by virtue of his interests and training, is generally more capable of helping these people adjust to and profit from such situations than government, business, or military representatives. Neither lack of perfection nor the total ability to insure acceptance of his advice by either outside or host groups should be a valid excuse for ignoring the existing situation. It must also be noted that the anthropologist is often full of retrospective ideas, and quite loudly and comfortably takes the official or technician to task after mistakes have been made. If such strong feelings exist, then interest in helping to avert the errors he criticizes should seemingly be present in equal measure.

If the disinclination by outsiders to leave primitives alone is accepted, and if the anthropologist can furnish assistance to those groups adversely affected by such contacts, it is interesting to ponder a moral issue other than the right of anyone, even with altruistic motives, to "bother the natives.'"' This is the issue raised when one wonders how long ago the irreversible trend of encroachment by aliens into traditional areas was, or should have been, apparent to members of the discipline. It is possible that their applied interests should have developed even earlier and more strongly. The anthropologist has gotten a lot of mileage out of primitive and traditional peoples. He has generally been well received by such groups, and has often been treated as an honored guest. This is all the more significant when one takes cognizance of the annoying nature of his constantly probing activities. He comes away from his field work with enlightenment for himself and his fellows, the acquired aura of the specialist, and a vast potential publication list. When groups of the type from which the anthropologist has profited so much are in a position to use-assistance from the application of the knowledge gained at their expense, perhaps there i s some type of obligation present, one which will not destroy the intellectual objectivity required for effective study. It also seems assured that such experiences are a valuable source of data for colleagues in other areas.

Applied endeavors often require the anthropologist to operate within the framework of a larger organization, many of whose members are motivated by purposes and concerns other than

17

his own. This is a circumstance he tends to find undesirable. Anthropologists were long a part of British and Dutch colonial administrations (Linton 1945:15). This was probably a factor motivating the idea that the anthropologist should not be involved in the administrative decision-making process, thus avoiding responsibility for the uses to which his information is put, though such avoidance has been justified on the grounds that communication with officials is a hopeless task and policy involvement undermines scholarship (Evans-Pritchard 1964:119-20). Barnett (1956:72-35), however, has clearly pointed out that professional ethics do not permit such an easy escape from moral consequences.

The above discussion must not be taken to imply that anthropology should become totally applied in nature. The problems with which it deals are too broad. Extensive and full-time pursuit of theory and pressure-free investigation by a large segment of the discipline is necessary in order to prevent erosion of the professional foundation and to insure that the anthropologist does not become an academic "fossil man," using ;dated concepts and narrow-scope techniques resulting from an r extended activi Neither- does it mean that applied anthropologists should become the "mechanics" of the field. Green (1961:9), based on experiences with culture change programs in Pakistan, has graphically illustrated how any specialist whose talent rests solely at the practical level will eventually find his capabilities outstripped by the requirements of an effective assistance effort.

The archaeologist, the best known of cultural anthropologists, remains in many ways a mysterious member of the group of his colleagues. Part of the mystery results from the highly specialized nature of his work. Candor would compel many anthropologists to admit that one hand axe or potsherd looks much like another to them. Then, too, while the discovery of an artifact after hours of labor requiring the endurance of a sandhog and the delicacy of an artist can be most rewarding to those at the scene, the event often loses much in the retelling. Through no fault of the archaeologist, the basic notes of the ethnographer just happen to make better reading than the average site report.

Like the rest of the anthropological fraternity, the archaeologists have not remained untouched by criticism. Some of it, such as that by Taylor (1943), himself a practitioner, takes them to task for past inclinations to become lost i n. typol ogy and method while failing to use their findings to formulate significant theory concerning cultural development. The limited capability of the archaeologist to speculate about prehistoric child rearing techniques and inheritance patterns is obvious, but recent publications by Gabel (1967) and Willey (1966) indicate that many contemporary archaeologists have increasingly fulfilled their speculative obligations within the limits imposed by the data at their disposal.

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The archaeologist has things other than theory from which his anthropological brethren can profit. One is his emphasis on precision. Another is his enthusiasm for field work, which generally seems to stay at a higher and more sustained level throughout his career than in any other branch of anthropology. While undoubted contributing factors are his tendency to work with a group and his less intimate involvement with social interaction problems, much of his zeal obviously comes from the feeling that what he is doing is both enjoyable and important. While ethnologists may also share this attitude, it often appears that many look upon field work as a chore which, fortunately, does not have to be repeated too often.

There is much evidence to support the contention that anthropologists, in spite of themselves, feel they are slated for bigger things. There is the strong emphasis on the Ph.D. degree as a requirement for necessary competence, a demand which seems more reasonable as one's involvement with the field increases. Though their road is made constantly more difficult by the increased academic commitment required, the exotic aspects of anthropology stilt tend to attract the dilettante. While much scholarly work has been done by dedicated individuals with, or pursuing, a Master's degree, there is still more last minute test preparation and weekend term papers at the lower graduate level than is comfortable to admit. The increasingly vast scope of the field causes even the diligent majority to arrive at the Master's plateau far more conscious of what they don't yet know than of what they have been able to learn.

Another favorable sign is the tendency of universities to realize that pressing students too rapidly toward specialization can produce individuals with severely restricted perspectives* This seems balanced by the growing awareness that a steady pace must be maintained to avoid a high percentage of "professional students." In the broad field of anthropology there is always another area to be investigated, another course to be taken, or another research project in which to become involved. Such incentive is laudable, but it is possible to reach a point at which the new information the student is receiving does not compensate for the seepage of aging and unapplied knowledge from his mind. When such a situation exists, it is perhaps the elders rather than the students who are primarily at fault. Under the pressures of course loads, publication, and administrative duties, guidance often appears to be the most expendable burden the professor carries and the one which will engender the least backlash through neglect. Thus, the counseling program can take on a studied fuzziness. Here again, one sees attempts to make this aspect of academia increasingly dynamic, though a totally satisfactory situation is still difficult to find.

Problem centered field work, an approach in wide practice today, seems to be another effective methodological development. It is especially fruitful when the field worker undertakes to develop data needed to fill in current gaps or to answer specific questions, while not allowing himself the luxury of neglecting more conventional

19

ethnological information. One then has an expansion rather than a restriction of method.

In anthropology, as in other organized endeavors, an "establishment" exists and one of its duties is to serve as a focal point for dissatisfaction. It is sometimes heard that survival in this or that university depends upon unqualified acceptance by the student of a particular scheme of cultural development expounded by the department involved. Again, one is told that certain schools undermine a humanistic approach to anthropology, and that traces of it in a dissertation will result in certain rejection by the departments of such institutions. Cases are cited in which dissertations were rewritten by candidates simply to satisy committee requirements, resulting in material which the particular author held to be substandard or invalid, but which he submitted simply to conform and receive his degree. Such charges are not always leveled by young dissidents. To this writer's knowledge, at least one experienced and respected anthropologist, who had been on the staff of a major eastern university, left the field entirely and gave as the reason an increased lack of humanism and emphasis on conformity which rendered it ineffective for any work of future value. If such charges are true, they are not only lamentable but grim in a discipline in which individual perspective is both vital and, unavoidably, slowly formed on the basis of an assimilation of knowledge and experience,

That such institution as those described above exist is quite probably true. That they are present in large numbers is more questionable. Few departments 'have the budgets to marshal a squad of experts for each of the many sub disciplines and areas one finds in anthropology. Necessarily, certain phases of the subject are neglected by most schools. One often hears criticism of curriculum by graduate students, accompanied by suggestions that particular study areas be introduced or expanded. This process is sometimes difficult and generally depends on the approval of offices outside the department. Departmental personnel have often engineered the establishment of such courses, only to find themselves explaining at a later date why, in spite of previously expressed enthusiasm, just one or two students seemed able to work them into their schedules.

The writer has been fortunate in attending schools in which he was free, exercising reasonable decorum, to dispute ideas presented to him so long as he could back up his position with facts. It was primarily lack of this factual foundation that would bring reactions of pointed disapproval. I n this regard, it is also felt that "humanism" is a quality that can somehow get pushed out of shape and become something not altogether desirable. The doctrine is too often used by those who run out of verifiable data and retreat into the supposedly safe haven of vague humanistic generalities, only to find that they provoke a response other than the one desired. While feelings and intuition are an important part of anthropology, they are not the sole stuff of which any discipline is constituted. If anthropology does, as it should, make any humanistic contributions, they will have to be based

20

on solid evidence and not on generalized and unsubstantiated ideas concerning how things "should be."

The comments contained herein should not be taken to imply that anthropology is in an advanced state of dereliction and disarray. Such a claim would be invalidated by the number of competent professionals the field continues to develop. Neither should it be interpreted to suggest that anthropology should function as a giant interdisciplinary vacuum cleaner, drawing every area of study into its own bailiwick any more than it should continuously segment like some academic earthworm into small compartmentalized pieces which go their separate ways. The study of man is unwieldy by its very nature, and this condition will probably continue to be reflected in the structure of anthropology. There may well be a need for some pruning of the disciplinary tree. If anthropology does converge into a field of more limited scope, the movement will have to be a cautious one. Only by exhibiting great care can it avoid the constant vacillation of the past with regard to what is or is not important and meaningful.

A thoughtful approach to the subject requires a constant vigil to insure that excessive polarization is avoided. Overzealous and personalized criticism can be as damaging to the anthropological fabric as the passive acceptance of empty concepts, and promotes answers in kind. Commitment to a totally applied approach is as unhealthy as complete isolation in theory. The most discouraging aspect of such polarization is that it promotes an intellectual absenteeism in which excessive time is given to both self and area justification. Further, it is disquieting to hear overdrawn anthropological positions being voiced, often by those whom you suspect of less violent actual attitudes, and then later justified on the grounds that they counterbalanced ones of equal extremity in another direction, or were motivated by a dangerous drift of focus in others that was unacceptable to the speaker. Thus, scholarship takes on the appearance of jaded political negotiations in which initially extreme overstatements supposedly lead, in the final analysis, to some type of equity. Such attitudes clearly attack the spirit of anthropology and, one would hope, the letter of it as well.

