knossos: palace, city, state || style wars: towards an explanation of cretan exceptionalism

Style Wars: towards an explanation of Cretan exceptionalismAuthor(s): James WhitleySource: British School at Athens Studies, Vol. 12, KNOSSOS: PALACE, CITY, STATE (2004), pp.433-442Published by: British School at AthensStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40960801 .

Accessed: 25/06/2014 02:48

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

.JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range ofcontent in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new formsof scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

.

British School at Athens is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to British Schoolat Athens Studies.

http://www.jstor.org

This content downloaded from 185.44.77.40 on Wed, 25 Jun 2014 02:48:42 AMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=bsa

http://www.jstor.org/stable/40960801?origin=JSTOR-pdf

http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp


38 Style Wars: towards an explanation of

Cretan exceptionalism James Whitley

"Archaeology is cultural history or it is nothing" (Mor- ris 2000, 3) - such is the bold beginning of a recent book on Early Iron Age and Archaic Greece. One of the tenets of this new cultural history is that what ap- pears to be unrelated is in fact connected in a deep, structural sense.1 In this paper I want to connect two, apparently disparate phenomena: the precocious Knossian creation of an "Orientalising" style in the ninth century BC; and the mysterious "gap" in Knossos in the sixth. Both constitute aspects of what I call "Cre- tan exceptionalism" - Crete's stubborn determination to take a different line, in politics, literacy, culture and art, from the main axis of developments on the main- land.

Cretan exceptionalism is a paradox; for the impact of Oriental art (especially metalwork) and Oriental technologies (especially the alphabet) failed in Crete to play the role appointed for it by the Grand Narratives of Greek history and art history. Although the Protogeometric B style in Knossos represents the ear- liest example of a full-blown Orientalising style, one that makes full use of design elements usually found on Oriental metalwork (such as the cable, the guilloche or the palmette), no real narrative, still less naturalis- tic, art styles developed in Crete in Archaic or early Classical times. Even that most versatile of Oriental technologies - the alphabet - failed to have the same effect in Crete as it did in Central Greece (Whitley 1997, 649-60).

The Cretan Iron Age has always puzzled scholars. It was not of much interest to Evans, who thought little of the "geometrical" finds from his excavations. It was Payne and Blakeway who pioneered the study of the Cretan Orientalising, though it was left to Brock to publish the results of their excavation of Iron Age tombs at Fortetsa.2 Brock was initially at a loss to characterise what was clearly an early example of an Orientalising style, though one that clearly preceded the later, Atticising Early and Middle Geometric at Knossos. He considered, but abandoned the term "intermediate" for this phase, eventually coining the term "Protogeometric B" (PGB) (Brock 1957, 143). The appearance of this style has plausibly been linked to an influx of North Syrian metalworkers, who established themselves in the vicinity of Knossos in the late ninth century.3 It was left to Coldstream (1968, 235-41) to fit this unusual

style into an overall scheme that aligned Cretan developments with those elsewhere in the Aegean. The term "Orientalising" thus came to be reserved for Cretan pottery of the seventh century BC.

All this brought Crete into line with the rest of Greece. Crete began to seem less of an anomaly. For in traditional classical archaeology, the Orientalising is viewed as a phase - a necessary stage of transition between the austere Geometric style and the disciplined exuberance of late Archaic art. As Robert Cook once put it, "...the growing exhaustion of the Geometric style . . . opened the way to new influences, and Orien- tal models were handy" (Cook 1972, 41; see also Robertson 1975, 21-33). This view is enshrined in the terminology we use for the seventh century style of Knossian pot painting. Recent scholarship, however, has emphasised that the Orientalising is not a phase, an em- barrassing but mercifully brief flirtation with the unhellenic East, but a process that went on for several centuries. The Orientalising represents a long period of selective borrowing of what Egypt and the Near East had to offer, a process which had distinct regional mani- festations.4 In Attica, for example, design elements derived from Oriental metalwork were confined to sub- sidiary, supporting roles until the very end of the eighth century, and in Corinth Orientalising motifs supplant

1 I should like to thank Eleni Hatzaki for inviting me to give a paper at this Conference, and the British School at Athens for allowing me to reproduce FIGS. 38.1, 38.5-38.6. Thanks too to the Herakleion Ephoreia, which allowed me to study material from the Fortetsa cemetery in 1984 and 1989. FIGS. 38.2- 38.4 were photographed by the author.