REFERENCES CITED

ABERLE, DAVID F. 1963, Some Sources of Flexibility in Navaho

Social Organization. Southwestern Journal of Anthropology 19:1-8. 1967, The Psychosocial Analysis of a Hopi Life History. Personalities and Cultures, ed. By Robert Hunt (79-138). Garden City, N.Y.: Natural History Press.

BACON, ELIZABETH 1946, A Preliminary Attempt to Determine the Culture Areas of Asia. Southwestern Journal of Anthropology 2:117-32.

21

BARNETT, H. G. 1956, Anthropology in Administration. Evanston, Ill: Row, Peterson.

BOAS, FRANZ 1964, Linguistics and Ethnology. Language in Culture and Society, ed. by Dell Hymes (15-22). New York: Harper and Row.

BOHANNAN, PAUL 1963, Social Anthropology. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston.

COHEN, YEHUDI A. 1966, On Alternative Views of the Individual in Culture-and-Personality Studies. American Anthropologists 68:355-61.

CONKLIN, HAROLD C. 1955, Hanunoo Color Categories. Southwestern Journal of Anthropology 11:339-44.

DARROW, KARL K. 1952, The Quantum Theory. Scientific American 186/3:47-54.

EHRENBERG, W. 1967, Maxwell's Demon. Scientific American 217/5:1 03-1 0.

EVANS-PRITCHARD, E. E. 1964, Social Anthropology and Other Essays. New York: Free Press.

FORD, CLELLAN S. 1967, On the Analysis of Behavior for CrossCultural comparisons. Cross-Cultural Approaches, ed. by Clellan S. Ford (3-21). New Haven: HRAF Press.

GABEL, CREIGHTON 1967, Analysis of Prehistoric Economic Patterns. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston

GARDNER, PETER M. 1966, Symmetric Respect and Memorate Knowledge: The Structure and Ecology of Individualistic Culture. Southwestern Journal of Anthropology 22:389-415

GILLISPIE,CHARLES COULSTON 1960, The Edge of Objectivity. Princeton: Princeton University Press.

GOODENOUGH, WARD H. 1957, Cultural Anthropology and Linguistics. Language in Culture and Society, ed. by Dell Hymes (36-9). New York: Harper and Row.

GREEN, JAMES W. 1961, Success and Failure in Technical Assistance; A Case Study. Human Organization 20/1:2-10

22

HERSKOVITS, MELVILLE J. 1955, Cultural Anthropology. New York: Alfred A.Knopf.

KROEBER, A. L. 1947, Culture Groupings in Asia. Southwestern Journal of Anthropology 3:322-30.

LEVY-BRUH L, LUCIEN 1966, Primitive Mentality. Boston: Beacon Press.

LINTON, RALPH 1945, The Scope and Aims of Anthropology. The Science of Man in the World Crisis, ed. by Ralph Linton (3-18). New York: Columbia University Press.

LUZSKI, MARGARET B. 1958, Interdisciplinary Team Research. New York: NYU Press.

MOORE, FRANK W. 1961, Cross-cultural Documentation. Readings in Cross-cultural Methodology, ed. by Frank W. Moore (281-86). New Haven: HRAF Press.

SAPIR, EDWARD 1931, Conceptual Categories in Primitive Languages. Science 74:578.

SPIRO, MELFORD E. 1961, An Overview and a Suggested Reorientation. Psychological Anthropology, ed. by Francis L.K. Hsu (459-92). Homewood, Ill.: Dorsey Press.

SWANSON, GUY E. 1964, The Birth of the Gods. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.

TAYLOR, WALTER W. 1948, A Study of Archaeology. American Anthropologist 50 (AA Memoir No. 69).

WILLEY, GORDON R. 1966, An Introduction to American Archaeology, Vol. I. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentiss-Hall.

WISSLER, CLARK 1914, Material Culture of North American Indians. American Anthropologist 16:447-505. 1938, The American Indian, 3d edition. New York: New York: Oxford University Press.

WOLFF, HANS 1959, Intelligibility and Interethnic Attitudes. Anthropological Linguistics 1/3:34-41.

23

CIVILIZATION VS.URBANISM

By B.K. Swartz, Jr.

Curiously enough orthodox definitions of the time-honored term civilization are inadequate when carefully scrutinized. This article reexamines the civilization question from a culture history, qualitative viewpoint. The current fad is a n empirical quantitative approach couched in the idea of urbanism (Adams 1966). This outlook is valid, but as an historical archaeologist, I find the concept of civilization as used in the humanities appealing.

Civilization was used early in anthropology by Lubbock (1870) as a synonym for culture. This meaning was maintained by American Historical anthropologists until recent times. However, Morgan, a contemporary of Lubbock, proposed an alternative meaning, related to evolutionary anthropological thinking. He considered civilization as a stage of cultural development. His criteria for civilization were one, use of the phonetic alphabet (hieroglyphic writing on stone being admitted as an equivalent); and two, the production of literary records (1977: 11 -2). Morgan's thinking was based on the use of various cognates of the word civilization by scholars since classical antiquity to refer to peoples with learning, implying writing. Of course the authors always assumed that their own society was civilized, in contrast to the unlearned out-group barbarians.

Despite the strong reaction to evolutionary thinking in anthropology early in this century, Childe refined Morgan's concept still further, and lists the following criteria for civilization: one, extensive and densely populated cities; two, full-time specialist craftsmen, transport workers, merchants, officials, and priests; three, taxation; four, truly monumental public buildings; five a ruling class; six, systems of recording and exact, but practically useful, sciences; seven, writing and scripts); eight, naturalistic art expression in conceptualized and sophisticated styles (with regional variation in expression); nine, regular foreign trade; and ten, state organization based on residence. Despite the numerous criteria, basically Childe relates civilization to his Urban Revolution (1950). To him the key is cities, brought about by rapid population increase. Willed expands Childe's fourth and eighth criteria, and views civilization as a "great" art style. His criteria are one, "excellence" in the "great" arts; two, "climax" of religious architecture; and three, a general "florescence" in material culture (Willey and Phillips 1958:132-3).

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Present thinking on the problem is an extension of Childe's ideas with urbanism, rather than civilization, being the term used. There is danger in this confusion, i.e., civilization equals urbanism, and it is insisted that the value of the concept as originally proposed by Morgan is valid; but must be redefined. Willey's approach to the idea of civilization can be best documented from evidence achieved by archaeological observation and excavation. What must be done is to define Willey's criteria more objectively.

Despite Childe and much current thinking, many developments which are generally considered civilization are without cities in the conventional meaning of the term. By cities, large metropolitan centers with resident population are being referred to. Examples of non-city civilizations are pre-Theban Egypt and prePost-Classic New World centers. Here activities appear to be focused around ceremonial centers with variable visiting population patterns. It is interesting to speculate that non-city civilizations are theoretically controlled, while city civilizations have stronger secular authority. However, secularism appears late in these developments and may not be related to civilization origins. In contrast to non-city civilizations, in West Africa there are cities, but no civilization in the orthodox meaning of the term. Here the "cities" are expansive, over-grown, settled villages. No qualitative transformation has taken place. Also, cities as large trading centers, e.g., Mecca, may develop without accompanying political states.

The argument for writing as an index for civilization, first proposed by Morgan, is even more tenuous. At time of European contact the Inca were not literate and the Aztecs had only the rudiments of writing. There is no evidence of writing systems in the Andean area at any time in the past, although there may have been attempts in Moche times (Larco Hoyle 1942-3). It appears that the development of a true writing system, i.e., a system that transcribes a linguistic structure that can be read, is unique to what is conventionally called civilization. Writing systems that have been developed may then spread to non-civilized areas, often by stimulus diffusion.

Though civilization need not produce cities nor writing, certain universals of civilization are identifiable. Plant cultivation appears to be required; the stock-breeding of pastoralists appears insufficient and necessitates nomadism. The most that food collectors have been able to do is settled village living, e.g., the Northwest Coast Indians. Collecting is used here as the intensive exploitation of a particular natural food resource, so that a surplus of this resource is established Braid Wood and Reed 1957). A near universal of civilization is metallurgy. The only absence among conventionally regarded civilizations is in prePost-Classic Mesoamerica. The development of lapidary skill in this center may be a reaction to this lack. The functional significance of metal, however, is not for utilitarian use, but is a reflection of class structure as luxury items. Of course metallurgy is widespread in non-civilized areas, often for more utilitarian uses. The discovery of iron in the Old

25

World is later in time. Its uses were utilitarian, primarily military, and were important in the later spread of civilization.

Neither universals nor unique features are satisfactory for the definition of civilization. For the concept to be useful to archaeologists a key must be found that one, occurs in societies that are generally regarded to be civilized; two, never occurs in non-civilized societies; and three, must leave evidence that can be detected from the physical setting by field observation and excavation. Monumental non-ceremonial construction appears to be a distinctive feature of civilization. Monumental works range from utilitarian to "no utilitarian" or ceremonial in basic function. Those tending toward the former appear to have three types of use: one, repositories for records and as residences of functionaries (buildings, palaces, etc.); two, aids for movement of merchandise, produce, water, and people (aqueducts, paved roads, bridges, etc, and the extensive development of canals and terraces); and three, protection (walls, watch-towers, forts, etc.). Of course the occurrence of non-monumental structures of these types can occur in non civilizations, e.g., palisades for walls or paths for roads. It is interesting to note that paved roads appear to be of greater importance in the New World non-river valley civilizations. Ceremonial "architectural" construction may be restricted to conventionally regarded civilized societies (temples, tombs, pyramids, etc.), but ceremonial structures such as European megaliths and Easter Island stone sculpture do appear in non-civilizations.

It is difficult to explain the functional correlation of what I am arbitrarily defining as monumental architecture, in contrast to monumental non-architecture, and civilization. There may be a connection here with the presence of a privi1edged ruling class and architecture. A reasonable explanation for the correlation of monumental public construction and civilization can be posited. The key is that civilization is inextricably bound to exploitation. With intensive food collection and cultivation a food surplus is established, allowing for a sudden increase in population density of an area--Childe°s Neolithic Revolution (1925). With population increase an extensive available potential manpower source is created. Some way must be devised to control and coerce this energy. This is done by established elite who keeps records. Such records need not be written, but be merely systems of notation and computation. By keeping track of people they can be controlled if kept occupied. This is accomplished by labor, the large-scale construction of massive public works. It has been suggested that control of water was the way the elite established themselves in Mesopotamia--Wittfogel's Hydraulic Society (1956). Other mechanisms might be economic control of food or theocratic control by prediction of natural phenomena. Once the elite is established they can initiate tribute and tax collection, exchange and trade, and military logistics by manipulating people by records. Political authority is now in effect and civilization has bloomed. Three ingredients are necessary: one, a surplus (of food); two, an

26

elite (social classes); and three, records (of notation and computation).

The mechanism for producing civilization, however, need not maintain it. Civilization, as here defined by the presence of monumental public structures, can survive on a small unit Socio-political base, such as the feudal system of medieval Europe. Also, all three factors listed above, i.e., surplus, elite, and records, need not inevitably and immediately produce civilization. Examples of this are the Natchez and Kwakiutl. The latter were probably handicapped in that they established their surplus by intensive collection of salmon, rather than by cultivation. The former received civilization from a hearth area, and had not yet fully established it in their marginal setting. It does appear, though, that monumental non-ceremonial construction is a good indicator of what is conventionally regarded as civilization in anthropological parlance.

Civilization, as defined above, apparently developed independently only twice, once in the Old World and once in the New World. The Old World hearth began at the mouth of the Tigris and Euphrates river valleys of Mesopotamia, about 3200 B.C. Developments in Egypt soon followed, and somewhat later in the Indus Valley of Pakistan. At still a later time there are the Shang developments along the Hwang Ho River in northern China, which may have been essentially independent. Here there is evidence, however, of influence from the western centers of civilization.

The New World hearth developed in Nuclear America upon a pan Formative base Spinden's Archaic Hypothesis (1917), about 1200 B.C., the earliest Mesoamerican expression being La Venta3 and the earliest Andean expression being Chavin.

To conclude, the terms civilization and urbanism are not synonymous. Urbanism, in the sense of city 1iving and writing systems, is not required for the appearance of civilization. Civilization is based on political coercion of mass labor. The evidence presented for this recording systems and monumental non-ceremonial construction, the latter being archaeologically discoverable.

NOTES

1. I wish to acknowledge the careful scrutiny given to this paper by my Ball State University colleagues, professors Jack M. Whitehead and Elizabeth J. Glenn.

2. Moche is used, rather than Mochica, to avoid the implications of using a contemporary language unit as archaeological terms

3. La Venta is used, rather than Olmec, to avoid the implications of using a contemporary language unit as an archaeological term.

27

REFERENCES CITED

ADAMS, ROBERT MC C. 1966, The evolution of urban society.

Chicago, Aldine.

BRAIDWOOD, ROBERT J. AND CHARLES A. REED

1957, the achievement and early consequences of food production: A consideration of the archeological and natural historical evidence. Cold Spring Harbor Symposia on Quantitative Biology 22:19-31.

CHILDE, V. GORDON 1925, The dawn of European civilization. New York, Knopf. 1950, The urban revolution.Town Planning Review 21:3-17.

LARCO HOYLE, RAFAEL 1942-3, La escritura mochica sobre pallares.Revista Geographica Americana 18:93-103,20:1-36.

LUBBOCK,JOHN(LORD AVEBURY) 1870, The origin of civilization. London, Long-nans Green.

MORGAN, LEWIS H. 1877, Ancient society. Chicago, Kerr.

SPINDEN, H. J. 1917, The origin and distribution of agriculture in America. Proceedings of the 19th International Congress of Americanists, 1915 269-76.

WILLEY, GORDON R. AND PHILIP PHILLIPS

Method and theory in American archaeology. Chicago, University of Chicago Press.

WITTFOGEL, KARL A. 1956, Oriental despotism. New Haven, Yale.

THE AUTHORS

Edward L. Greenamyre is a graduate student at the University of Minnesota. He holds an MA from Wichita State University.

Dr. B.K Swartz, Jr. is an associate professor of Anthropology in the Department of Sociology and Anthropology at Ball State University.

28

1 MASTERS THESES TITLES SINCE 1963

University of Arizona

Beverly L. Adair "Messiah Figures in Nativistic Religious Cults"

Frances B. Angleman "Abstract Geometric Design in the White Mountain Red Wares A.D.1000-1450°”

James H. Barr "The Upper Paleolithic of Germany: A New Perspective"

George P. Castile "The Community School at Rough Rock, Arizona"

Geoffrey A. Clark "A Preliminary Analysis of Burial Clusters at the Grasshopper Site, East Central Arizona"

Mary Ann Daugherty "Nativistic Religious Movements Among Indians of the United States"

Marjorie Melvin Daza "Factionalism among the Kiowa Apaches"

Eddie Bill Eiselein "Voluntary Associations in European Communities"

Leonard A. Eisenberg "Oraibi: An Example of Pueblo Fission"

Michael Everett "Revitalization Movements in Melanesia: Survey and Analysis"

Robert C. Harman "Navajo Culture Change as Related in the Enemy Way Ceremonial"

Paula T. Krotser "Ancient Potters in Modern Veracruz, Mexico"

Leif C. Landberg "Subsistence Patterns of the Chumash Indians of Southern California"

Thomas A. Lee, Jr. "An Archaeological Reconnaissance of the Southeastern Portion of the Navajo Indian Reservation”

Mark P. Leone "Late Classic Burial Ceramics from Tikal, Guatemala"

Leslie E. Lischka "A System for the Storage and Retrieval of Archaeological Site Survey Data”

Paul V. Long, Jr. "Archaeological Excavations in Glen Canyon, Utah-Arizona, 1959 1960”

29

La Raw Maran "Shan Loan Words in Kachin Bi Lingualism in Acculturation"

Amnon Orent "A problem in the Identification of the Individual: A Navajo Case Study"

Marion L. Parker "Dendrochronology of Point of Pines"

Edward A. Parmee "Family and Community Influences on the Attitudes of San Carlos Apache Teenagers Towards Education and Their Personal Futures"

John Quenton Ressler "Spanish Mission Water Systems, Northwest Frontier of New Spain"

Charles D. Rippey "Evolving Settlement Subsistence Patterns in the Zagros Region of Iraq and Iran"

W. Clifford Sifton "Population Change in a Papago Indian Community"

R. Daniel Shaw "Health Concepts and Attitudes of Papago Indians"

Ellin Simmons "The Smoking Complex in the Pre historic Southwest"

Allyn G. Spence "The Variables Contributing to the Maintenance of the Mexican American Social S-tructure in Tucson"

Billye Zoa Steinnage1 "Attitudes towards the Status and Role of the Older Person in the Mexican American Family"

Jervis D. Swannack, Jr. "Big Juniper House Mesa Verde National Park, Colorado"

Stephen A. Talbot "Analysis of a Community Development Program On the San Carlos Apache Reservation: A Case Study”

Harold D. Tuggle "Cultural Inferences from the Art of E1 Tajin, México"

Jack L. Zahniser "Some Late Prehistoric Villages Southeast of Tucson, Arizona"

30

Arizona State University

Mark Laurence Berman "The Development of Proficiency in the Use of the English Language in Groups of Non-western Indigenous Peoples through Programmed Instruction: A Study in Applied Anthropology and Community Development," (May,1964)

Robert G. Chenhall “An Investigation of Taxonomic Systems for the Storage and Retrieval of Material Culture Data on Electronic Computers,"(June, 1965)

Robert T. Dickie "A Study of Physical and Chemical Methods of Archaeological Data Retrieval," (June, 1965)

Dan James Opfenring

"The Herberger Site - A McDowell Mountain Hohokam Settlement," (June, 1965)

Sylvia Wright Gaines

"Use of Computing Techniques in Classifying Archaeological Data," (May, 1966)

Ann Ramenofsky

"The Rise of Guadalupe Yaqui Factions from Legal Claims to Plaza Land," (June, 1968)

William L. Simpson

"An Ethnographic Account of Yaqui Guadalupe Compared with the Culture of Poverty," (June, 1969)

Ball State University

DeWight Middleton

"The Ibo: An Ethno-history,"(1965)

Eleanor L. McCrumb "Archaeological Site Survey Information Retrieval System,"(1966)

William C, Hayes

"A Cross Cultural Survey of Non-Nuclear Family Forms," (1968)

Schuyler Townsend

"Distribution of House Types in Aboriginal Societies in Both North America and Africa," (1968)

31

Brandeis University

George Epple

“Decision-making Processes in a Trinidadian Fishing Village," (1967)

Rosalind E, Miller

"Bronis law Malinowski's Theory of Ritual," (1967)