2 Payne 1928; Brock 1957. The history of British exploration into Early Iron Age and Archaic Knossos is briefly reviewed in Whitley 1998 (with references).

3 Brock 1957, 143; Boardman 1961, 129-59, 1968. Not every- one accepts the "immigrant craftsmen" hypothesis; for the latest discussion of this issue, see Hoffman 1997.

4 Of course, the Orientalising phenomenon transcends archaeology, and goes to the very heart of our understanding of the relationship between Greece and the Near East, which has become a very hot topic of late in Classical studies generally. For recent discussions of the archaeological dimension of this de- bate however, see S. P. Morris 1992, 1997; Morris 2000; Shanks 1999.



434 JAMES WHITLEY

Geometric ones with bewildering rapidity (Coldstream 1968, 29-90, 98-1 11; Payne 1931). In Crete by contrast, the example of Oriental metalwork is seized upon early (in PGB), becomes more muted in the eighth century, but returns in full frontal polychromy in the "Orientalising" styles of the seventh century.

There are, nonetheless, common themes beneath these regional variations. Exuberant pot styles with Orientalising motifs and human and animal figures rarely completely displace plainer forms of pot decoration. The polychrome Protocorinthian has its linear antithesis, as Protoattic is balanced by Subgeometric (S. P. Morris 1997). In Attica at least, Subgeometric and Protoattic styles seem to have been used in different ways on different occasions and in different con- texts (Whitley 1994). In Knossos, "Orientalising" and plainer styles co-exist from a very early date. The "Orientalising" Protogeometric B overlaps with the Attic-inspired Early Geometric (EG) - the styles may even have been contemporary, as "EG" motifs often occur on pots decorated in the ornate PGB style (e.g. Brock 1957, 65, pl. 40. 706). The situation becomes a little harder to define in the eighth century. Both the Mature Geometric and Late Geometric Knossian styles were eclectic, mixing and matching the Oriental with the Geometric in accordance with no obvious princi- ple. But in the seventh century the antithesis between an exuberant "Orientalising" style on the one hand, and a plainer, linear style on the other becomes more marked. Polychrome pithoi are exactly that - multi-coloured, and often decorated with palmettes, guilloches or cable. Contemporary, linear pots by contrast are decorated with bands of black paint, lines and concentric circles - almost ostentatiously plain, in a sense (Brock 1957, 144-5, 15°-2' Moignard 1996). What might these two styles represent?

Ian Morris has put forward the hypothesis that Ar- chaic Greece was characterised by two "antithetical cultures" (Morris 2000, 155-91). One of these was "elitist", the other "egalitarian", and each had distinct forms of material expression and distinctly different attitudes to the "Orient". Elitist culture defined itself through its involvement in a wider East Mediterranean aristocratic exchange network, but its generally favourable attitude to Near Eastern lifestyles, and its desire to deny the lower orders the fruits of these connections. The quintessential "elitist" institution was that unique blend of traditional Greek drinking and dining habits and Oriental luxury, the symposium. Egalitarian culture placed more emphasis on male solidarity within the political community (the polis), was ambivalent or sus- picious towards "the East", and asserted itself through a preference for austerity and equality in such things as mortuary practices. The Greek obsession with sump- tuary laws for funerals is perhaps the clearest expression of this particular cultural anxiety.