Carroll McClure Pastner "A Sociolinguistic Study of a Rural Trinidad Community,"(1967)

Stephen L. Pastner "Process and Value in a Trinidad Mountain Community,"(1967)

Rafael L, Ramirez "Trinidad: The Village and the Nation," (1967)

Ilsa Schuster

"Pre-colonial Urbanization in West Africa: The Yoruba Case," (1967)

Wes1ey Wong "The Folk Medicine of Bianchisseuse, Trinidad,"(1967)

Janet Benson

"Urban Countryside. The External Relations of a Trinidad Land Development Project," (1968)

Michael G, Benson "Social Interaction on a Trinidad Land Development Project," (1968)

Robort Borofsky “Description of an Occult Medical System in Trinidad,” (1968)

Johanna M. Lessinger

"Produce Vendors in the Princes Town Market, Trinidad," (1968)

Allen Saxe

"Urban Squatters in Trinidad: The Poor in a Mass Society," (1968)

Brown University

Judith Weber Huntsman

"A Study of the Whale Cult," (1963)

John Paul Cook "Early Ground tone Artifacts in Northern North America,”(1964)

32

Robert Neil Lynch

"Shoshonean Politics: A Test of the Behavioral Approach," (1965)

Hock Huat Yeoh

"The Culture of Stamped Pottery with Geometric Designs in the Neolithic Period of South-Eastern Coastal China, "(1967)

Peter S, Allen

"An Investigation into the Validity of a Fundamental Assumption of Archaeology Utilizing Data from New England Gravestones," (1968)

June D. Dicker

"Kinship and Ritual Kinship among Cape Verdeans in Providence,"(1968)

Alan Losch

"Culture Contact and Culture Change in the Highlands of Bolivia" (1968)

David J. Wyatt

"Micro-blades from the Arctic Small-tool Tradition,”(1968)

University of California at Davis

David Abrams

"Little Pico Creek: Beach Salinan, Barnacles and Burials"

David H. Thomas

"A Quantitative Method for the Analysis of Faunal Remains from Archaeological Sites"

Greig Porter

"Some Consider-ations of Substantive Economic Anthropology: or Reciprocity and Redistribution in an Indian Village Revisited”

Diana Firebaugh

"Coca Use in Southern Peru"

Martha Connell

"A Study of Subadult Males in a Free ranging Band of Rhesus Monkeys"

Kate Ralph

"A Cross-cultural Study of Political Socialization and Political Education of Young Children"

33

David A. Fredrickson

"CCo-308: The Archaeology of a Middle Horizon Site in Interior Contra Costa County, California"

Roberta L, McGonagle

"The Cook Site: A Middle Horizon Site in Central California"

Thomas N. Layton

"The Archaeology of Smokey Creek Cave"

Virginia Cox

"Economic factors of Aboriginal Slavery in the Lower Colorado-Gila River Basins"

Carolyn Frances Wall

"Phonemics and Verb Morphology of Kindibu"

Nancy M. Webb

"Phonology and Noun Morphology of Kindibu Dialect of Kikongo"

Walter R Brown

"The Prehistory of Surprise Valley"

Henry Malcolm McHenry

"The Health Record of Hunters and Gatherers: Transverse Lines in the Long Bones of California Indians”

Gary Chisum

"Formal Sematic Analysis of Penutian Kinship Systems"

Nancy Kleiber

"Comparative Studies in Austronesian Linguistics"

Jean Stearns

"The Image of Limited Good: An Examination"

California State College at Los Angeles

Warren Shapiro

"Functional Analysis in Social Anthropology: A Critical Examination of its Statement Types, with Special Reference to the Sociology of Religion," (1963)

K. Arlo Nimmo

"Social Organization of the Tawi-Tawa Badjaw," (1965)

34

Polly Pope

"A Cross Cultural Study of Raiding Activities in Five Societies, (1963)

The Catholic University of America

Mary Byer Riegel

"Social Interaction in the Eschatology of Selected Eastern American Indian Tribes,”(1963)

Carol Jopling

"Reconstruction of Some Aspects of Culture in Terms of Clay Figurines," (1963)

Sylvia Fortier

"A Study of Valued Behaviors in Ojibwa Mythology,"(1963)

Rev. Joseph A. Knoebel,S.V.D

"Alternate Ways of Achieving Social Prestige Among Selected Groups of the New Guinea Highlands,"(1963)

Rev. Peter Toth

"Modern. Religious Movements in Japan: A Study in Cultural Persistence and Change," (1965)

Rev. Oswald Benno Loch

"Culture Change in the Amazon Basin with Emphasis on Economic Change,"(1964)

Molly Geiger Schuchat

"Use of Credit and Extent of Agricultural Production as Indicators of the Probability of Acculturation of Ute Indians," (1965)

Peter G. LeBlanc, S.J.

“French Missionaries Among the Seventeenth Century Huron: A Study of Culture Contact," (1965)

Sr. Marie Joseph Straub

“Value Systems of Folk Societies in Columbia,” (1966)

Charlene James

"Analytical Thesaurus of Social and Cultural Change," (1966)

Margaret Sellars Sanford

"Present Day Death Practices and Eschatology of the Kiowa Apache," (1966)

35

Mother Katherine Murray,R.J.M

"Voluntary Associations Among Irish Americans," (1967)

Harvard Ayers

“18FRIOO: a Woodland Site in Piedmont, Maryland," (1967)

Anne W. Corrigan

"Occupation in Old Age: A Cross-cultural Study of the Status and Role of the Aged in Three Contrasting Societies,"(1968)

Gregory G. Reck

"Differential Cultural Perceptions and the Success of a Small-scale Community Development Program," (1968)

Aristide Bruni

"The Kikuyu, Their Religiousness, World View and Reaction to the Western Christian Religion," (1968)

Walter Rene Berblinger "The Migration and Adjustment Experiences of Southern Appalachian Migrants to Urban Areas," (1968)

University of Colorado

William G. Buckles

"An Analysis of Primitive Rock Art at Medicine Creek Cave, Wyoming, and its Cultural and Chronological Relationship to Prehistory of the Plains"

Larry L. Leach

"The Archaeology of Boundary Village"

Columbia University

Myron L. Cohen "The Hakka or "Guest People": Dialect as a Socio-cultural Variable in Southeastern China," (1963)

36

Anthony E. Marks

Ein el Jemma'n: A Mesolithic Site in the Levant,"(1963)

Granville A. Moore, Jr. "The Guatemalan Plantation System in Historical Perspective," (1963)

Peter S. Probst "Mirrors of Ancient China and Pre-Columbian America,"(1963)

Rebekah Ziona Mendelson

"The Bokharan Jewish Community of New York City," (1964)

Jerome Halberstadt "Ethnology of the Navaho War Ceremony,” (1965)

Richard P. Hurzeler "Messianic Movements Among the American Aborigines," (1965)

George W. MacDonald, Jr. "The Most Recent Wurm Stadial, Its Effect Upon the-Prehistorical Occupations of the Middle East,"(1965)

Arthur P. Sorenson, Jr. "The Phonology of Sukano," (1965)

Giselle Hendel "Changing Perspectives on the Missions among the Ramah Navajo,"(1965)

Edwin Allen "Disease Control in China,"(1965)

Henry G. Burger "Syncretism as an Accelerator of Directed Culture Change," (1965)

Roxanne Cohen "A Study of Factors Related to Differential Acculturation of American Indian Males and Females," (1965)

Sara Culver "The Manteno Culture of the Santa Elena Península, S.W. Coastal Ecuador,"(1965)

37

Elizabeth Hegeman "Community Dynamics in a barrio of Cali, Columbia," (1965)

Joseph R. Kotta "The Problems of Urbanization in East Africa," (1965)

Sarah Bernadette MacMillan

"Crow Indian Kinship Changes," (1965)

Edith R. Sanders "The Hamites in Anthropology and History: A Preliminary Study," (1965)

Francine Semmel “The Guangala Pottery of the Santa Elena Peninsula," (1965)

Robert R. Morgan "The Image of the Family in the Fiction of China," (1966)

Ann Morton "Religion in Juazeiro (Ceara, Brazil) since the Death of Padre Cicero: A Case Study in Messianic Religious Activity," (1966)

Roselle Tekiner "The Contribution of Skeletal Studies to Archaeological Reconstruction in North America,"(1966)

Judith Maria Buechler "A Study of Child Development on the Bolivian Altiplano," (1966)

Taylor M. Chamberlin "The Formation of a Native Clergy in Colonial Spanish America," (1966)

Sydney G. Diamond "The Waste Collectors," (1966)

Elizabeth M. Kirk "The Lebanese in Ghana: A Changing Role in the Social Structure and Economy," (1966)

Roger C. Newman "Land Reform in Bolivia's Yungas,” (1966)

Ellen M. Rosenberg "African Tribalism and African Federalism," (1966)

Arlene P. Scanlon "Some Factors Affecting the Form of the Family in the Indian Communities of the Guatemala Highlands: An Inquiry into the Problem of Family Stability," (1966)

38

Muriel D. Schein "The Waste Collectors," (1966)

Susanna M. Ekholm "Mound 30A and Early Middle Pre-classic

Sequence of Izapa, Chiapas, Mexico," (1966)

Betsy D. Hill "A Ceramic Sequence for the Valdivia Complex, Guayas Province, Ecuador," (1966)

Marcia R. Josephy "The Social Structure of a Jewish ‘Family Circle'," (1966)

Arved Laev "Persistence of Pagan Eschatolo-gical Beliefs in Folk Religion: The Case of the Estonians," (1966)

Marea Locker "The Village and the Wider Community in Studies of Small Chinese Communities,"(1966)

Jane C. Meleney "Local Influences on Political Competition in Contemporary African Societies," (1966)

Nadia Mostafa "Influences Upon the Earliest Village Farming Communities in Egypt," (1966)

Leon Swartzberg “Instrumentalisities and Results of Entrepreneurship in a North Indian Family," (1966)

Eugene McDougle "Ancient Land and Water Use in Coastal Ecuador,"(1967)

Mary Carolyn Nelson "The Effect of Islam on the Role of Women in West Africa," (1967)

Batya Aithan "A Critical Analysis of Model Building in the Writings of Claude Levi-Strauss and Edmund R. Leach," (1968)

Roberta M. Delson "Jewish Community in Porto Alegre" (1968)

39

Vincent Foley "The Development and Placement of Historic Site Archaeology in the United States," (1968)

James H. Grayson "The Role of Korean Language Churches among Koreans Resident in New York City," (1968)

Harried D (Haritos) Richmond

"Approaches to the City. Some Theoretical Aspects of Migrant Identity,” (1968)

Donna Taylor "A Preliminary Study of Land Tenure Systems in Agricultural Societies," (1968)

University of Connecticut

Evelyn C. Rohner "A History of American Ethnology and Ethnography: 1840-1900,(1967)

University of Florida

Robert Guy Hodges Crawford

"An Archeological Survey of Lenoir County, North Carolina," (1966)

Alice Hansen "Status Awareness within a Hospital Employee Sub-group," (1963)

Carl Jon Clausen "The A-356 Site and the Florida Archaic," (1964)

Martha Irene Symes "Guendulain, Oaxaca: A Study of Scale in a Mexican Mestizo Village," (1965)

John W. Eaton "The 'Taste Blindness' Phenomena Among the Primates," (1964)

Charles Andrew Hoffman, Jr.

"Archeological Investigations on Antigua, West Indies," (1963)

40

Marion Spjut Gilliland "The Material Culture of Key Marco, Florida," (1965)

Jules S. Goldburt "The, Archeology of Shired Island," (1966)

George Ashley Long "Archeological Investigations at Panama Vieja," (1967)

Stephen Jonathan Gluckman "Underwater Archeology: Theory and Method," (1967)

Gwen Kennedy Neville "The Structure and Function of Childrearing Study Groups," (1968)

The Florida State University

Philip Sauve Coffee “A Synthetic Model for the Study of Culture," (1967)

William H Devane, Jr. "Cultural Evolution: A Critique Analysis and Proposal for a Synthesis," (1964)

Richard Shenkel "An Archaeological Survey of the First Spanish Period in North Florida," (1967)

Bennie Carlton Keel “The Conservation and Preservation of Archaeological and Ethnological Specimens," (1965)

Stacy Pheriba "8 Wa 39 a Panton, Leslie and Company Trading Post Site; History, Ethno-history, and Archaeology," (1967)

Harold McGee "The Development of Cooperative Groups in Rural England and Japan," (1967)

41

Hunter College of the City University of New York

Arthur Atlas “Constant Inceptors of Human Ceremonies," (1965)

Linda Ann Britton "Copper and the Indians of New Jersey," (1967)

Robert Di Bennardo "Skull Balance and the Cephalic Index," (1966)

Richard Eisner "A Thesis on Upright Posture," (1967)

Kaja Finkler "Economic Activities of a Mexican Village with Special Reference to the Role of Domesticated Animals," (1968)

Harvey Frajlich "The Marked Bean Motif in Pre Columbian Peru," (1968)

Margaret Goffrey-Vasquez "Religious Change in a Rural Puerto Rican Community," (1965)

Joel Kandel "Constant Inceptors of Language," (1965)Edward C. Knobloch "The Significance of Affinal and

Consanguineal Terms for the Classification of Kin Systems,"(1965)

Frank Lipp Ethnobotany of the Chinantec Indians, Oaxaca, Mexico," (1968)

Michael J. Lowy "The Constant Inceptors of Law,” (1965)

John Henry Pfifferling "The Longhouse in Borneo," (1967)

Edythe C. Porpa "The Use of Attribute Analysis of Design Elements and Techniques in the Development of Iroquois Pottery," (1966)

Ilze S. Rothrock "Nine Latvian Riddles," (1967)

Joanna C. Scherer

"A Cross-cultural Survey of the History and Functions of Human Castration," (1968)

42

University of Illinois

Selma Alder "Contemporary Change in a Central Australian Society," (1963)

Harvey Russell Bernard

"An Otomi Dictionary: With Context Exemplification," (1963)

Judith Ann Hellawell

"A Cultural Ecological Analysis of Cross-cultural Type," (1963)

Horace Leedom Lefferts, Jr.

"Ecological Limitations of Matrilineality in Migratory Hunting Bands," (1963)

Marguerite Marie Verley

"The Camden Ceramic Complex Within Ouachita County, Arkansas," (1964)

Aud Greta Lundberg Davis

"The Two Head of the Rio Village Maya: Some Changes in Drinking Patterns in a Maya Indian Community," (1965)

David Mamoru Hayano

"Environment and Social Organization in Three Pacific Island Societies," (1965)

sr. Mary Martin Stoffey

"Value Orientation Patterning Among the Kiowa Apache," (1965)

Arnold Barton Coggeshall

"Americanization of the Miami Indians of Indiana," (1966)

Dean Arnold

"Sak lu' um in Maya Culture: and its Possible Relation to Maya Blue," (1967)

Guy- Ashton

"Early Adulthood and Mexican National Identity: Consequences of Migrations by Yucatec Adolescent Shoemakers to Belize, British Honduras," (1968)

Stephanie Levin

"A Re-examination of the Overthrow of the Kapu System in Hawaii," (1968)

43

Indiana University

Azizolah Banayan "Status in the Middle East Village," (1964)

Florence Chapman "The Incidence and Age Distribution Osteoparthritis in a Number of Prehistoric American Indian Populations," (1964)

John Dorwin "The Paleo-Indian Occupation of Indiana,"(1964)

Nick George Franke "The Function of the Hilltop Enclosures and Works of the Eastern United States," (1964)

Jack Aaron Frisch "Cognatic Kinship Organization Among the Northeast Algonkians,"(1964)

Inez Mariz Fonseca Litto "A Comparison of Crania from the Shell Heaps of Brazil with Those of the Archaic of Eastern United States," (1964)

Claudia Mitchell "Avoidance Customs in Aboriginal California," (1964)

Louise Marie Robbins "Physical and Cultural Relationships of the Late Archaic Red Ocher People of the Illinois Valley," (1964)

Chuian Kai Tam "The Miao People of South China," (1964)

Renie Adams "A Survey of Form in the Graphic Arts of the Pueblos," (1965)

Jeremy A, Barry "Zimbabwe and the Early Iron Age in Rhodesia," (1965)

James Bellis "Spatial Flatness in a Number of Varieties of the American Indian," (1945)

44

Rose Marie Jaquith "Glossary of Kinship Organization," (1965)

Ray Ruff "The Use of Infrared Radiation in Archaeology," (1965)

Edwin Segal "Conflict in British West Africa: An Exploratory Study," (1965)

David G. Skomp "Racial Continuity in the American Southwest: An Examination of Carter Ranch Pueblo Physical Relationships," (1965)

Kenneth Smail "The Use of Female Crania in Demonstrating Racial Relationships," (1965)

Mohammed Abu-Hassan "The Jordan Legal System and the Scientific Evidence," (1966)

Walter Bieder "A Quantitative Approach to Eskimo Folklore," (1946)

Charles Roy Edwards "Origin of the Kinship System of the Surinam Bush Negro," (1966)

Linda Marshall "Medicinal Plant Ecology of the Central Algonquians," (1966)

Carol Bradley Olorunsola "Racial Stratification in Jamaica and the Southern United States," (1967)

Gretchen Brook Fulmer "An Ethno-history Study of the Kansas Indians from the Time of First European Contact Until the Present," (1967)

Cheryl Gruber Waldman "Stature and Its Reconstruction in Prehistorically American Indian Material, with special Reference to a middle Mississippi Series," (1967) M

Ralph Alexander "Racial Affiliations of the Tutelo, an Eastern Siouan Tribe," (1968)

David W. Sonenschein "Patterns of Homosexual friendship,” (1958)

45

James E. Thayer "The Chad Republic, the Sara and Related Tribes," (1968)

University of Kansas

Richard L. Jantz "Some Aspects of Laterality Among University of Kansas Male Students," (1964)

Donald C. Lacy "Growth of the Mandible in Sub Adult Plains Indians,” (1965)

Han Gu Kim "Tonghak Religious Movement: A Structural Functional Analysis,” (1965)

Astrida R. Blukis Onat "Prehistoric Contacts Between Mesoamerica and Southeastern North America: A Comparative Study of the Art Elements." (1965)

Laura Janson Waddick "The Transmission and Variation of God parenthood," (1965)

Charles A. Clinton "Biological Growth and Change of Status in Homogeneous Societies,” (1966)

Ted A. Rathbun "An Analysis of the Skeletal Material Excavated at Hasanlu, Iran," (1966)

Jack M. Schock "Decorative Treatment of Ceramics in Four Kansas Hopewellian Sites," (1966)

David R. Evans "A Comparison of Grave Goods from two Post Contact Coalescent Cemeteries in South Dakota," (1968)

B. Miles Gilbert "Some Aspects of Diet and Butchering Techniques among Prehistoric Indians in South Dakota," (1968)

46

Gretchen Meyers Goark "A Comparison of Concepts of Health and Illness: University of Kansas Students from Venezuela, Philip pine Islands and Kansas" (1968)

Katherine Roback "An Ethnographic Study of a North Coast Jamaican Revivalist Cult," (1968)