It is obviously tempting to see Knossian pot styles as direct reflections of this antithesis; polychromy ex-

presses a positive attitude to the Orient, whereas linear styles align one more closely with group solidarity. But experienced archaeologists know that such pleasing symmetry between style and culture is rarely evident. Still, the idea that pot styles relate to cultural attitudes is one that is worth surely worth exploring. I propose to compare the situation in the seventh century to that in the ninth - the eclecticism of eighth century styles renders statistical analysis of these periods almost mean- ingless. Was the polarity between "Oriental" and "plain" styles more marked at the beginning of the long Cretan Orientalising, or towards its end? I shall also try to look at these styles contextually - that is not as the isolated subjects of the art historical gaze, but as objects pur- posefully used and meaningfully placed in association with other objects and with particular occasions.

To this end I have undertaken an elementary analysis of the urn groups in the Fortetsa cemetery (Brock 1 957), the Lower Gypsades tomb (Coldstream et al. 1 98 1) and the North Cemetery (Coldstream and Catling 1996). By urn groups, I mean that set of artefacts that can unambiguously be associated with a particular cre- mation in a particular urn or pithos. I have only looked at small proportion (39) of the urn groups from the North Cemetery for the simple reason that urn groups are here much harder to identify, since the tombs were so badly disturbed by bulldozing. TABLES 38.1-38.4 show some simple statistics of the finds from these urn groups in the late ninth and seventh centuries. These statistics in turn provide a crude measure of the "wealth" of the urn groups, and so enable us to address some simple questions. Were more or richer artefacts deposited with "Orientalising" pithoi than with plain ones? Or, to put it another way, were the fanciest people (or those with the fanciest grave goods) buried in the fanciest pots?

For the late ninth century at least, the answer ap- pears to be, No. Of course, the evidence is far from satisfactory: there are only 30 identifiable interments, too few to make any statistical inferences meaningful, and there appear to be not two styles, one "Orientalising" and the other "plain", but four. The Early Geometric is essentially a system of decoration borrowed from Attica, whose characteristic motif is the maeander; a traditional Protogeometric "A" style survives, using old designs on new shapes such as the ovoid necked pithos. The "Orientalising" Protogeometric B has two aspects: in the first, the "PGB ornate" style new shapes, such as the straight sided pithos, are decorated with new motifs such as the cable and the "running" spiral (FIG. 38.1); in the second, the PGB "plain" style, plain or coarse vessels, have the same shapes as fine ware PGB pots, but are otherwise sparsely decorated or completely undecorated (FIG. 38.2). As TABLES 38.1 and 38.3 show, there seems little difference in the overall quantity of pots or metal objects deposited with any particular style of urn. Interments in the fanciest PGB fine ware pots are no richer, in general, than those in the coarse PGB



STYLE WARS: TOWARDS AN EXPLANA TION OF CRETAN EXCEPTIONALISM 43 5

Fig. 38.1 (left). Fortetsa T P: ornate Protogeometric "B" straight sided pithos (Brock 1957, 125-6. 1440). Courtesy British School at Athens.

Fig. 38.2 (below). Fortetsa T. X: plain or coarse Protogeometric "B" straight sided pithos (Brock 1957, 50. 499)-

TABLE 38.1: Ninth century urn groups and associated artefacts (information from Brock 1957; Coldstream et al 1981; Coldstream and Catling 1996).

Type of No. of No. of No. of No. of No. of urn interments aryballoi drinking other metal (decoration) etc. vessels ceramic objects

PGB ornate 6 8 12 6 11

PGB Plain 13 3 12 10 18 (coarse)

EG 5 64 2 8

PG "A" tradition 61 000

shapes or in fine ware pots decorated in an EG style. Only the five interments in pots decorated in a traditional PG "A" manner are noticeably poorer than the others - and in any case the sample is too small to make any worthwhile inferences. The picture is am- biguous, but we can say one thing with certainty. The fanciest people were not interred in the fanciest pots.

The picture from the eighth century is hard to grasp, as the MG and LG styles are too eclectic for one to

draw a hard and fast boundary between a plain and an Orientalising style. In the seventh century however the picture becomes much clearer. There are 142 seventh century urn groups that can be identified with some degree of confidence. Of these, 42 are decorated in a Linear style (FIG. 38.3); 18 are decorated in a bichrome or white-on-black style with Orientalising motifs, a style I will call Intermediate (e.g. Brock 1957, 116. 1345); and fully 80 are painted in full frontal polychromy (FIG.



436 JAMES WHITLEY

TABLE 38.2: Seventh century urn groups and associated artefacts (information from Brock 1957; Coldstream et al. 1981; Coldstream and Catling 1996).

Type of No. of No. of No. of No. of No. of urn interments aryballoi drinking other metal (decoration) etc. vessels ceramic objects

Polychrome 80 94 54 30 50

Linear 42 45 22 11 9

coarse 21 113

Intermediate 18 29 6 13 12

TABLE 38.3: Proportions of pots and metal objects per interment in ninth century urn groups (information from Brock 1957; Coldstream et al. 1981; Coldstream and Catling 1996).

Urn No. of No. of Ratio No. of Ratio type interments pots pots/ metal metal objects/

interments objects interments

PGB "ornate" 6 26 4.333 11 1.833

PGB plain (coarse) 13 25 1.923 18 1.385

EG 5 12 2.4 8 1.6

PG "A" tradition 6 1 0.166 o o

Total 30 54 1.8 37 1.233

TABLE 38.4: Proportions of pots and metal objects per interment in seventh century urn groups (information from Brock 1957; Coldstream et al. 1981; Coldstream and Catling 1996).

Urn No. of No. of Ratio No. of Ratio type interments pots pots/ metal metal objects/

interments objects interments

Polychrome 80 178 2.225 5<> °-625

Linear 42 78 1.857 9 °-2I4

coarse 2 3 1.5 3 I-5

Intermediate 18 48 2.667 I2 °-666

Total 142 307 2.162 74 0.521



STYLE WARS: TOWARDS AN EXPLANA TION OF CRETAN EXCEPTIONALISM 437

Fig. 38. 3. Fortetsa T P: Linear Orientalising pithos (Brock ics?, 105-6. 1218).

Fig. 38.4. Fortetsa T. P: Polychrome Orientalising pithos (Brock IÇS7, 105. 1212).

38.4). Just as the differences between the styles become sharper, so too do differences in the wealth of the interments, as measured by the number of metal artefacts or other small finds (such as faience) associated directly with the urn. Interments in Linear vessels are definitely poorer (see TABLES 38.2, 384). There are only nine metal objects to be found amongst all the Linear pithoi, whereas there are 12 to be found in the 18 decorated in the Intermediate style, and 50 in all from the Poly- chrome pithoi. The average (mean) number of either pots or metal objects to individual interments is also noticeably lower for the Linear than it is for either the Intermediate or Polychrome class. In the seventh century at least, fancier people were buried in fancier pots.

Several caveats however should be added here. For one thing, the difference between the average wealth of urn groups in all three categories is slight (TABLE 38.4). In both Polychrome and Linear urn groups, the grave goods are most probably nothing more elaborate than an aryballos or a drinking cup. None of the urn groups is wealthy by, say, Villanovan or Etruscan standards. Second, it is not clear how important individual interments were in Knossos. Knossians, after all, chose to bury their dead in collective tombs, and there is now some slight osteological evidence in support of the old

notion that these tombs represented the grave plots of family groups (Musgrave 1996, 681). Indeed there are more obvious differences in wealth (as measured by the number of iron [Snodgrass 1996, 575-7] or bronze [Catling 1996, 547-50] objects deposited) between tomb groups than there are between individual interments in urns. The standing of the family as a whole seems to have been more important than the standing of any one individual.

The families these tombs represented must have been of the extended variety - the 65 seventh century interments to be found in Fortetsa T. P cannot conceiv- ably represent the deaths in one single nuclear family. Rarely are all the interments in these family tombs ex- clusively in one style rather than another. In T. P again, Linear (17), Intermediate (7) and Polychrome (41) pithoi are found in the same proportions as in the Fortetsa cemetery as a whole (TABLE 38.5). Some large families could accommodate both styles.