Edith Valentine-Zeller "The Changing Social Structure of a State Psychiatric Hospital and It’s Relevance for Treatment," (1968)

University of Kentucky

Joe P. Lewellyn "Skeletal Analysis of Two Mississipia n Sites in Kentucky,"(1964)

Joseph K. Long "Multiple-Discriminent Analysis of Indian Crania of Eastern United States," (1964)

Andris Skreija "Interests and Interest Orientations of LLatvian Refugees as Reflected in Their Nnewspapers,"(1964)

Ronald J. Butler

"Decision Making in a Minority Community," (1965)

Brenda Johnson Clay "Family Authority Structure in a Russian Orthodox Parrish," (1966)

William H. Keeling "Functional Inter-Relationships In Socioeconomic in Ethico Religious Institutions in Tlingit Culture," (1967)

Burton L. Purrington "Prehistoric Horizons and Traditions in the Eastern Mountains of Kentucky," (1967)

Julia Schwab Roberts "Social Change through Relocation: Eddyville, Kentucky," (1968)

47

Lonq Island University

Fred R. Herrmann "A Theoretical and Practical Approach to the Problem of Juvenile Delinquency," (1964)

Michael H. Pomerantz "A Study of Suicide and Anomie," (1967)

Mary Holloman Gould

"Social Security Programs in Selected European and Latin American Countries in Relation to the International Minimum Standard of Social Security," (1968)

Louisiana state university

Gail Kemp Sheffield "Bush Negro Art," (1966)

John B, Humer "A Critical Study of French Ford Incised Pottery in Coastal Louisiana," (1967)

Dudley V. Yates "Prehistoric Indians in Louisiana Bibliography," (1967)

Jon Lee Gibson "Russell Landing: A North Louisiana Phase of the Tchefuncte Period,"(1968)

William Lattimore Ligon "House Types of the Black Carib and Miskito Indians of Honduras,"(1963)

Miami University

Nicholas H. Bocher "The Inauguration of a University President: A Contemporary Instance of Status Dramatization," (1967)

48

University of Missouri

Donald Paul Heldman "A Study of the Nature of Degrees of Cultural Relationship of Missouri to Illinois Valley Hopewell," (1963)

Robert Bruce Macmillan "A Survey and Evaluation of the Archaeology of the Central Gas conade River Valley in Missouri,"(1963)

Sidney Grant Denny "A Re-Evaluation of the Boone Focus: A Late Woodland Manifestation in Central Missouri," (1964)

James R., Williams "A Study of Fortified Indian Villages in Southeast Missouri,"(1964)

Walter E. Klippel "An Archaeological Investigation of the Lower Olage River Valley in Missouri," (1965)

Mary J. Grinstead "Semantic Differential for Discriminating Student Types," (1967)

John L. Mori "The Revival of American Indian Arts and Crafts," (1968)

Joycelyn I. Mori "Hopi Silversmithing," (1968)

Thomas O'Neill "Weights and Measures: A Cross Cultural Study," (1968)

Robert B. Vis "A Little Sioux Mill Creek Sequence," (1968)

University of North Carolina

Frank Fernandez "A Phonology of Remo: The Language of the Hill Bonder," (1963 )

49

Marcia E. Klingel "The Manifestations of Local Institutions and Customs in North Africa," (1963)

Richard J. Preston, III "Imposed and Inherent Cultural Structures and Writings of Edward Sapir," (1964)

Sue Gina Garrett "Negro Mating and Family Patterns From West Africa to the New World," (1965)

Patricia Ann Rogers "Aspirations and Acculturation of Cree Women at Great Whale River," (1965)

Gerald Patrick Smith "An Archaeological Survey of the New Hope Valley," (1965)

Patricia P. Holden

"An Archaeological Survey of Transylvania County, N.C.," (1966)

Richard H. Wills, Jr. "Perceptions and Attitudes of the Montagnais-Naskapi of Great Whale River Concerning the Western World," (1966)

Brian John Egloff "An Analysis of Ceramics from Historic Cherokee Towns," (1967)

James J. Reid, Jr. "Pee Dee Pottery from the Mound at Town Creek," (1967)

William M. Schneider “A Tentative Componential Analysis of the American Lawyer's Domain of Crime," (1967)

Margaret Stephens Egloff "Eskimo Adolescents' Perception of Their Future Role," (1963)

Roy L. Felshin "Pleistocene Man in East Asia: An Inquiry into the Origins of the Mongoloid Race," (1968)

David Johnson "Population, Anthropology, Caribbean: An Overview and Guide to the Literature," (1968)

William W. Koolage “The Chipewyan Indians of Camp 10, Churchill, Manitoba: A Short Ethnography," (1968)

50

Frank Manning "A Prologue to Anthropological Studies of

Bermuda," (1968)

Vance P. Packard "A Comparative Synthesis of the Ceramics of the Middle Atlantic States Region," (1963)

James N. Riley “Family Organization in an Urban Port-of-Spain Community," (1968)

Mary Marie Rogers "A Discussion of Some Current Theories on the Origin and Evolution of Language," (1968)

Richard Lee Smith "Test Excavations at the Lock Site (8JE57), Jefferson County, Florida," (1968)

George John Vranas "An Ethnographic Account of an Urban Canadian Eskimo Community and the Problem of Extra-marital Sexuality," (1968)

David Wolf "The Archaeology at, the Roosevelt #2 Site," (1968)

Northwestern University

Jo Ann Baughan “Secondary Social Groupings Among Three West African People,” (1963)

James Bertsche "Kimbanguism, A Separatist Movement," (1963)

Solomon Albert Smith, II "The Nature and Characteristics of Some Aspects of Non-Literate African Medical Complexes South of the Sahara," (1963)

Victor Chikezie Uchendu "Status and Hierarchy Among the Southeastern Igbo," (1963)

51

Nicholas Fintzelberg "A Typology of Uto-Aztecan Consan-quineal Kinship Terminologies,"(1964)

Robert Lincoln Keiser "The Biography of a Hustler,"(1964)

Joann Wheeler Kealiinohomoku

“A Comparative Study of Dance as A Constellation of Motor Behaviors Among African and United States Negroes," (1965)

Dena Setensley "Territorial Change in Cultural Evolution: A Cross-cultural Survey," (1968)

Mary Michael Parent Warnemuende

“Development of a Methodology for Quantification of Non-Western Economic Processes, Illustrated by an Analysis of the Maglemosia n Culture," (1968)

University of Oregon

T.C. Hogg "The Functions of the Negro Socio- Religious Categories as Reference Groups," (1963)

R.E. Ross

"Prehistory of the Round Butte Area, Jefferson County," (1963)

F.E. Poirier "The Communicative Matrix of the Celebes Ape (Cynopithecue Niger): A Study of 16 Male Laboratory Animals," (1964)

P. L. Lut

"Female Delinquency in Three Ethnic Groups in Hawaii," (1965)

P.J. Marchiando "A Technological and Statistical Analysis of Upper Umpqua River Artifacts," (1965)

P.M. Wei "Political Modernization of the Nez Perce Indian Reservation, 1940-1963," (1965)

R.E. Wiest

"Mexican Farm Laborers in California," (1965)

52

S.F. Bedwell

"A Descriptive Analysis of Side Notch Points from the State of Oregon," (1966)

J.C. Riddell

"A Case Study of Migration from Santa Laura to Mexico City," (1966)

A. Sonek, Jr. "Social Behavior of a Colony of Woolly Monkeys," (1966)

J.H. Atherton “Prehistoric Manufacturing Sites at North American Stone Quarries," (1966)

S.M. Lloyd

"The Indian Students' Association and the Indian Community at the University of Oregon, 1965-1966,” (1966)

L.S. Cordell

"The Lingo Site, A Ca1apuya Midden,” (1966)

J.H. Bodley "Growth and Development of an Intertribal Mission Station in the Peruvian Amazon," (1966)

D.L. Hardesty

“A Study of Moche Ceramics," (1967)

Carl Brown

"Differential Cold Adaptation in Man," (1967)

C. Adrian Heidenreich

"A Review of the Ghost Dance Religion of 1889-90 Among the North American Indiand and Comparison of 8 Societies which accepted or rejected the dance”

J.H. Bodley

"Growth and Development of an Intertribal Mission Station in the Peruvian Amazon," (1967)

G.A. Bailey

"Osage Economic and Territorial Change: 1573-1839, " (1968)

53

G.H. Clark

"The Archaeology of the Takli Site, Katmai National Monument, Alaska," (1968)

R.M. Houghton "The Fort McDermitt Indian Reservation: Social structure and the Description of Political and Economic Power," (1968)

A.S. Kidwell, Jr. "The Conical Timbered Lodge on the Northwestern Plains: Historical, Ethnological and Archaeological Evidence," (1968)

W.E. Overholt "Mixtec Macro linguistics: Tagnomic Analysis of Discourse," (1968)

S. Smith "The Central Satellite Plantation Systems on the South Coast of Guatemala," (1968)

P.M. Wenger "Phonotactical Indices: A Test Case in Macro-Penutian Classification," (1968)

University of Pennsylvania

Marshall Becker "Small Structure Excavation at Tika1,” (1963)

Michal E. Rihl "Puberty Ceremonialism: A Dimension of Cultural Diversification in South America," (1963)

Robert J. Sharer "A Comparative Analysis of Religious Acculturation in the Maya Area," (1963)

Kathleen Adams "The Formative Concept in American Archaeology: The History and Methods," (1964)

Edwin C. Buxbaum "World View and Attitude in a Greek American Ethnic Group," (1964)

Christopher Jones "Maya Miscellaneous Texts on Minor Objects," (1964)

54

Kenneth Kensinger "Matrilocality and Patrilineality In Cashinahua Society," (1964)

Barbara Klamon "Comanche and Hekandika Kinship Terminologies," (1964)

Clifford Lamberg-Karlovsky

"Amber in the Prehistory ofEurope," (1964)

Marcella Mazzarelli "Intercommunity Relations: A Preliminary Study of the Role of Culture in Three Communities in British Honduras," (1964)

E.M. 0'Flaherty, S.J. "Approaches to the Study of Values," (1964)

Robert Stuckenrath "Fluted Point Chronologies: A Review," (1964)

Siiri Woodward "An Examination of Palestinian Protoneolithic Cultural Materials and Environment in the Light of the Broader Problem of the Evolution of Food Production and Settled Life in Southwest Asia," (1964)

Saadi F, A1-Ruwashdi "The Sinkashid Palace, Warka," (1965)

Beryl Benderly "A Phonetic Study of the Speech of Negroes in Philadelphia,"(1966)

Robert Biggerstaff "A Serial Roentgengraphic Cephalometric Study of Children with Isolated Clefts of the Palate (From birth to six years)" (1966)

Joan Hall Katcher "The Study of Caste Among Indians Overseas," (1956)

Karen Lynne Mohr "An Analysis of the Pottery of Chiripa, Bolivia: A Problem in Archaeological Classification and Inference," (1966)

Reza Mostowfi "A Bibliography of Surveys and Excavations Dealing with the Paleolithic, Mexolithic, Neolithic and Chalcolithic Periods in Iran," (1966)

55

Jeanne Sweeney "The Wyoming Valley Complex: A Ceramic Analysis and Some Cultural Associations,"' (1966)

Lawrence Van Horn "Race and Sex Differences in Height and Weight Growth Rates of Philadelphia Children, Age 6 to 12 Years," (1966)

Ruth Barnes "A Background for Archaeology on the Delmarva Peninsula," (1967)

Frederik Bredahl-Petersen "The 18th Century Farm on Iceland," (1967)

John Lyon Caughey, III "Malinowski's Concept of Function," (1967)

Regna D. Darnels "Daniel Garrison Brinton: An Intellectual Biography," (1967)

Ann M. Greene "The betty Greene Site: A Late Paleo-Indian Site in Eastern Wyoming," (1967)

Helen M- Hogan "An Ethnography of Communication Among the Ashanti," (1967)

Regnar Kearton "A Survey of Lower and Middle Paleolithic Sites in the Soviet Union," (1967)

Christine Lemieux "The Adaptive Nature of Subcutaneous Fat," (1967)

John M. McDaniel "Body Composition Techniques and Their Applications in Physical Anthropology," (1967)

William Sumner "A Typology of Ancient Middle Eastern Saddle Querns," (1967)

Anita Holland "Dance in Pre-contact Hawaii: A Study in the Interrelationships of Art, Religion, and Social Organization," (1967)

Helen Blaine "'A Roentgen graphic Cephalometric Study of the Cranial Base and Mid-Face in Norma Latera1is," (1968)

56

Bennett Bronson "Roots and the Subsistence of the Ancient Maya," (1968)

Louisa Ferree "The Censers of Tikal, Guatemala: A Preliminary Sequence of the Major Shape Types,” (1968)

Richard Fidler "Cognatic Descent Systems: An Introductory Bibliography," (1968)

Benjamin Franklin "The Anthropology of Central Indian Brahmins," (1968)

Virginia Greene "Type Frequency and Similarity Seriation in American Archaeology: A Critical Review," (1968)

James Kellers "Review of the Published Archaeological Literature on the Island of Jaina, Campeche, Mexico," (1958)

Bruce Lutz "A Reconsideration of the Natufian," (1968)

Dennis Puleston "Brosimum Alicastrum as a Subsistence Alternative for the Classic Maya of the Central Southern Lowlands," (1968)

Marilyn Raper "A Study of Intra-Human Killing in the Pleistocene," (1968)

Gayle Wever "The Spurious Eye Goddess and Her Megalithic Associates," (1968)

University of Pittsburgh

Richard Wightman

"Jung, the Origin of Religion," (1965)

Lenore C. Hanson

"Archeological Methods and problems in the Western Pacific with Special Reference to Micronesia and Its Relationships," (1966)

Jean M. Gilruth

"Peasant Culture and Health and Culture in Rural India," (1967)

57

Robert Friedman

"Bio-Behavioral Mechanisms in the Control of Population," (1968)

Sacramento State College

Joan Schwarz Paul

"The Segmental Phenomes of Auburn Nisenan: A Dialect of Maidu," (1965)

James Marion Share

"An Inquiry into the Cultural Dynamics of the Mexican Tarascan Indian," (1965)

John W. Conner

"An Investigation of the Marital Stability of Twenty American Japanese Couples in the Sacramento Area," (1966)

Jerald Jay Johnson

"The Archaeology of the Comanche Locality," (1966)

Peter A. Kassebaum

"Making Out in the Del Paso Locality," (1966)

Patti Jo Palumbo

"Dry Creek: An Archaeological Survey and Site Report," (1966)

Louis A. Payen "Prehistoric Rock Art in the Northern Sierra Nevada, Calif.," (1966)

Phillip Hawkes

"An Application of Methods for the Determination of Age, Sex, Stature, and Pathologies Applied to the Skeletal Material from 4-Sac-29 and 4-Yub-1," (1967)

Isao Horinouchi

"Educational Values and Preadapta- in the Acculturation of Japanese Americans," (1967)

William E. Pritchard "The Archaeology of Lower Los Banos Creek, Merced County, California," (1957)

58

Roger W. Robinson

"An Archaeological Survey of Auburn Ravine, Placer County, California," (1967)

James M. McEachern

"Mortuary Caves of the Mother Lode Region of California," (1968)

San Francisco College

Carlton Crain "Distribution of Fish Hooks in the Primitive World," (1963)

Luis Kemnitzer "Urban Dakota Kinship and Mutual Aid Systems," (1964)

Daniel H. Swett "Deviant Behavior and Urban Adjustments: The American Indian Case in San Francisco and Oakland," (1965)

John V. Allison "Robert Redfield's Folk Urban Construct,” (1967)

Roger A. Creet "The Lebenese Stranger Enclave in West Africa: A Study of Migration, Family Organization and Economic Life," (1967)

Barbara A. Grater "Archaeology of the Votaw Site: Lower Snake River, Washington," (1967)

Mary K. Heitman "An Anthropological Analysis and Evaluation of Bay Area Neighborhood Development Foundation (Band): A Community Action Program," (1967)

Linda Klug "Acculturation and Marketing in Eight Oaxacan Villages," (1967)

Richard Reeve "Family Organization and Socio-Economic Mobility in Marin City, California," (1967)

Anita Spring "Washo Marriage: A Social Institution in Transition," (1967)

59

Joan Davlin "Introduction and Dispersion of Iron Technology into Subsaharan Africa," (1968)

Donald Hill "Empirical and Conventional Anthropology: Two World Views," (1968)

David Jongeword "The Symbol and Its Functions in Myth," (1968)

Grant McCall "Basque-Americans` and a Sequential Theory of Migration and Adaptation," (1968)

Jerry Noricks "The Sapir-Whorf Hypothesis: An Epistemic Paradigm," (1968)

Donald Schmidt "The Extended Family in Urban Industrial Society: A Case Study of the Ramallah Immigrants of San Francisco," (1968)

Southern Illinois University

John J. Hobgood "Chalma, A Study in Directed Culture Change," (1964)

Joseph J. Manek "Cultural and Ecological Factors Determining Western Apache Warfare,"(1964)

William Folan "The Sacred Cenote of Chichen Itza, Yucatan, Mexico," (1966)

Ralph H. Kessel "Age Symbolism and Male Recruitment in Melanesia," (1967)

David E. Ward "A Study of Canutillo Engraved Pottery," (1967)

Marianne Palmer Ward "A Petrographic Analysis of Two Middle Mississippian Pottery Types," (1967)

60

State University of New York

Charles T. Thompson "Population as a Factor in the Emergence of Complex Cultural Systems," (1965)

Peter H. Prindle "Tibetan Polyandry: A Mechanism of Population Control," (1967)

James I. Grieshop "Urbanization of Integration; The Barriadas of Lima," (1963)

Verna N. Hayes "The Temple Concord Site, Binghamton, New York," (1968)

Brian Schwimmer "The Development of Cash Cropping Among the Akan of Ghana: A Dynamic Approach to Social Change," (1968)

Temple University

Richard Lobban "A Comparative Study of the Changes and Stability in Marriage, Divorce, and Polygyny in West Africa," (1957)

Tulane University

Jay D. Edwards "The Culture and Personality of the Tarahumara of Mexico: Implications for Directed Cultural Change," (1965)

Susan Coxhead "Behavioral Comparison of Language and Culture, Based Upon Kinship Terminologies From the Maya Languages," (1966)

Ann Elizabeth Manry "Style in Yucatecan Mayan Architecture: The Effects of Horizon, Tradition, and Culture Contact,"(1966)

61

Patrick 0. Murphy "The Origin and Spread of Check Stamping," (1966)

Curtis Cox, Jr. "Function of the Peyote Cult in Three North American Indian Tribes," (1968)

Judith Green "Changes in Tarahumara Women's Work From Prehistoric Times to the Present," (1968)

Gregory Truex "Wealth in a Zapotec Village,"(1968)

Wake Forest University

James C. Ropers "The Evolution of a Subculture: An Analysis of Cultural Contact, Conflict and Change on Big Island, Virginia,” (1968)

University of Washington

James Spradley "The Kwakiutl Guardian Spirit Quest: An Historical, Functional and Comparative Analysis," (1963)