Another point to bear in mind is that the plainer, Linear style of vessels are not necessarily any less Orientalising than the polychrome examples. The concentric circles with which many of these plainer pots are decorated are derived not so much from the PG "A" tradition as from the designs on Cypro-Phoenician



438 JAMES WHITLEY

TABLE 38.5: Proportions of Orientalising urn types in tombs from the Fortetsa cemetery (Brock 1957).

Tomb Linear Intermediate Polychrome Total

II 1 o 17 18

P 17 7 41 65 P2 7 2 2 11

VII 5 1 17 TFT 01 01

F o 2 02

aryballoi which had been arriving in Knossos in large numbers from the early eighth century onwards. It is difficult to imagine a clearer, or commoner symbol of Near Eastern connections than the perfume flask or aryballos, and these vessels are equally distributed between Linear and Polychrome urn groups. The Knossian Linear style is then plain but not Geometric or Sub-Geometric - it cannot be said to reflect any ambivalence towards the Orient. It is rather a paradox - a plain Orientalising style.

The "style wars" of my title then did not take place over the question of whether to Orientalise or not, but how to do so. These conflicts - such as they were - took place as much within as between the extended kin networks of seventh century Knossos. What then were these "wars" about?

If these different styles were used to mark differences within family groups, might such distinctions be related to age or gender? The osteological evidence is far from satisfactory, but the excavators did record an extraordinarily high number of female interments in polychrome vessels from North Cemetery T. 28s.5 Rich and distinctive female graves are something of a rarity in Early Iron Age Greece (Whitley 1996), to which these interments seem to be a remarkable exception. Unfor- tunately, we cannot infer from this that Polychrome pithoi were part of a distinct symbolic package associated principally with women. For one thing, the pre- dominance of Polychrome over Linear urns (80:42) gives an extremely lop-sided ratio of the sexes. For another, there is good osteological evidence for at least one female interment in a Linear pithos, in urn 89 from the Lower Gypsades tomb (Coldstream et al 1981).

Another intriguing possibility is that these "wars" were about drinking, and the proper way for men to socialise together. Like any other community that main- tained some traditions (Mycenaean in this case rather than "Minoan") from the Bronze Age, Knossians had long been in the habit of producing highly decorated kraters, accompanied by much plainer drinking vessels

such as bell-skyphoi and monochrome one-handled cups (Coldstream 1972, 1992, 1996, 368-76, 378-90). Elsewhere in Greece the seventh century witnessed that synthesis of these older Greek drinking practices (drinking around the krater) with a new range of luxurious, Oriental accessories such as the dining couch. This is the synthesis we call the symposium, and if it was invented anywhere it was invented in Corinth.6 Some elements within Knossian society seem to have been only too eager to adopt this new package. Tombs 34 and 56 in the North Cemetery seem to have been furnished with elaborate symposium sets, including imports from Corinth (olpai, oinochoai and kotylai) and from East Greece, such as the elaborate Wild Goat dinos 34. 18 (Coldstream and Catling 1996, 82-7, 94-8) (FIGS. 38.5- 38.6). The dinos indeed seems to replace older krater forms in seventh century Knossos, and there are several locally produced vessels which clearly ape Corinthian or East Greek types, such as the locally produced dinos 56. 18 (FIG. 38.6) (Moignard 1996, 434- 59). It is at this time too that Knossians, for the first time, start paying more attention to the way they deco- rate their drinking cups, with the appearance of standed, polychrome versions of the traditionally plain one-handled cup (e.g. 34. 30-1; 56. 19: FIGS. 38.5-38.6).

Yet symposium culture never really took off in Knossos. We never again see Knossians producing elaborately decorated kraters or drinking cups, still less

5 These interments are those in North Cemetery T. 285. 12, 13, 24, 27, 33. For the excavation report, see Coldstream and

Catling 1996, 240-1 . Musgrave (1996, 699) is notably less con- fident about sexing the cremated remains from these urns. The burial customs in Knossos are discussed by Cavanagh (1996).