Allan Young "The Analysis of Minimal Political Systems," (1963)

Patricia Liang "Chinese Secret Societies in 19th Century Malaya," (1963)

Karen Ray "The Manus of the Admiralty Islands: A Study of Social Change," (1964)

Pamelia Fukushima "Nineteenth Century Evolutionary Approach to Art," (1965)

Lawrence Hennigh "Control of Incest in Eskimo Folktales," (1965)

62

Robert S. Kidd "A Synthesis s of Western Washington prehistory from the Perspective of Three Occupation Sites," (1965)

Michael Crawford "A Reevaluation of the Taxonomy and Phylogeny of the Hominoidea, Based Upon Biochemical and Cytogenetic Evidence," (1965)

Garland Grabert "Archaeological Excavations at Fort Okanogan, Washington: A Contribution to the Ethno-history of the Sinkiaetk," (1965)

Mattison Mines "The Jajmani System in Two Villages of North India," (1965)

Karen R, Pataki "Missionary History and Influence Within the Highlands of the Territory of New Guinea," (1966)

Helen Schuster "Implications of the Use of Children's Drawings for Cross Cultural Research- Survey and Evaluation," (1965)

Kent Reid Weeks "Representations of Achondro-plasia and Its Social Significance in Dynastic Egypt," (1966)

Gregory Possehl "Pastoral Nomadism in Prehistoric Iran," (1966)

David Browman "Contributions to the Prehistory of the Columbia Plateau—The Indian Dam Site," (1966)

Brian Holmes "The Schaake Site-A-New Study," (1966)

James Nason "Ecological Aspects of Cultural Stability and Culture Change in Micronesia," (1966)

Nancy Stenholm "An Inquiry into Past and Present Agriculture in Palestine," (1966)

63

Stephen Blevans "A Critical Review of the Anthropological Literature on Drinking, Drunkenness, and Alcoholism," (1967)

Jeffrey Dann "A Study of an Indian Tavern on Skid Row," (1967)

Sylvia Gronewold "The Fantasy Family in a State Training School," (1967)

Joe Hollinsworth “An Assessment of the Ossification Centers in the Hand and Foot of Rhesus Monkeys," (1967)

Samuel Kemp "Some Relationships between Art Style and Tool Form in Kwakiutl and Afikpo Carved Masks," (1967)

Donna Leonetti "Religion and the Life of the South Italians in Italy and America," (1967)

Keith Marshall "To Give or Not to Give: The Dilemma of Legitimate Leadership," (1967)

Catherine Brow "A Socio-Cultural History of the Alkali Lake Shaswap," (1967)

Alan Sternshein "Urbanism, Urbanization and Social Change," (1967)

Michael A. Whyte

"Structure and Variation: An Analysis of Pre-Contact Kikuyu Society," (1967)

Laurence Beede

"Teen-age Indian Drinking in Seattle and King County," (1968)

Michael Campbell

"Spirit Possession: Dimensions for A Typology and an Example from Haiti," (1968)

Loretta Class

"In-group Attitudes as Expressed in Haida Folktales," (1968)

64

Lucien Curtis

"Notes on the Language of Culture," (1968)

William Dancey

"Archaeology of Mossyrock, Reservon, Washington,"(1968)

James Deegan

"Government and Structural Change: A Test of M.G. Smith's Theory," (1968)

Darlene Fitzpatrick

"The "Shake": The Indian Shaker Curing Ritual among the Yakima," (1968)

Karl Per Hage

"A Structural Analysis of Munchnerian Beer Terms and Beer Drinking," (1968)

Karen M. James

“Bill's Crew: A Small Group," (1968)

Joan Jones "Northwest Coast Basketry and Culture Changes," (1968)

Jean Langdon

"An Examination of Directed Change: Resettlement Schemes in Tanzania: 1945-66,'° (1968)

Natalie Leberg

"A Study of the Motivation of Canadian Indians Migrant Agriculture Workers," (1968)

David Munsell

"The Ryegrass Coulee Site," (1968)

Carol Miller

"Macwaya Gypsy Marime," (1968)

John Rustad

"Segmentarianess in Anthropological Theory," (1968)

Alfred Tenorio

"Some Relationships between Early Childhood Dependency Training Stress and Frequency of Depictions of Parent Child Conflict Interactions in Folktales Told During Adulthood: A Cross-cultural Study," (1968)

65

Jeanne M. Welch

"Archaeological Aspects of Urbanization in Colombia, Ecuador and Peru," (1968)

Wichita state university

Edward Salm "Folsom and Llano Point Technology: An Analysis of Manufacturing Techniques," (1965)

Jack Swain "Haskell Institute: A Study of the Effect of Indian Bureau Policy on Curriculum, 1884-1966,” (1966)

Gerald L. Broce "Cultural Continuity In the Transformation of Comanche Society," (1966) "The Messianic Character of National Socialism in Germany," (1967)

Jeanette R. Holmes "Aboriginal and Modern Samoa: A Study of Cultural Change Based Upon London Missionary Society Journals, 1830-1840," (1967)

Pedra Pequeno-Rossie "The Northern Central American Tribes: The Chorti, The Jacaque and the Lenca in the Ulua River Basin, Honduras, on the Eve of the Spanish Conquest. An Eth16historical Analysis," (1967)

Rain Vehik "An Archeological Evaluation of South-central Kansas," (1967)

Leland Blazer "Samoan Character as Revealed by Three Tests of Personality," (1968)

Edward Greenamyre "The Rational Basis of Primitive and Traditional Thought," (1968)

Jerry Martin "The Navatusila Credit Union: A Study in Economic Values," (1968)

66

Lucille Martin "Modoc Assimilation: An Acculturation. Study of the Modoc Indians in the Mid-Western States," (1963)

The University of Wisconsin

Henry P. Lundsgaards "A Theoretical Interpretation of Nez Perce Kinship," (1963)

William P. McHugh "The Transitional Archaic and Woodland Site (D1-57) in Delaware county, Oklahoma," (1963)

Charles Merbs "The Sadlermiut Eskimo Vertebral Column,"(1963)

Lois Lippold "The Reliability of Mixed Agglutiration Method for Typing Blood Isoantigens in Mummified Human Tissue,"(1964)

Emiko Ohnuki "The Detroit Chinese-- A Study of Socio-Cultural Changes in the Detroit Chinese Community from 1872 Through 1963,"(1964)

R.J. Salzer "The High Smith Site (Je4) An Early, Middle, and Late Woodland Site in the Upper Rock River Drainage," (1964)

Bent Thygesen "Economic and Educational Changes in the Culture of West Greenland Since 1721," (1964)

Alcida Rita Ramos "Portuguese Fishermen in Rio de Janeiro. A Case of Luso-Brazi1ian Communion," (1965)

Jean S. Aigner "Bone Tools and Decorative Motifs from Chaluka, Umnak Island," (1966)

Elizabeth Bailey "Malnutrition: A Film Produced for the Agency for International Development, Together with Background Papers," (1966)

67

Priscilla K. Buffalohead "A Study of Values in Ojibwa Family Life," (1966)

Guy Edward Gibbon "The Midway Village Site, An Intra-Si to Analysis," (1966)

William M. Hurley The Silver Cree Sites (47-Mo-1 to Mo-5) : A Complex of Five Woodland Site Localities in Monroe County, Wisconsin," (1966)

Ann Louise Wood "East Indians in California: A Study of Their Organizations, 1900-1947," (1966)

Jorge Dandler-Hanhart "Local Group, Community and Nation: A Study of Changing Structure in Ucurena, Bolivia," (1967)

Allen McCartney "An Analysis of the Bone Industry From Amaknak Island, Alaska," (1967)

Peter L. Storck "Upland face Archaeological Project, Kickapoo River Valley, Vernon County, Wisconsin," (1967)

Susan L. Deutsch "Monomania Representational Art,"(1968)

Maria Ferreira Levy "The Umbanda is fro All of Us (An Alternative Dimension of Socialization)," (1968)

Richard Nelson "Substituted Following Paper: Alaskan Eskimo Exploitation of the Sea Ice Environment," (1968)

Michael Nimtz

"Problems of Trans-Pacific Contact with Regard to Central and South America," (1968)

Daniel E. Shea

"The Plaza Complex of Huanuco Viejo," (1968)

Michael Hoffman

"Late Gerzean Settlement Patterns and the Rise of the Early Egyptian State," (1953)

Yoshinobu Kotani

"Environmental Factors in the Shift to Rice Cultivation in Japan," (1968)

68

Roger Louis Poppe

"Narrative Folklore and Its Transmission in a Northern Wisconsin Indian Family," (1968)

William Powers

"Archaeological Excavations in Willow Creek Canyon, Southeastern Idaho, 1966," (1968)

Wayne E. Wiersum

"The Cooper Shore Site: A Late Hopewe1l Havana Component in Southern Wisconsin," (1963)

Karen M. Deffner

Mammalian Material from Cahokia, Illinois: A Preliminary Analysis," (1968)

Yale University

Vern Carrol

"Gilyak Kinship Terminology” (1963)

Carol Steffens Schilling

"Social Structure of the Eastern Timbira," (1963)

Peirre Michel Verin

"La Pointe Caraibe," (1964)

Eugene Ruyle "The Classification of Segmentary Lineage Systems: A Comparison of Three African Societies," (1965)

Nikolaas van der Merwe

"A New Mathematics for Glottochronology." (1965)

Joane Dombrowski

"Plant Domestication in Ethiopian Culture History," (1966)

John Marshall Grady

"An Essay on the Social Development of India," (1967)

Sally Engle Merry

"Religious Revitalization Movements of Central Africa," (1968) 

69