6 For the latest thoughts on the origins of the symposium: Murray 1994. Murray sees the symposium as an institution that can be traced back to the very beginning of the Iron Age, if not earlier. No-one can deny however that we only see evidence of the full symposium package, with couched dining, in Corinth in the years after 650 BC (see Payne 1931).



STYLE WARS: TOWARDS AN EXPLANA TION OF CRETAN EXCEPTIONALISM 439

■3D1

7^^. J&5. North Cemetery T. 34: symposium assemblage, consisting of imported 'Wild Goat" dinos (34. 18), locally produced cups (34. 30-1) and an imported Corinthian kotyle (34. 33) (Coldstream and Catling iqq6, 82-7). Courtesy British School at Athens.



440 JAMES WHITLEY



Fig. 38.6 (left). T. 56: symposium assemblage, consisting of a locally produced dinos (56. 18) y locally produced drinking cups (56. ig), an imported Corinthian kotyle (56. 23) and imported 'Wild Goat" oinochoai and jugs (56. 11, 56. 8) (Coldstream and Catling içç6, 94-8). Scale: 56. 18 1:4; others 1:3. Courtesy British School at Athens.

STYLE WARS: TOWARDS AN EXPLANA TION OF CRETAN EXCEPTIONALISM 44 1

do we see the appearance of the kind of visual symposium culture, combining literacy with narrative art, that we see in Corinth or Athens. The assemblages from T. 34 and T. 56 are some of the last before the mysterious "gap" in the record in the sixth century (Coldstream and Huxley 1999). When, at the end of the sixth century, we begin to find well deposits again, drinking practices seem to have changed. The plain seems to have won out over the polychrome. There are kraters, but only one (an Attic imported column krater [L 76] from deposit L by the Royal Road) is elaborately decorated (Coldstream 1973, 48-60). The drinking vessels are painted black, and the majority of the kraters (both local and imported) are of the monochrome "Laconian" type.7 We could say that Knossians had come to prefer the kind of aristocratic austerity in drinking practices we usually refer to as "Spartan" - but here it is not Spartan, but Cretan.

REFERENCES

Boardman, J., 1961. The Cretan Collection in Oxford: the Dictaean Cave and Iron Age Crete. Oxford: Clarendon Press.

Boardman, J., 1967. 'The Khaniale Tekke tombs IF Annual of the British School at Athens 62: 57-75.

Boardman, J., 1982. 'Crete' in J. Boardman and N. G. L. Hammond (eds) The Cambridge Ancient History 3.3. The Expansion of the Greek World, Eighth to Sixth Centuries B.C.: 222-33. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Brock, J. K., 1957. Fortetsa: Early Greek Tombs near Knossos (British School at Athens Supplementary Paper 2). Cam- bridge: Cambridge University Press.

Callaghan, F. J., 1978. kKRb 1976: excavations at a shrine of Glaukos, Knossos' Annual of the British School at Athens 73' 1-30.

Callaghan, P. J., 1992. 'Archaic to Hellenistic pottery' in Sackett 1992: 89-136.

Catling, H. W, 1996. 'The Dark Age and later bronzes' in Coldstream and Catling 1906: ̂ 41-74.

Cavanagh, W. G., 1996. 'The burial customs' in Coldstream and Catling 1996: 651-75.

Loldstream, J. N., 1968. Greek Geometric Pottery: a Survey of Ten Local Styles and their Chronology. London: Methuen.

Coldstream, J. N., 1972. 'Knossos 1951-61: Protogeometric and Geometric pottery from the town' Annual of the British School at Athens 67: 63-98.

Coldstream, J. N., 1973. 'Knossos 1951-61: Orientalizing and Archaic pottery from the town' Annual of the British School at Athens 68: 33-63.

Coldstream, J. N., 1992. 'Early Hellenic pottery' in Sackett 1992: 67-87.

Coldstream, J. N., 1996. 'The Protogeometric and Geomet- ric pottery' in Coldstream and Catling 1996: 19-420.

Coldstream, J. N., 1999. 'Knossos 1951-61: Classical and Hellenistic pottery from the town' Annual of the British School at Athens 04: 121-w.

Coldstream, J. N., P. J. Callaghan and J. N. Musgrave, 1981. 'Knossos: an early Greek tomb on Lower Gypsadhes hill' Annual of the British School at Athens 76: 141-65.

Coldstream, J. N. and H. W. Catling (eds), 1996. Knossos North Cemetery: Early Greek Tombs (British School at Athens Supplementary Volume 28). London.

Coldstream, J. N. and G. L. Huxley, 1999. 'Knossos: the Ar- chaic gap' Annual of the British School at Athens 94: 289- 307-

Coldstream, J. N. and L. H. Sackett, 1978. 'Knossos: two deposits of Orientalizing pottery' Annual of the British School at Athens 73: 45-60.

Cook, R. M., 1972. Greek Painted Pottery . London: Methuen. Erickson, B., 2000. Late Archaic and Classical Crete: Island

Pottery Styles in an Age of Historical Transition, ca 600- 400 B.C. PhD diss., University of Texas at Austin.

Hoffman, G. L., 1997. Imports and Immigrants: Near Eastern Contacts with Iron Age Crete. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.

Moignard, E., 1996. 'The Orientalizing pottery' in Coldstream and Catling 1996: 421-64.

Morns, 1., 2000. Archaeology as Cultural History: Words and Things in Iron Age Greece. Oxford: Blackwell.

Morris, S. P., 1992. Daidalos and the Origins of Greek Art. Princeton: Princeton University Press.

Morris, S. P., 1997. 'Greek and Near Eastern art in the age of Homer' in S. Langdon (ed.) New Light on a Dark Age: Exploring the Culture of Geometric Greece: 56-71. Co- lumbia: University of Missouri Press.

Murray, U, 1994. 'Nestor's cup and the origins of the Greek Symposion' Annali di Archeologia e Storia Antica n. s. 1 : 47-54-

Musgrave, J. H., 1996. 'The human bones' in Coldstream and Catling 1996: 677-702.

Payne, H. G. G, 1928. 'Early Greek vases from Knossos' Annual of the British School at Athens 20: 224-08.

Payne, H. G. G., 1931. Necrocorinthia: a Study of Corinthian Art in the Archaic Period. Oxford: Clarendon Press.

Robertson, M., 1975. A History of Greek Art. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

7 Domestic deposits of seventh century date include deposits H and J by the Royal Road (Coldstream 1973, 37~43); GE-GF and well 12 in the Unexplored Mansion (Coldstream 1992, 74-5; Coldstream and Sackett 1978). Deposits of late Archaic/ early Classical date include L by the Royal Road (Coldstream I973» 48-50) and H1-H4 in the Unexplored Mansion (Callaghan 1992, 90-2). The "plain" style seems to persist into later Classical times (Callaghan 1978; Coldstream 1999). For the most recent discussion of the evidence for the sixth century "gap" in Knossos: Erickson 2000, 44-115.



442 JAMES WHITLEY

Sackett, L. H., 1992. Knossos: from Greek City to Roman Colony. Excavations at the Unexplored Mansion 2 (British School at Athens Supplementary Volume 21). London.

Shanks, M., 1999. Art and the Early Greek State: an Interpre- tive Archaeology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Snodgrass, A. M., 1996. 'Iron' in Coldstream and Catling iQQ6: 575-Q7.

Whitley, J., 1994. 'Protoattic pottery: a contextual approach' in I. Morris (ed.) Classical Greece: Ancient Histories and

Modern Archaeologies: 51-70. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Whitley, J., 1996. 'Gender and hierarchy in early Athens: the strange case of the disappearance of the rich female grave' Metis: Revue d'Anthropologie du Monde Grec An- cien 11: 209-32.

Whitley, J., 1997. 'Cretan laws and Cretan literacy' American Journal of Archaeology 101: 637-61.

Whitley, J., 1998. 'Knossos without Minos' American Jour- nal of Archaeology 102: 611-13.



knossos: palace, city, state || style wars: towards an explanation of cretan exceptionalism

Documents